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THE GEORGIA WEEKLY TELEGRAPH.
(Sworaia SSlrflitj) JflWkpl)
COMPLIMENTARY
In the t< inpornrv fil^cnce ol tlie Senior
Editor of the Telegraph, we, the Junior, take (
the liberty of quoting a few lines from a
private letter from Washington, to a gentle
man in this city; and we do so the more read
ily as, in addition to the compliment shown
to the writer of the articles alluded to, (Mr.
Sneed.) by their perusal and approval under
such unexpected circumstances, an endorse
ment of the editorial conduct of the paper is
evinced.
The extract is ns follows: “Tell Mr. Snaed
that his editorials—'The South at Philadel
phia 1 and 'Danger Ahead' were read by Gen."
Stcedmnn to the Ohio Delegation, and were
heartily approved by them.*’
Philadelphia Correspondence
OF THE GEORGIA TELEGRAM.
Adjournment of th* Philadelphia Convention—Tho
work o< the Last Day—Adoption of Platform of
Pnnclples, and Address.
Philadelphia, Aug. 16, 1866.
This has been truly an inspiriting day.—
The bright aunshine that is pouring down
upon the earth, is not brighter than the sun
shine of joy that dlls all hearts at the success
ful and harmonious action of the Convention.
The proceedings of the Convention to-day
have been marked by perfect unanimity. The
Wigwam was crowded, as before, to its ut
most capacity, the ladies being out in even
stronger force than yesterday.
The report of the Committee on Resolu
tions and address was presented this morn
ing by Senator Cowan, who stated that the
Committee had given to the important sub
ject, a careful consideration having been in
{session nearly the whole of yesterday and part
of last night. Mr. Cowan said that the Com
mittee had unanimously agreed upon a
Declaration of Principles, which he would
now proceed to read and that the Address to
the people of the United States, which had
also been unanimously agreed upon by the
Committee, would be read by Hon. nenry J.
Raymond of Now York. Mr. Cowan then
Tend the following:
[As the Declaration of Principles has
already appeared, we omit them.]
Each of the resolutions, as read, was greet
ed with hearty cheers. They were then
adopted as a whole, by a unanimous vote of
the Convention, the whole body of the dele
gates rising, and waving their hats.
Mr. Raymond then read the address, a copy
of which I enclose. This was the first ap
pearance of Mr. Raymond before the Con
vention, and it is a noticeable circumstance
that he was not received with any of those
demonstrations which had marked the feel
ing of the Convention towards Mr. Cowan,
and Mr. Doolittle. The address had been
written by Mr. Raymond, and it sounded
marvelously like one of his speeches in Con
gress. It is admirable in tone and temper,
and is unobjectionable in its sentiments. The
Convention certainly regarded it with favor,
and it, too, was adopted by a unanimous
vote.
The Chairman then announced the Nation
al Executive Committee, composed of two
members from each State, and also a commit
tee of two members from cacj State, Hon.
Reverdy Johnson, Chairman, to proceed to
Washington, and lay before the President the
proceedings of the Convention. I enclose
lists of these committees.
This finished the work of the Convention,
and it adjourned tine die. I will have some
other interesting incidents of the Convention
to relate in my letter to-morrow.
Warwick.
ADDRESS
; of the
NATIONAL UNION CONTENTION
PHIIADELPIIIA
To tho People of the United State* :
Having met in convention, at the city of
Philadelphia, in the State of Pennsylvania,
this 16th day of August, I860, as tho repre
sentatives of the people in all sections, and
all the States and Territories of the Union, to
consult upon the condition und the wants of ^ _ _
our common country, we address to you this tive departments of the Government may sec
should he attained, the war should cease, and
all the States should retain their equal rights
und dignity unimpaired. It is only since the
war was closed that other rights have been
asserted on behalf of one department of the
General Government. It lias been proclaimed
by Congress that, in addition to tlie powers
conferred upon it by the Constitution, the
Federal Government may now claim over the
Stun--;, the territory and the people involved
in the insurrection, the rights of war, the right
of conquest and of confiscation, the right to
abrogate all existing governments, institu
tions and Jaws, and "to subject the territory
conquered and its inhabitants to such laws,
regulations and deprivations as the legisla-
declaration of our principles, and of the po- fit to impose. Under this broad and sweeping
litical purposes we seek to promote. , claim, that clause of the Constitution w hich
Since the meeting of the lust National Con
vention, in the year I860, events have occur
red which have chnnged tlie character of our
internal politics and given the United States
a new place among the nations of the earth, are still refused representation altogether in
Our Government has pasM-d through the vicis- both branches of the Federal Congress. And
provides that “no State shall witliout its con
sent be deprived of its equal suffrage in the
Senate of the United States,” lus been an
nulled, and ten States have been refused, and
Our Government has passed througl
situdes and the perils of civil war—a war
which, though mainly sectional in its charac
ter, lias nevertheless decided political differ
ences that from the very beginning of tlie
Government had threatened the unity of our
national existence, and has left its impress
deep and ineffaceable upon all the interests,
the sentiments, and tlie destiny of the Repub
lic. While it has inflicted upon the whole
country severe losses in life and in property,
and has imposed burdens which must weigh
on its resources for generations to come, it
hns developed a degree of national courage
in the presence of national dangers—a capac
ity for military organisation and achievement,
and a devotion on the part of the people to
the form of government which they have or
dained, and to the principles of liberty which
that government was designed to promote,
which must confirm the confidence of the na
tion in the perpetuity of its republican insti
tutions, and command the respect of the civi
lized world.
Like all great contests which rouse the pas
sions and test the endurance of a rihtion, this
war has gifen new scope to the ambition of
ferrea and held by favor, this statement might
have tlie merit of plausibility. But repre
sentation is, under the Constitution, not only
expressly recognized us aright, but it is im
posed nsa dutv ; and it s essential in both as
pects to the existence of the Government and
to the maintenance of i's authority. . To. free
governments fundamental and essential rights
cannot be forfeited, except against individu-
als by due process ot law ; nor can constitu—
tional duties and obligations be discarded or
laid aside. The enjoyment of rights may be
for a time suspended by tlie failure to claim
them, and duties may be evaded by the refu
sal to perform them. The withdrawal of
tlieir members from Congress by the States
credit nor the interests of the nation would
be safe if they were readmitted to u share in
its councils. We might reply to this :
(1.) That we have no tight, for such rea
sons, to deny to any portion of the States or
people rights expressly conferred upon them
by the Constitution of the United States.
