Newspaper Page Text
. - air.
THE GEROGIA WEEKLY TELEGRAPH
dcarapl)
> ! u r
V't that city at >-i ,11 s.ooo, and the
•»'1 value of real estate at $5,000,000.
***** be said tbat the city is in debt
an
It**!' ■
-TheHo».Thad.Stevens, inn speed:
& k Lancaster, Pennsylvania, de
1*^, .‘preference for a negro
^ lK>rn white citizens,” and avowed Ins
^'ftlist "the negro is superior to the Irish
g^rmanraow.”
, «i a tes steamer 3Iahaska, eight guns
^Spcnsacolafor Tampico,
^ instmc tions founded on the Pr« -
“Ration relative to Maximilian’:
^tade-
rjT Although the Richmond Enquirer
^ ’ „: ce its unqualified sanction to all
Of***-'" _.A. »V- >T-.J 1
President’s
s iinper
rt-itiers
s assumed by the National Union
**Ration, itaays “we heartily approve of
. rntriotic objects and aims of the
ration, and they will receive an undivi
ft®’ - .. ,1... »
. ort at the South.
Vi -:'i‘
p i;4< , NA j..—We were pleased yesterday by
,. visit from our esteemed fellow-citizen,
Thi*. J. Hardeman, who has just re-
ft,,® the Philadelphia Convention.—
if' rrohomtes the many phartnt things
a —— '■ Conven
Southern
give a
, . !r ,. publish e<l concern “ •_ •
C ,, ,1 ran satisfy nny n nsotmM
' ,| |lt it is his patriotic dm
, Jl1v ^pport to the new organization.
i ■r.ihaodKar at Uro-sville. Dawson
writes us that his paper takes a week
- reach bin, when it sliouhl go in three
‘ . j t often comes crumpled and dirty, as
^thoroughly r»ad anti handled,nnrtthat ms
! umber ba< bteu dipped of several arti-
f| r ’ Wc advie tlio country postmasters on
route that sicli conduct will not be toler-
l»i
j^vyospjcynR Expelled.—A meeting
, the Rcpuhlian National Executive Com-
: ttee, appoiatd at tho Baltimore Conven-
,“ a j U De 17th 1804, is called for the 3d of
Steiember at Iiiladelphia, to oust Mr. Ray-
• nd from bis psition as a member. George
i" Gentcr, oi Oio, a member of the Commit-
•rt.refuses to gn the call, giving as a reason
•' st he now fily endorses the President.
T„e p.w r Soldiers Reduced.—Tho
un ,j ( r wlib the pay of the enlisted men
in the army *1 the Marine Corps was in-
timed to fiber month, provided that such
increase shou’ be paid during the contin
ence of the ir. The proclamation of the
President dewing the termination of the
rebellion nul led this law, nod reduces the
pne to its finer rate of $ 11 per month.
Object othk Philadelphia Convex-
T ., lN _\Vc beve there is a misunderstand
ing on thisubject, and that it lies at the
bottom of fvc mistakes committed by a
few of oard-meaning Southe rn journalists
who have oosed the Convention. The ar
ticle copiedsewhore from the National In
telligencer. ts the matter in its true light.
Wc musl'ject, however, to the expres
sion. >o coton at the North, that the dele
gates at P dclphia represented “ the Un-
ioa sentimtat the South.” This classifica
tion wonlclm to imply that there is a sen
timent at South at this time other than
Union, amntagonistic to it, which wc ut
terly dcny.’he delegates sent to Philadel
phia reproed the sentiment of the South.
THE FL'TUfiE OF MEXICO.
Our latest telegraphic information from
: Franco, i-* unfavorable to tlic permanency of
on imperial government over tli
Mexico. It is said that the Empress Cnrlotta,
who i-. now on a visit to Europe to procure
additional aid lrom the Emperor of the
French, has signally failed in the object of
her mission, that she has no thought of re
turning to Mexico, and that it is generally-
conceded that the empire is destined to an
early downfall.
As the Associated Press agent in Paris is a
Northern inan, and doubtless a sympathizer
with Northern prejudices on this subject, we
are inclined to regard him ns not altogether
unquestionable authority. It is well-known
that the Northern newspaper press have been
accustomed to manufacture their own histo
ry of Maximilian’s affairs, and to mould it in
conformity with their own wishes. But little
that lias appeared in those journals has turn
ed out, after a full hearing of the facts, to be
true. Wc arc therefore disposed to receive,
at least with caution, any statements that
mny emanate from such a source.