(2.) That so long as the acta are those of
iovulty—so long us they conform in all their
their public conduct, to the requirements of
the Constitution and laws—we have no right
to exact from them conformity in their sen
timents and opinions to our own.
(^.) -That we have no right to distrust the
purpose or the ability of the people of the
Union to protect and defend, under all con-
which resisted tlie General' Government tingencies, and by whatever means may be
the Congress in which only a part of the
States and of the people of the Union are
represented has asserted the right thus to ex
clude the rest from representation, and from
all share in making their own laws or choos
ing their own rulers until they shall comply
with such conditions and perforin such acts
as this Congress thus composed may itself
prescribe. That right has not only been as
serted, but it has been exercised, and is prac
tically enforced at tlie present time. Nor does
it find any support in the theory that the
States thus excluded are in rebellion against
the Government, and are therefore precluded
from sharing its authority. They are not
thus in rebellion. They arc one and all in an
attitude of loyalty toward the Government,
and of sworn allegiance to the Constitution
of the United States. In no one of them is
there tlie slightest indication of resistance to
this authority, or the slightest protest against
its just and binding obligation. This condi
tion of renewed loyalty has been officially
recognized by 6olemn proclamation of the
Executive Department. The laws of the
United States have been extended by Con-
The Convention a Sucjcss—Importance of the
Declaration of Prineiplea adopted—General Sat
isfaction at their Enunciation—How a Scrioua
Riot waa Prevented.
Philadelphia, Aug. 17, 1866,
The great Convention is over, and the del
egates and strangers are fast departing. Ten
thousand persons left the city yesterday after
noon and last night. Fully twenty thousand
havo left to-day and this evening, but many
still remain, enjoying the delightful weather,
the clear sunshine, and the cool, invigorating
air. The Convention has been a perfect suc
cess. It has accomplished all that could
have been expected of it It has done its
work, and done it well, and it now remains
for the people of the several States to do
theirs. That they will do it, I have not the
least doubt
During the Convention, I endeavored to
to ascertain irom influential gentlemen from
the Northern States what the probability was
as regards the result of the approaching
elections. The universal reply was, that what
the Northern people wanted was some assur
ance, some authoritative expression of feeling
and sentiment upon the part of the Soutliern
people, upon which reliance could be placed;
and that if this was satisfactory, there was
not the least doubt in the world that the re
sult of the Northern elections would be all
that could be desired.
That assurance has been furnished by the
declaration of principles that lias been unani
mously adopted by tlid Convention, and a
copy of which I sent to you yesterday. On
all sides I hear it said, “That is just what we
want to hear. Here are the chosen represen
tatives of the Southern people, fresh from that
people, giving undoubted expression to their
views, their feelings, their sentiments, and
their opinions. And these Southern dele
gates now solemnly and authoritatively pro
claim the soundest principles of government-
If this is their platform, we can stand upon
it side by side with them, and we will do
SO.”
This is only a faint expression of the satis
faction that I hear upon all sides, at tlie prin
ciples enunciated in the “declaration” which
has been adopted by the Convention. De
pend upon it, the South has now put
herself right before the country, and the
result will be a glorious triumph for the
friends of tlie South, in the northern sections.
You will observe among the closing pro
ceedings of the Convention the passage of a
resolution of thanks to Mayor McMichael, for
his admirable police arrangements. There
was no bunkum about tliat resolution. I
firmly believe, that if it had not been for tho
wise and judicious measures which he took
there would have been a tearful and bloody
riot. The incendiary elements were all ready.
The torch was in fact applied. But theflame
was instantly tramped out, by the police of
Philadelphia. Forney and his Press, and the
infamous Bulletin, worked up a mob of radi
cal roughs to a pitch of uiaridlcd fury, by
misrepresenting the objects of the Conven
tion, and had it not been for the prompt ar
rest of the ringleadere of a mob the streets of
Philadelphia would no doubt have run red
mth blood. "Warwick.
political parties, and fresh impulse to plans g re ss over all these States and tlie people
of innovation and reform. Amidst the chaos thereof. Federal Courts have been reopened,
of conflicting sentiments inseparable from an d Federal taxes imposed and levied, and in
such an era, while the public heart is keenly eveiy respect, except that they are denied
alivo to all the passions that can sway the representation in Congress and tho electonl
public judgment and affect the public action; college, the States once in rebellion are le-
while the wounds of war arc still fresh and cognized as holding the same position, as ov-
bleediug on either side, and fears for the fu- jog the same obligations and subject to the
turc take unjust proportions from the memo same duties as the other States of our ccm
ries and resentments of the past, it is a diffi- mon Union.
cult but an imperative duty which on your it seems to us, in the exercise of the czlm-
behalf we, who arc here assembled, have un-1 est and most candid judgment we can bring
dertaken to perform. 1 to the subject, that such a claim, so enforced,
For the first time, after six long years of involves as fatal an overthrow of the aulhori-
alicnation and of conflict, we have come to- ty of the Constitution, and as complete a
getlier from every State and every section of destruction of the Governmentand Union, as
our land, as citizens of a common country, that which was sought to be effected by the
under tliut flag, the symbol again of a com- States and people in armed insuircction
mon glory, to consult together how best to ce- against them both. It cannot escape obser-
ment and perpetuate that Union which is vation that the power thus asserted to exclude
again the object of our common love, and certain States from representation is made to
thussecure the blessings of liberty to our- rest wholly on the will anti discretion of the
selves and our posterity. I Congress that asserts it. It is not made to
1. In the first place we invoke y u to reniem-1 depend upon any specified conditions or cir-
ber, always and everywhere, that the war is I cumstances, nor to be subject to zny rulesor
ended, and the nation is at peace. The I regulations whatever. The right ssserted aad
shock of contending arms no longer assails exercised is absolute, without qualificationor
the shuddering heart of the Republic. . The I restriction, not confined to States in rebelli«n,
insurrection against the supreme authority of 1 nor to States that have rebelled; it is tlie
the nation has been suppressed, and that au- right of any Congress in formal possession of
thority has been again acknowledged, by legislative authority, to exclude any State ->r
word and act, in every State and by every States, and any portion of the people .thee-
citizcn within its jurisdiction. We are no of, at any time, from representation in Coi-
longer required or permitted to treat each gress and in the Electoral College, at its own
other as enemies. Not only have the acts of discretion, and until they shall perform such
war been discontinued, and the weapons of acts and comply with such conditions as it
war laid aside, but the state of war no longer may dictate. Obviously, the reasons for such
exists, and the sentiments, passions, the relt- exclusion, being wholly*within the discretion
tions of war have no longer lawful or right-1 of Congress, may change as the Congress :t-
ful place anywhere throughout our broad do- self shall change. One Congress may excluie
main. We are again people of the United a State from all share in the Government fir
States, fellow-citizens of one country, bound one reason; and, that reason removed, tie
by the duties and obligations of a common I next Congress may exclude it for another.—
patriotism, and having neither rights nor in- One State may be excluded on one ground
terests apart from a common destiny. The 1 to-day, and another may be excluded on the
duties that devolve upon us now are opposite ground to-morrotv. Northern as-
again the duties of peace, and no longer the cendancy may exclude Southern States
duties of war. Wc have assembled here to I from one Congress—tlie ascendancy of
take counsel cencerning the interests of peace; I Western or Southern interests, or of both
to decide how we may most wisely and ef- combined, may exclude the Northern or the
fectually heal the wounds the war lias made, I Eastern States from the next Improbable as
and perfect and perpetuate the benefits it has such usuipationsinay seem, the establishment
secured, and the blessings which, under a I of the principle now asserted and acted upou
wise and benign Providence, have sprung up I by Congress will render them by no means
in its fierry track. This is tlie work, not of impossible. The character, indeed the very
passion, but of calm and sober judgment; not existence, of Congress and the Union is thus
of resentment for past offenses prolonged be- made dependent solely and entirely upon the
yond the limits which justice and reason pre-1 party and sectional exigencies or forbearances
scribe, but of a liberal statesmanship which of the hour.
tolerates what it cannot prevent, and builds We need not stop to show that such action
its plans and its hopes for the future rather not only finds no warrant in the Constitution
upon a community of interest and ambition but is at war with every principle of our Gov-
than upon distrust and the weapons of force. I eminent, and with the very existence of free
2. In the next place, we call upon you to re-1 institutions. It is, indeed, the identical
cognize in tlieir full significance, and to ac- practice which has rendered fruitless all at-
cept with all their legitimate consequences, tempts hitherto to establish and maintain
the political results of the war just closed.— free governments in Mexico and the States of
In two most important particulars the victo- South America. Party necessities assert
ty achieved by the National Government has I themselves os superior to tlie fundamental
lietn final and decisive. First, it has estab- law, which is set aside in reckless obedience
lishcd beyond all fhrtber controvesy, and by to their behests. Stability, whether in the
the highest of all human sanctions, the abso- exercise of the enjoyment of power, in the
lute supremacy of the National Government, administration of government, or in the en-
as defined and limited by the Constitution of joymeut of rights, becomes impossible; and
the United States, and the permanent integ-1 the conflict of party, which, under constitu-
rity and indissolubility of the Federal Union tional governments, are the conditions and
as a necessary consequence; and, second, it means of political progress, are merged in
has put an end finally and lorevcr to the ex- the conflicts of arms to which they directly
istcnce of slavery upon the soil or within the and inevitably tend.
jurisdiction of the United States. Both these It was against this peril, so conspicuous and
points became directly involved in the con- so fatal to all free governments, that our Con
test, and controversy upon both was ended, stitation was intended especially to provide,
absolutely and finally, by the result. I Not only the stability, but the very existence
8. In the third place, we deem it of the ut-1 of the Government is made, by its provisions,
most importance that the real character [of to depend upon the right and the fact of ra
the war and the victory by which it was presentation. The Congress, upon which is
closed should be accurately understood. The I conferred all the legislative power of the Na-
war was carried on by the Government of the j tionnl Government, consists of two branches,
United States in maintenance of ita own au- ] tlie Senate and House of Representatives,
thority and in defence oi its own existence, [ whose joint concurrence or assent is essential
both of which were menaced by the insnrrec- to the validity of any law. Of these, the House
tion which it sought to suppress. The sup-1 of Representatives, says the Constitution, (ar-
prcssion of that insurrection accomplished I tide 1, section 2,) “shall be composed of mem-
that result. The Government of the United bers chosen every second year by the people
States maintained by force of arms the su- of tho several States.” Not only is the right
premc authority over all the territory and of representation thus recognized as possessed
over all the States and people within its ju-1 by all the States and by every State without
risdiction which the Constitution confers up-1 restriction, qualification or condition of any
on it; but it acquired thereby no new power, I kind, but the duty of choosing Representa-