It may be, though, that Maximilian has
failed to procure foreign assistance for the
support of his government; this fact, how
ever, docs not necessarily involve liis down
fall and retirement from Mexico. He will
still have his power and influence over the
Mexican people to work with, be it more or
less. His government has been a benign one,
and in striking contrast with the anarchy and
bloodshed that has marked the history of
Mexico for the last fifty years; it should
therefore have friends among the property
ownere nnd the more intelligent of the popu-
a superior race shall drive out or destroy the
descendants of the Aztecs and Spaniards, and
take complete possession of the soil. But
people of 1 what untold horrors lie between that dav
tin- present 1
For the Dally Tele graph.j
A RELIEF QUESTION.
Alrstrt. Editor*; In your paper of the 25th in-t.,
I noticed the strictures of “ Fiat Justitia
communication of the 22d inst., in which he says:
“There is evidently a covert u.-sanlt upon the
Court in this extract.’’
I disclaim any motive of the kind. It is not my
purpose, nor does it accord with my nature to
make “ a covert assault upon the Court” or any
one else. Whilst I willingly and cheerfully accord
to the Court honesty and integrity of purpose
yet I o/„ ,,h, aud not covertly, dissent from their
decisions, aud protest against the consequences
they will entail upon the country.
Again this writer says: “The debate in the stuv
THE NEGRO IN LIBERIA.
and an additional exercise of authority, on the part
of the States, declaring such contracts null and
void, would neither add to nor subtract from the
authority already exercised and maintained by the
Supreme law of the land.
I believe that our Legi.-lature lias full and ample .
authority to exercise the power herein claimed, j Enslavement of^thfc
but, judging from the decisions of our Courts,
that they might not respect such a law, if passed,
I think the safest plan to meet the question fully j Ac., <Scc.,
on mv and <alrl >’ Uiu u Convention, :ind tma]].\ .(.ttu. it j Jotter received hv a German clergv-
- by an amendment of the Constitution.
Bibb
HU Repugnance to Labor.
The Mulattoes a Separate Caste.
Crowmen.”
Effects ot Missionary Operations.
Ac.
Official Text or tlic Preliminaries ,
of Peace.
| man. residing in one of the 'Western States,
I the following account is given of the condi
tion of the negroes in Liberia. The writer
is a sea' captain, who has visited Brazil, the
lationgcnemlly. lie certainly ought to be able
to rally around a confessedly good government
as many followers as his anarchi,^j antagon
ist can command. As regards the men— r„.
maintaining a Government and army, the
Liberal Chief certainly has no advantage over
him in that respect. Indeed, we cannot well
see how the Liberal cause can triumph ex
cept through assistance, of both men and
means, from the United States. On the other
hand, should these be sent, with or without
the direct agency of the Government, it will
be a breach of neutrality obligations with
France, and in tbat event she, too, will be
freed from all stipulations. Here will be a
chance for war, should Napoleon feel suffi
cient interest in Maximilian to wage it.
But grant that the empire is destined to
fail and, Maximilian to be driven lrom the
country—what then? This is a serious
question, not only for the Mexican people,
but for ourselves. A late number of the New
Orleans Crescent has some remarks on this
point, which we append. It says:
“We would witness, without regret, the
disappearance from America of this represen
tative of a European dynasty if we could see
in his fall any brighter future forliis unhappy
people. But while his government has few
claims upon our admiration, it lias doubtless
contributed more than any ot its predeces
sors to the advancement of the prosperity of
that portion of 3Iexico over which Its author
ity has been extended. In the chaos of con
fusion which will follow his departure, should
that event occur, wo cannot yet see the ele
ments of a healthful political existence. Con
tinuous strife and constant revolution have
marked the past We can hope for nothing
more promising in the future. The United
States have been watchfully jealous oi nil in
tervention by European governments in be
half of a stable government Under their
irotests that intervention is abontto cease.
:its continuance might, in time, have given
lemianencv to the reign of order. It might
lave brought in immigration which would
have gradually infused life into a moribund
people. It might have developed industry in
nil its forms, and have contributed by the in
terchange of commodities to the wealth and
prosperity of our own country.
“ Will our people insist that Mexico shall
be now left to herself and lie permitted to
rash rapidly into tbat anarchy which nwaits
her, and which will prove the grave of the
last remains of her civilization i Or will
they regard n©r a» tUc n.k wtitiwi * n
the’most copious ministrations of our modern
philanthropy f The time is fast approaching
when our policy must be determined.”
Here is food for reflection. It is very clear
to our mind that should the empire fail, it
5CH<—NEW ARRANGEMENT.