no enlarged jurisdiction, no rights either of I tives is imposing upon the people ot each and
territorial possession or of civil authority every State alike, without distinction, or the
which it did not possess before the rebellion authority to make distinctions among them,
broke out. All the rightful power it can I for any reason or upon any grounds wliatcv-
ever possess is that which is conferred upon er. And in the Senate, so careful is the Con
it, either in express terms or by fair and ne I stitution to secure to every State this right of
oessary implication, by the Constitution of I representation, it is expressly provided that
the United States. It was that power and “no State shall, without its consent, be de-
that authority which the rebellion sought to j prived of its equal suffrage” in that body,
overthrow, and the victory of the Federal even by an amendment of the Constitution
arms was simply the defeat of that attempt. I itself. When, therefore, any State is cxclud-
The Government of the United States acted I cd from such representation, not only is a
throughout the war on the defensive. It I right of tlie State denied, but the constitu-
sougkt only to hold posscssionof what was tional integrity of the Senate is impaired, and
already its own. Neither the war nor the I the vdlidity of the Government itself is
victory by which it was closed, changed in brought in question. But Congress at the
any way the Constitution of the United States, present moment thus excludes from represen-
Tlie war was carried on bj virtue of its pro- tation, in both branches of Congress, ten
visions, and under the limitations which they States of tho Union, denying them all share
prescribe, and the result of the war did not in the enactment of laws by which they are
either enlarge, abridge, or in anyway change to be governed, and all participation in the
or affect the powers it confers upon the Fed- election of the rulers by which those laws are
eral Government, or release that Government to be enforced. In other words, a Congress
from the restrictions which it has imposed. | in which only twenty-six States are repre-
Thc Constitution of the United States is to- sented, asserts the right to govern, absolutely
day precisely as it was before the war, the and in its own discretion, all the thirty-six
“supreme law of the land, anything in the States which compose the Union—to make
Constitution or laws of any State to the con- their laws and choose their rulers, and to ex-
trary notwithstanding;' 1 and to-day, also, elude the other ten from all share in their
precisely as betorc the wur. all the ’powers own government until it sees fit to admit
not conferred by the Constitution upon the them thereto. What is to distinguish the
General Government, nor prohibited by it to power thus asserted and exercised from the
the States, are “reserved to the several States most absolute and intolerable tyranny f
or to the people thereof.” Nor do these extravagant and unjust claims
This position is vindicated not only by the on the part of Congress to powers and aiithor-
csscntial nature of our Government, and the ity never conferred upoa the Government by
language ami spirit of the Constitution, but the Constitution, find any warrant in the ar-
by all the acts and the language of our Gov- guments or excuses urged on their behalf. It
ernment, in all its departments, and at all is alleged,
times from the outbreak of the rebellion to its | First, That these States, by the act of rebel-
final overthrow. In every message and pro- lion and by voluntarily withdrawing their
clamation of the Executive it was explicitly members frciu Congress, forfeited their right
declared that the sole object and purpose of ot representation, and that they can only re-
the war was to maintain the authority of the ceive it again at the hands of the supreme le-
Constitutioa and to preserve the integrity of gislative authority of the Government, on its
the Union ; and Congress more than once re- own terras and at its ova discretion. If rep-
iterated this solemn declaration, and added J resentation in Congress and participation in
the assurance that, whenever this object the Government were simply privileges con-
was among tlieir act-; of insurrection—
was one otllie means and agencies by which
they sought to impair the authority and defeat
the'actinn of the Government; and that act
was annulled and rendered void when the in
surrection was suppressed. Neither the right
of representation nor the duty to be repre
sented was in the least impaired by the fact
of insurrection; but it may have been that by
reasoD of the insurrection the conditions on
which the enjoyment of that right and the
performance oftliat fluty lor the time depend
ed could not be fulfilled. This was, in fact,
the ease. An insurgent Power, in the exercise
of uiurped and uulawlul authority in the ter
ritory under its control, had prohibited that
allegiance to the Constitution and laws of the
United States which is made by that funda
mental law the essential condition of repre
sentation in its government. No man within
the insurgent States was allowed to take jtlie
oath to support the Constitution oi the Uni
ted States, and, as a necessary consequence,
no man could lawfully represent those States
in the councils of the Union. But this was
only an obstacle to the enjoyment of the right
and to the discharge of a duty—it did not
annul the one nor annul the other; and it
ceased to exist when the usurpation by which
it was ereated had been overthrown, and the
States had again resumed their allegiance to
the Constitution and laws of the United
States.
Second But it is asserted, in support of the
authority claimed by the Congress now in
possession of power, that it flows directly from
the laws of war; that it is among the rights
required its honor and its welfare.
These would in our judgment, be full and
conclusive answers to the pica thus advanced
for the exclusion of these States from th
Union. But we say further, that this plea
rests upon a complete misapprehension or an
unjust perversion of existing facts.
ite do not hesitate to aOirm, that there is no
section of tho country where the Constitution
and laws of'.he United States find a more prompt
and entire obedience Ilian in those States, and
among those people who were lately in arms
against them : or where there is less purpose or
danger of any future attempt to overthrow their
authority. It would seem to be both natural
and inevitable that in Slates and sections so re
cently swept by the whirlwind of war, where all
the ordinary modes and methods of organised
industry have been broken up, and the bonds
and influences that guarantee social order have
been destroyed—where thousands and tens of
thousands of turbulent spirits havo been sudden
ly loosed from tho discipline of war and thrown
without resources or restraint upon a disorgan
ized and chaotic society, and where the keen
sense of defeat Is added to the overthrow of am
bition and hope, scenes of violence should defy
for a time the imperfect discipline of law, and
excite anew the fears und forebodings of the pa
triotic and well disposed. It is unquestionably
true that local disturbances of this kind, accom
S anied by more or less of violence, do still occur.
ut they are confined entirely to the cities and
larger towns of the Southern States, where differ
ent races and interests are brought more closely
in contact, and where passions and resentments
are always most easily fed and fanned into out
break; and even there, they are quite as much
the fruit of untimely and hurtful political agita
tion, as of any hostility on tho part of the people
to the authority of the National Government.
But the concurrent testimony of those best ac-
>lr.
before unknown even to ourselves, and destined
to exercise hereafter, under united councils, an
important influence upon the character and des
tiny ot the continent and the world. And while
it has thus revealed, disciplined and compacted
our power, it ban proved to us beyond controver
sy or doubt, by the course pursued towards both
contending sections by foreign Powers, that we ... - „
must ho the guardians of our own independence, i National Union Committ'c t li r on
and that the principles of republican freedom w.- ' William S. Groesbeck, CBldnnan'of *1 “ 0t -
represent can find among the nations of the j Ohio delegations to your Convention
earth no friends or defenders hut ourselves. „ f „r-AnoSo-in,, „ 3 . . vent> °P, «t»q
•'a I la ud i chain's Lotte
Girard House
Philadelphia, Aug. 14, jgg 8
To the Chat -man off the National
vention :
Silt—I have this d
baton
received fro m
.. . V? . 1 -“ uu “o quainted with the condition of society and the
which victorious war alwav scoDiers upon the state of public sentiment in the South—including
conquerors, and which the conqueror may
exercise or waive in his own discretion. To
this wc reply that the laws in question relate
solely, so far as the rights they confer are con
cerned to wars waged between alien and in
dependent nations, und can have no place or
force, in this regard, in a war waged by a
government to suppress an insurrection of its
own people, UDon its own soil, against its
authority. If we had carried on successful
war against any foreign nation, we might
thereby have acquired possession and jurisdic
tion of their soil, with the right to enforce
our laws upon their people and to impose
upon them such laws and such obligations as
wc might choose. But we liad before tlie
war complete jurisdiction over the soil of the
Southern States, limited only by our own
Constitution. Our laws were the only nation
al laws in force upon it. The Government of
the United States was the only Government
through which those States and their people
had relations with foreign nations, und its
flag was the only flag by which they were re
cognized or known anywhere on the face of
the earth. In all these respects, and in all
other respects involving national interests and
rights, our possession was perfect and com
plete. It did not need to be acquired, but
only to be maintained; victorious war against
the rebellion could do nothihg more than
maintain it. It could only vindicate and re
establish the disputed supremacy of the Con
stitution. It could neither enlarge nor di
minish the authority which that Constitution
confers upon the Government by which it was
achieved. Such an enlargement or abridg
ment of constitutional power can be effected
only by amendment of the Constitution itself,
and such amendment can be made only in
the modes which the Constitution itself pre
scribes. The claim that tlie suppression of
an insurrection against the Government gives
additional authority and power to that Gov-
eronent, especially that it enlarges the juris-
diition of Congress and gives that body tlie
right to exclude States from representation
in ihe national councils, without which the
nation itself can have no authority and no ex-
istmee, seems to us ut variance alike with
tin principles ot the Constitution andwith
tin public safety.
Third. But it isallegcd that in certain par
ticulars the Constitution of the United States
fats to secure that absolute justice and im
partial equality which the principles of our
Government require; that it was in these res
pects the result of compromises and conces
sion to which, however necessary when tlie
Constitution was formed, we are no \onger
conpelled to submit, and that now, having
tin power through successful war and just
warant for its exercise in the hostile conduct
of the insurgent section, the actual Govern
mmt of the United States may impose its
own conditions, and make the Constitution
cotform in all its provisions to its own ideas
of equality aud the rights of man. Congress,
at its last session, proposed amendments to
the Constitution, enlarging in some very im
port ant particulars the authority of the gen
era! government over that of the several
States, and reducing, by indirect disfranchise
ment, tlie representative power of the States,
in which slavery existed; and it is claimed
that these amendments maybe made valid as
paits of the original Constitution with the
concurrence of the States to be most serious
ly affected by them, or may be imposed up6n
these States by three-fourths of the remain
ing States, as conditions of their rc-admis-
sioa to representation in Congress and in tho
Electoral College.
It is tlie unquestionable right of tho people
of the United States to make such changes
in the Constitution as they, upon due deliber
ation, may deem expedient. But wo insist
tint they shall be made in tlie mode which
the Constitution itself points out—in con
formity with the letter and the spirit of that
instrument, and with the principles of self-
government and of equal rights which lie at
the basis of our republican institutions. Wc
deny the right of Congress to make these
changes in the fundamental law, without the
concurrence of three-fourths of all the States,
including, especially, those to be most seri
ously affected by them; or to impose them
upoii States or people, as con
ditions of representation, or of admis
sion to any of the rights, duties or obli
gations which belong, under tho Constitu
tion, to all the States alike. And with still
greater emphasis do we deny the right of
any portions of the States excluding the rest
of the States from any share in their coun
cils, to propose or sanction changes in the
Constitution which are to affect permanently
their political relations and control or coerce
the legitimate action of the several members
of tlie common Union. Such un exercise of
power is simply a usurpation; just|as unwar
rantable when exercised by Northern States as
it would be as it exercised by Soutliern, and
not to be fortified or palliated by anything in
the past history either of those by whom it is
attempted or of those upon whose rights and
liberties it is to take effect. It finds"no war
rant in tlie Constitution. It is at war with
the fundamental principles of our form of
government. If tolerated in one instance, it
becomes the precedent for future invasions of
liberty and constitutional right* dependent
solely upon the will of the party in possession
of power, and thus leads, by direct and ne
cessary sequence to the most fatal and intol
erable of all tyrannies—the tyranny of sliift-
g and irresponsible political factions. It is
ainst this, the most formidable of all the
dangers which menace the stability of free
government, that the Constitution of the
United States was intended most carefully to
provide. We demand a 6trict and steadfast
adherence to its provisions. In this, and in
this alone, can we find a basis of permanent
Union and peace.
Fourth. But it is alleged, hi justification
of the usurpation which we condemn, that
the condition of the Southern States and peo
ple is not such as renders safe their readmis
sion to a share in the government of the coun
try; that they are still disloyal in sentiment
and purpose, and that neither the honor, the
that of its representatives in this convention—es
tablishes tbu net that the great ina.-t,of the South
ern people accept, with us lull aud sincere submit
siou as do the people ef the other States, the re
established supremacy ol the uational authority,
aud are prepared, in the most loyal spirit, aud with
a zeal quickened alike by their interest aud their
pride, lo co-operate with other States and sections
in whatever may be necessary' to defend the rights,
maintain the honor and promote the welfare of our
. : - - .i.lrv. I'i-t.-n al'.unl- i.o inM;;- • ,
where a people so powerful in numbers, in resour
ces and in public spirit, after a war so long in its
duration, so destructive iu its progress, and so ad
verse in ita issue, have accepted defeat and its con
sequences with so mnch of good faith as has mark
ed the conduct of the people la ely in insurrection
against the United Slates. Beyond all question
this has been largely due to the wise generosity
w ith which their enforced.surrender was accepted
by the President of the United States and the gen
erals in immediate command of their armies, ana
to the liberal incisures which were afterwards lik
en to restore order, tranquility and law to the
States where all had been for the time over
thrown. No steps conld have been batter cal
culated to command the respect, win the confi
dence, revive the patriotism and secure
the permanent and affectionate allegiance of the
people of the South to the Constitution and laws
ofthe Union than those which have been so
firmly taken and so steadfastly pursued by the
President of the United States. And if that con
fidence and loyalty have been since impaired ;
if the people of the South are to-day less cordial
to their allegiance than they were immediately
upon the close of the war, wo believe it is due to
the changed toneoi the legislative department
of the General Government towards them; to the
action by which Congress has endeavored to
supplant'antl defeat the President’s wise and be
neficent policy of restoration, to their exclusion
from all participation in our common Govern
ment ; to the withdrawal from them of rights
conferred and guaranteed by the Constitution;
and to the evident purpose of Congress, in the
exercise of a usurped and unlawful authority, to
reduce them from the rank of free and equal
members of a Republic of States, with rights and
dignities unimpaired, to the condition of con
quered provinces and a conquered people, in all
things subordinate and subject to the will of
their conquerors; free only to obey laws in ma
king which they are not allowed to share.