We invattention to the advertisement
oi Mr. 1). Polhill, concerning his school,
nlicli up's in this issue, under the cap
tion of *»ngc Street School.” We arc
vi’ad to amice that Mr. Polhill has nsso-
ciated wihim such an accomplished in
fractor tlr. 11. 1). Wade, and that the
school wil a permanent inetitution, where
joutli car instructed from childhood till
prepared college, or for the business of
life. Of PolbiU’s excellence as a teacher,
wc need (nothing, for he has established will be accomplished, in one way or another,
through the instrumentality of the American
Government. It may be effected in such an
indirect way as not to be held a breach ot
neutrality and good faith, and thus avoid
European complications; but not so as to re
lieve us of tlic obligation to see that the
Mexican people shall have a better govern
ment than that from which they have parted.
It is certain that Mexico has not within her
self tho materials for such a government, and’
the question arises, can wc lumish them, and
in what form 1 Republicanism—government
founded in the consent and by the authority
of the governed—should not be aggressive,
indeed, cannot be consistently with the great
principle that animates the system. But this
theory, however strange it may appear, has
found a practical repudiation in our own re
cent history, and permanency seems to be the
all-absorbing, vital principle of our political
system. Every other consideration must,
yield to that, even though the escenco of pop
ular supremacy should be lost in the change.
If in our case, why not in the case of Mexico ?
There are difficulties, though, in the prac
tical operation of this new principle, in
the case of Mexico, which did no;
•'West to tn,f u”Y ’ 1 JL'ZT exist in our own, and are worthy
xo put the b*t appearance on every- ’ J
for himsebeputation second to none, as a
teicber artrict disciplinarian. Mr. Wade
is a gen tan of scholarly acquirements,
who cn joyscrvedly tho highest confidence
of those know him. He served as an
officer in Confederate army for four years,
and, like y others, suffered pecuniarily to
ta extenat compels him to earn a liveli
hood byi exercise of his talents. Wc
coogratulthe parents of Macon upon the
fudlities ided them in the association ot
these twotlcmen for the instruction and
odjcatior their children, and hope they
viil »vr Inselves of the opportunity.
Fcr e ri\4c., wo refer to the advertise-
ta:n* ,t ‘h.
LIBERIA.
sour lirstpage will be found a highly
' f<s, ' D S arfcle on the government and
wit conditin of the population of the
< iMic cf Lieria. Anything authentic
“-■•rding that dstant colony posscses a pc-
*• interest otthc present juncture of af-
a Hitherto*)! accounts received from
. C0B *try hfc 0 come, chiefly, from the
•“mean agents missionaries, who have
control of affars, and, consequently, an
S connected with this experiment of free
Eminent for the Uacks. The writer in
. case has no such Was, and, we presume,
*n honest accouit ot wbat he saw and
His statement will well repay the
“f a perusal, and we commend i! to
* o feel an interest in the history, present
- ition, and future prospects of Liberia.
, t ' oi’* erv *®t and philosophical writer,
name we cannot at this moment recall,
n, l '*’ fB bst*ntially, that, notwithstanding
• 'Fiona! individual cases, growing out of
circumstances, the history of the
j. *•«., ftuui me ime pi the curse upon
La down to the present day, proves, beyond
/’depiction, that they are capable of but
4 conditions: they must be either slaves
Christians, or barbarians and idolaters,
ern philanthropy is attemjiting to reverse
j. Peat Natural Law, and turn back the
!| f the African's destiny, Tlic I! berean
^Sisthe most promising of all .iicir ex-
in ule tinder tile ’ .st l’avora-
*keum«tai>cea, Perhaps is hardly
l<ftt Vl* rimc ^ as negro there is not
jj,. h*n»»elf, but Ln> tlic moral and mnto-
. Utpport of his white friends in America.
J* •« theae advantages, ead tl
■j. . lo and aae wnat progres:
c in the scale of civiliz :ion.
— .
htrta.fi n *§Ha of tho ravaecs of the privn-
^U^oah, tin- whaling fleet of New
to *hwoughlv recovered its oriiri-
.' n —' a.'- ''."I \ (‘--cl- a verag-
,J WiUon“ rthcn each> now on whaling
law of 1SC0 should not have been permitted, as the
law tva« in no form before the Court. It may be
said however, in justification ot the Csurt, that
it tras in tiUd by the statements of Counsel that there
were several cases in which it was presented-
hence the debate.”
Tlds certainly is not very complimentary to
cither the legal astuteness of the Court, or to the
honorable bearing ol the able Counsel who, by
their “statements,” “misled” the Court.