No people has ever yet existed whose loyalty
and faith such treatment long continued would
not alienate and impair. And tho ten millions
of Americans who live in the South would be
unworthy citizens of a free country, degenerate
sons of a heroic ancestry, unfit evet to become
guardians of the rights and liberties bequeathed
to us by the fathers and founders of this Repub
lic, if they conld accept, with uncomplaining
subniissiTeness, the humiliations thus sought to
be imposed upon them. Resentmentof injustice
is always and everywhere essential to freedom
and the spirit which prompts the States am
people lately iu insurrection, but insurgent now
no longer, to protest against the imposition of
unjust and degrading conditions, makes them all
the more worthy to share in the government of
a free commonwealth, and gives still firmer as
surance of the future power and. freedom of the
Republic. For whatever responsibility the South
ern people may have incurred in resisting the
authority of tlie ofthe National Governmentand
in [taking up arms for its overthrow, they may
be held to answer as individuals before the judi
cial tribunals of the land; and for that conduct,
as societies and organized communities, they
have already paid the most fearful penalties
that can fall on offending States in the losses,
the sufferings and humiliations of unsuccessful
war. But whatever may be the guilt or pun
ishment of the conscious authors of the
insurrection, condor and common jus
tice demand the concession that the great
mass of those who became involved in
its responsibility acted upon what they believed
to be their duty, in defence of what they had
been taught to oclieve their rights, or under a
compulsion, physical and moral, which they
were powerless to resist. Nor can it be amiss to
remember that terrible as have keen tho bereave
inents and the losses of this war, they have fal
len exclusively upon neither section and upon
neither party; that they have fallen, indeed,
with far gre'ater weight upon those with whom
the war began: that in the death of relatives and
friends, the dispersion of families, the disrup
tion of social systems and social ties, the over
throw of governments, of law and of order, the
destruction of property and of forms and modes
and means of industry, the loss of political, com
mercial and moral influence, in every shape and
form which great calamities can assume, the
States and people which eugaged in the war
against the Government of the United States
have suffered tenfold more than those who re
mained in allegiance to 'its Constitution and
lows.
I These considerations may not, as they certain
ly do not, justify tho action of the people of the
insurgent States; but no just or generous mind
will refuse to them very considerable weight in
determining tho lino ot conduct which the Gov
ernment of the United States should pursue to
wards them.
They accept, if not with alacrity, certainly with
out sullen resentment, the defeat and overthrow
they have sustained. They acknowledge and ac
quiesce iu the results, to themselves and the coun
try, which that defeat involves. They no longer
claim for any State the right to secede from the
Union; they no longer assert for any State an alle
giance paramount to that which is due to the Gen
eral Government. They have accepted the des
truction of slavery, abolished it by their State con
stitutions, and concurred with th'e States and peo
ple of the whole Union in prohibiting its existence
forever upon the soil or within the jurisdiction of
the United States. They indicate aud evince their
purpose just so last as may be possible and safe to
adapt their domestic laws to the changed condition
of tlieir society, and to secure by the law aud its
tribunals equal and impartial justice to all classes
of their inhabitants. They admit the invalidity of
all acts of resistance t® the national authority, and
ot all debts incurred in attempting its overthrow.
They avow their willingness to share tlie burdens
anddischarge all the duties aud obligations which
rest upon them, in common with other States and
other sections of the Union; aud they renew,
through their representatives in this convention,
by all their public conduct, in every way and by the
most solemn acts by which States and societies can
pledge their laith, their engagement to bear true
faith and allegiance, through all time to come, to
the Constitution of the United States, and to all
laws that may be made in pursuance thereof.
Fellow countrymen: We call upon you, in
full reliance upon your intelligence aud your
patriotism, to accept with generous aud ungrud
ging confidence thiVfuil surrender on the part
of those lately in arms against your authority,
and to share with them the honor aud renown
that await those who bring back peace and con
cord to jarring States. The war just closed, with
all its sorrows and disasters, has opened a new
career of glory to the nation it has saved. It has
swept away the hostilities of sentiment and Of
interest which were a standing menace to its
peace. It has destroyed the institution ol'sla
very, always a cause of sectional agitation and
strile, and has opened for our country the way
to unity of interest, of principle and of action
through ail time to come. It has developed in
both sections a military capacity—au aptitude
the President of the United States has so well this morning adopted by that detan.fi ^
begun, and which the policy adopted and the Resolved faUUtimouslv bvthe ;
principles asserteit by . the present Congress QhiodelegationtbatvenemnduS??
a Juie obstruct. Tho time is close at hand when r 1: 1 q , llle ri ghtof
members of a new Congress are to be elected. If | ^ l^ m bnt L. . allandigliam a duly elected del/
that Congress shall perpetuate this policy, and, R*w Irom the third Congressional District /
by excluding loyal States and people from rep-1 Ohio, to hold a seat in that Conventin-
resentation in its halls, shall continue the usur-1 That we should regard his exclusion e"
pation by which the legislative powers of the such sent as an unjust aud unwarrmtiki •'
Government are exercised, common prudence | fnngcment of the rights of the Demoo,. * *
compels us to anticipate augmented discontent,! % ° . 1 D ca| OCncTof
a sullen withdrawal from the duties Bad obli£a- 1 l^triCw, and arc ready to stand by hj&
ti-'iis of the Federal Government, internal Di the assertion ot 1:> i i ;
dissension and a general collision of sentiments hi® constituents.
and pretensions which may renew, in a still \ That nvc endorse cordially the pnrit*
more fearful shape, the civil war from which we | patriotism ofllis motives, and his fit," i£;
have emerged. Wc call upon you to interpose aft m said Convention; yet for the s a U
your power to prevent the recurrence of so „„ . j lne sake of
transcendant a calamity. TTe call upon you in h ar ™® D j an ‘‘ o 00ll icellDg in the same, »r
every Congressional district of every State to secure ! n or “® to secure the great ends for which;-
the election <f members who, whatever other d.ff'cr- ls called, we consent to liis withdrawal fro-
tnces may characterize their political action, will I the delegation, and from a seat in the P 5
unite in recognizing the wcuT to itu* State or i vention, if, in liis judgment his dutv t r
TUB Ustox TO KF.I-RESENTATI0S ie CoscitESS, a.nd constituents shall justify such a withrfL.!,
WUO WILL ADMIT TO SEATS IX EITHER BRANCH EVERY yt-ljltn „ ... » ' Ula flrsWt[
loyal representative from every State in . ARidin ( _, rny own deliberate conviction^
allegiance to the Government, who maybe found in j — an< ‘ to the almost Unanimous oci>
rnrh TTnn.r II, .* ...... I ] OT1 till ll (It-cisl mi lit ffi Onflv W’llni. . .1 •-
stitution of ike United States will have been re-1 f er <ir aI D’ controverted question or disturb-
established in its supremacy, ami the American 1U S element in the Convention to mar ita W
Union will have again become what it was desigu-1 mony, or binder in any way the good
cikto be by those who formed it, a sovereign r.a- f or the cause ofthe Constitution; the I'.;
-tion, composed of separate States, each like itself, _vs_«. i.„i, , ,, ‘•Noe
moving in a distinct and iadettaMedt sphere, tx- ^ t JoUoir froe
ercislng powers defined and reserved by a common ” “ ”
Constitution, and resting upon the assent, the con
fidence and co-operation oi all the States and all
the people subject to its authority. Thus reorgan
ized aud restored to their constitutional relations,
the States and the General Government can enter
in a fraternal spirit, with a common purpose and a
common interest, upon whatever reforms the se
curity of personal rights, the enlargement of popu
lar liberty and the perfection of our Republic in
stitutions may demand.
Tito Atlantic Cable.
The Brooklyn Eagle persists in the belief
that no news has been received over the At
lantic Cable, and that consequently all pur
porting to come from Euroj»e through that
channel is manufactured. Tlie following
burlesque in that paper of Thursday is deci
dedly good:
TIIE ATLANTIC CABLE.
SUMMARY OF YBSTERDAY ? 8 NEWS FROM
EUROPE—THE CABLE WORKING
BEAUTIFULLY.
its deliberations and its action, I hereby w;?
draw from the Ohio delegation, and (j ec L
taking my seat in tho Convention.
Tiie letter concludes with a few words a [
planatory of the position aud policy of
'writer, and a defense of the principles flat
have lately guided him in relation to nj t j 0l .|
al affairs.
[Telegraphed at a cost equal to the National
Debt to the Neio Fork Journals of this morn
ing.)
Punch Office, (
London, August 1, 1866. j
Snooks, the Especial • Telegraph Commis
sioner of the Ne w York Herald, has just ar-1
rivtxl in this office, bursting with the news he Daring Outrage by aNegro.—OnT
is prepared to send to the universal Yankee day evening last, a negro calling himself
Interview between the South Cut
lina and Massachusetts Delegates,
“Perley,” in liis dispatch from Philadelplj
to the Boston Journal, speakiDg of tiie r*
paid by the delegates from South Cuolia
to the Massachusetts delegation, sayi;
Then General Custar come in, and wi;i
traduced to General McGowan of the fo
federatc army. After cordially shaking ha:/
Custar said: “ General—AVe have been Iwi
ing at each other often daring the *
through field glasses, and amid the smoke
battle. If we can now shake lianas, the
civilians who have stayed at their lioiat;
safety surely should.”
Governor Orr, in conversation, reyudiy
the idea that when in his speech on*Moo
night he alluded to “my Government,"
meant the Confederate Government; tbu
said, is dead, and is no one's Governs;
but the Government of the United Bute
its executor, and is again my Governmet:
well as your Government.
for achievements of war, both by sea aud land,
nation.
The bullion in the Bank of England has
diminished, so as to sensibly affect the mo
ney market, in consequence of Snook’s
drafts upon it to defray tlie expenses of tele
graphing “especially to the New York
Herald.”
Snooks Las just returned from an interview
with Napoleon.
The Emperor was quite confidential. He
frankly declares that if there is not another
battle, there will be no more fighting.
The Emperor is desirous that the United
States Government should understand that if
Maximilian should leave -Mexico, he will take
lodgings in Paris, and will no longer be rec
ognized as in possession of the throne of the
Hontezumas. ■■■■■
The deposed Elector of Hesse has estab
lished a lager-beer garden at Havre.
John Mitchell has joined the Peace Socie
ty, aud he expects to carry the Fenians over
with him. Rumor has it that in considera
tion of this service, Mitchell is to be made a
British Peer.
Attempts are now being made to win oyer
Stephens. The Great Eastern on its return,
will l»e dispatched to America loaded with
Saxon gold. England is pursuing her old
policy—divide and conquer..
The Herald is now looked upon here as the
most truthful paper in America, and Mr. Ray
mond’s conduct as a consistent politician is
winning high encomiums from the British
press.
A rumor is in circulation that Horace Gree
ley has been invited to the command of the
Austrian army. His “ On-to-Richmond ”
campaign secured for him a high reputation
among military men.
Artemus Ward is delivering a series of lec
tures on theology in Limerick, of which city
he claims to be a native. It is rumored in the
highest quarters that it is regarded as proba
ble that Austria is likely to agree with the
Prussian terms of peace, in the case she does
not refuse to accept them.
The Herald map has been received. Victor
Emmanuel, although a patriotic King, is not
a mortal man. He uses the Herald map to
the exclusion of all others.
Peter Cagger lias been sent for to aid Na
polcon “in running” the expected European
Congress.
Napoleon desires to get the views of the
New York Chamber of Commerce on the best
method of settling the difficulties in Holstien
and to submit the matter to the Philadelphia
Convention.
Allow me to congratulate the Herald (at
an additional expense ot one hundred dollars
in gold) on being the first journal in America
to receive this, tlie first authentic dispatch
over the Atlantic cable.