Again this writer says : “There were three cases
Involving nearly the same questions; they were all
against the same defendant, a citizea of Bibb.”
Now, if I have been correctly informed, there
were two cases taken up from Bibb Superior Court
in which “a citizen of Bibb” was plaintifTin error,
and one case from Sumpter Superior Court, in
which a citizen of Sumpter was plaintiff in error.
But it is wholly immeterial who were the parties
the principles involved arc the same and I only
notice this to put “this writer” oh his guard as to
a statement of facts and to suggest to him that
tli cro is some difference between a plaintiff in error
and a defendant In error.
I have said that the loss, consequent on cmanci
pation, must iall on the party in whom the legal
nue testeu .* , u „ ttmtof emancipation, provided
there has been no failure oi euuaiucia». u —
warranty. The failure of warranty, I briefly argued
in my last number. Let as now proceed to the
question of “failure ot consideration.” ■
What constitutes a consideration? Webster
says It is “in law the reason which moves a con
tracting party to enter into an agreement, the
material cause of a contract; the price or motive
ot stipulation. In all contracts each party
gives something in exchange for what
he receives, ” and “that which is siren
is of equal value with that which is rteriv-
ed." According to this deiinition, what consider
ations ordinarily entered into a contract for the
sale and purchase of a slave? Why, on the pa,t
of the seller, that the negro sold was a date ; that
he was sound in mind and body, and that the title
should vest absolutely in the purchaser and his
heirs, Ac., with nndistnibed possession and enjoy
ment against "all mm." On the part of the bar
gainee, or purchaser, he, in consideration of the
above stipulation, agrees to pay to the bargainer,
orseller, a certain stipulated price. These consid
erations are reciprocal and mutually binding on
both parties and constitntc the comet of the con
tract and vest the title of the slave in the “bargai
nee and his heirs” forever; and if such vested
right remains undisturbed, if there be no failure
of consideration, he is morally and legally bound
to a faithful compliance with his obligation to pay
fortbc slave. But, right here, the Government
stops in and, by its authority, emancipates the
slave. Is there no failure oi consideration here?
Has not the vested right of the bargainee to quiet
and peaceable possession and enjoyment been set
and annulled?
Bnt It tn»y be answered, that this was not the
bargainer, and as, in this case, there was no “war
ranty of slavery for life,” he cannot be held re
sponsible.
I admit tbat the case before ns is not altogether
so strong as in the case oi failure of warranty, ar-
gu id in my second number. Bnt, nevertheless, in
equity, at least, it amounts to a clear failure of con
sideration. But it may be asked, will you hold the
bargainer responsible for the acts of the Govern
ment, in the emancipation of the slave, where
there was no “warranty of slavery for life” ? I
answer that the Government in the exercise of its
sovereign authority—whether rightfully or wrong
fully I will not here enquire—steps in between the
contracting parties and annuls, or, if you please,
niFAiu the obligation of tho contract" It virtu
ally declares that the vested right of property in
the slave, no lODgcr exists. This being the con
sideration, upon which the promise to pay lor the
glare was based, it has certainly failed, and it is
immaterial, so lar as the obligations and rights of
the parties to the contract arc concerned, by what
means this has been effected, solongas the Courts
recognize the validity and legality of the act.
It is beyond the control of either party
and for which, if you please, neither party may be
responsible, so far as their Individual arts maybe
concerned, yet it has been done by the Supreme
power of the Government, which binds both parties,
whether they still or not, and which should mu
tually affect the rights and obligations of both
alike. The Government has, if you please, assum
ed the prerogative of an umpire and though it may
have usurped it, yet it is our master, and as “ne
cessity knows no law,” wc must submit. If, under
this stern arbitrament, lrom which there is no ap
peal, the party, in possession, has lost his property
in his slave, and for which he is in debt, the party
of whom the slave was purchased, should loose the
debt. This is nothing bnt simple, even-handed,
common-sense justice, the decisions of the Courts
to the contrary, notwithstanding.
But it may be answered, admitting your prem
ises and conclusions to be covert, where is your
remedy, when the Courts have decided the ques
tion against yon? My answer is tho soveriegn
power and authority of the people of the State of
Ga. I would invoke tbeaidoitbesame power, which
caused tho failure of consideration, by declaring
in solemn Convention, in its adoption of our
State Constitution, that “there shall henceforth
be, within the State of Georgia, neither slavery
nor involuntary servitude, save as a punishment
for crime, after legal conviction thereof.” Had
this august body and supreme authority of the
State gone further and provided as property in
slaves no longer existed, nor constituted a con
sideration of debt, that ail promises or obliga
tions to pay money, based upon such considera
tions, were null and void and should never be
enforced by tho Courts of the State, it would have
done nothing more than wbat justice and equity
requiri-d at their hands. But us they failed to do
this, and the Courts have made such decisions as,
if carried into effect, will to a great extent in
volve the country in ruin, I invoke the people to
demand of their representatives in the next Leg
islature the call of another Convention, to to
modify and change our Constitution as forever
to set this question at rest.