The editor of the London Punch has joined
Mr. Spurgeon’s church. He desires me to
Mad his respects to the proprietor of the Her
ald, Cyrus Af. Field, and Mr. Bamum,
Snooks.
Gen. Early.—A Toronto correspondent of
the Louisville Courier says:
Gen. Early arrived here a few days since,
from Halifax, by which route lie had come
from Mexico. He looks as well as when I
saw him contemplating the dome of the Cap
itol from Frank Blair's lawn, in July, 1864,
notwithstanding liis extensive travels, by
horseback, from Lynchburg to Galveston,
and thence, by vessel, to Mexico and here as
stated. It will lie gratifying to those who
take an interest in the truth ot history to
know that General Early has written a narra-
ratirc of his operations during the last year
of the war, including liis services with Gen.
Lee's army from the Rapidan to the J nines,
and his campaign into Maryland, and in tlie
Shenandoah valley against Sheridan. His
manuscript is very nearly ready for the press,
and will make, exclusive of maps, an octavo
pamphlet of about one hundred pages. Gen.
Early, declining to make it a source of profit,
will publish it at kis own expense ns a con
tribution to history. It will create a sensa
tion, and will be very readable.
ter Evans, secreted himself under tbc btdi
Mrs. Dyer, residing in Ro])crtsville, and
for his timely discovery, would, no da
have accomplished his hellish designs,
retiring to bed Mrs. Dyer discovered tin
gro, who immediately jumped upon hen
took her by the neck with the design ofc:
ing her. Mrs. Dyer struggled with the it
for several minutes, when she halloed ft:
police, and the negro immediately malt
by jumping through the bed room windo
‘ The cry of police liaviDg been raised,
eral of the neighbors flocked to the;:
and gave chase to the negro, whom the:
ceeded in arresting near the corner of Yii
and Montgomery streets. On bringir; L
case before His Honor, it being one that:: B
ed the severest penalty of the law, hettr^H
it over to Judge Russel lor prosecution.
pT There is a young Baptist clergy I
at Saratoga, New York, the Rev. 3Ir. r |
who is creating quite a sensation, and;:
ses in time to become a second Spurge :
Beecher. He is six feet four inches inliaf
stout in proportion, and weighs some:
hundred pounds. lie has a voice like |
rest, the actor, only much deeper and i
resonant. This clerical giant is a man of i
digious strength, and the Saratoga j
men who have seen him say that, had t;
ken to pugilism, Morriscy would have'
an infant in his hands.
Couldn't Get Into Paradise.— 1 “AlJ
min, who had quitted his wife
world, appeared at the gate of BrabmAI
adise and asked for admission. The
quired: ’Have you been in purgti'-'
'No: but I have been married.’ Cor;|
then ; it is the same thing. Another^
Brahmin made his appearance just
time, asking to be let also into pan"
‘AVhy, said the god, ‘have you been tort
tory ? Nobut neither had the la--: -
cant.’ ‘Aye, true enough; but heluj
married.’ ‘Tlieir I am as good, nay.a-
fellow than he is: I have been
twice.’ ‘Then clear out with ye; th:
your destination; paradise was not i
tools.’ ”
Served Them Right.—In our n° : ;;
terday morning referring to two com
"being stopped end an attempt
them by negroes, we,omitted tostste^J
:li it they were fired upon, and
three balls penetrating the hat of cv A
negroes, which was left behind, ont
positively known to have wounded o !; J
m m cs, as he went off in » nun ? e L
warranted that belief—Sac. Herald •
£3^” It is stated that Hon. S.R1
and his family, who have beenrf
Bridgeport, Connecticut, since hi* c .
from prison, have returned to their
Pensacola.
DIED,
In Charleston, S. C., on the 18thof«W; i |
short illness, MATILDA LOUISA ^ 1
eldest daughter of James T. sud I
AVelsman—and grand-daughter of 5* r -
Leroy Napier, of this city.
Always winning and lovely, e*<* •”*/,
veloped lovelier traits of character »u ' j
nir.g i?race. The beauty of holin*** _
angelic lace and shed Us halo over bef
lie.- untiring devotion ami |
to her suffering Aunt, who h>d 5
her motherless childhood—all ber S 1
ways, endeared her to all whow
was to know ami love her. •
into womanhood, endowed with
graces and gentle virtues, we f° n K
,ver would l>< (-pared : •'
perfume and soft radiance over 1
circle, reunited after c long, F sl1 ” v ,
but our Heavenly Father willed it-
precious flower was transplanted to
garden of the Lotd in holier cfa**
saintly child has joined her Au- 1 ’ - ,J
sweet sleep “He giveth His td® ,
so gifted and beloved, the te*rf ef *W
Destroyer, and in clear, distinct 1 ^,
sumxnons has come suddenly— 1 **._•
not a fear, for I know that a erotic -
Motives to Holiness.—A man who had
been redeemed by the blood of the Son of
God should be pure. He who is an heir off me.
life should be holy. He who is attended by
celestial beings, and who is soon—he knows
not how soon—to be translated to heaven;
should be holy. Are angels my attendants ?
Then I should walk worthy tlieir company-
ship. Am I soon to go null dwell with an
gels 1 Then I should be pure. Are these feet
soon to tread the court of heaven ? Is this
tongue soon to unite with heavenly beings in
raising God ? Are these eyes of mine soon . , 10 , r ,
to look on the throne ofEtcrna! glory, and , floor* • >'„ r .
on the ascended Redeemer ( Then those feet. ar darkness wijwd fromherj^;.
and eyes, and lips should be holy; and ij sin, suffering, sorrow, baultb r t ,' f u:
should be dead to the world and alive for Victorious over dcatli to h«.r j’p.,: .>'
heaven. I The vistaed joys of Heaven s *
To us, who tread tlia l' a 'b
leads to that bright world win “ ^ „ .
fore, is the loss—hers is ihe etL
“She was far too. fair. ,
Too pure, to dwell on this gj 1 ,.
The sinless glory and the ^; 1
Of Zion seemed to claim h ,I
Translated by her God with |
She pasted, a.‘ ’twere ill smm->'
Heaven.”