But it may be asked, what will you do with the
provision oi the Constitution of the United
: artii h
he lin:
of serious content illation. The Mexican jteo-
ple are, doubtless, ns unwilling lo come un
der ft foreign government ns we were, though
they may consent, ns we did, under the dic
tation of superior power, which they have
no ability to resist; but. after tliat consent,
how are you to govern the country ? In our
case there hns been no change of forms, and
the Southern people have proved themselves
capable of self-government. In Mexico the
case is entirely different. It has been but it
qualified Republic at best, and nothing has
been more clcarlv demonstrated by history f
fl.nt no good p^^w—oxist there, | stnte5 declares that no State shall
which the people have the jiower of creating pas5 an y “law impairing the obligation of con-
and controlling. How, then, are wc to mnin- tracts”? I will answer that this authority should
be respected and obeyed in all cases where it is
applicable. But inasmuch as the State of Geor
gia, in Convention assembled, has already “im
paired tiie obligation of” her own "contracts”
by a -olemn repudiation of her own debts; and,
I inasmuch as she declared in said Convention,
! that "the Government of the United States, hnv-
. ing as a war measure proclaimed ali slaves held
or owned in tins rftan*. emancipated from sla
very, and having carried that proclamation into
full practical effect, etc., aud inasmuch as the
j Congress of the United Stntes did refer certain
proposed amendments of the Constitution of the
United States, for ratification to tho Legislatures
o States : and inasmuch as three-
Legislatures ofsaid States, inclu
ding the State of Georgia, did ratify said amend
ments, whereby .-lavery was forever abolished
within the limits and jurisdiction of tho United
StateJ; this is no longer a mooted question.
^ West Indies and Africa, and has observed the
The Gazette of Vienna, of the 3d of An- j condition of the blacks in these various
gust, publishes the following as the text of
the preliminaries of peace
The colony of Liberia was founded in the _ _
p etunioanro ox p • ’ f , . 'year 1823, on the coast of upper Guinea, in can be said against the policy which has been
Their Majestiej the Emperor pf Austria | J"™* tl ,„ ro i nn ; 7!lt ; on "rfetv in the followed in Liberia. The small number of
and the King of Prussia, animated with the i Africa by the colonization society in the
desire of restoring to their rountries the bene-. United States of America. It was designed
fits of peace, bare with that view, and in or- assist colored people in emigrating to Af-
der to fir the preliminaries of peace, named J? ca > ancl ald them “ findingaaasvlam in
Plenipotentiaries, viz: that country. By buying land from chiefs of
His Majesty the Emperor of Austria, Count! ™ghbonng tnbes the colony has been ex-
Aloysius Karolyi and Earon Adolph von | tended to the limits of 300 square sea mi es
ftrpnnor - The occupation assigned by nature to the
And His Majesty the King of Prussia, his inhabitants of Liberia is agriculture. The
President ot the Council and Minister for £0 } > exceedingly rich and as fertile as any
Foreign Affairs, Otho, Count Von Bismarck- ?° l1 on the face of the earth rewards all la-
Schonhausen. who, after having exchanged bpr, even the most negligent and superficial,
their full powers, found to be in good and Nevertheless, the free colonists, haying sprung
due form, have agreed *n the following fun
damental acts as bases <f the peace to be con
cluded without delay:
Article 1. With theixeeption oftheLom-. , T - , ..
bardo-Venctian Kingdom the territory of the Monrovia, the capitaland seat of government,
from the negro race, overcomes his natural
indolence and laziness no farther than to cul
tivate so much land as is required for keep
ing him from starvation. In the vicinity of
Austrian monarchy remiins intact His Ma
jesty the King ot Prussa engages to with
draw liis troops from thr Austrian territories
occupied by them, after peace is concluded,
under reserve of the arraigemcnts to be made
at the time of the deinite conclusion of
peace for the guarantee olthe payment of the
war indemnity.
Art. 2. His Majesty, tin Emperor of Aus
tria recognizes the dissohtion of the Ger
manic Confederation such is it has hitherto
existed, and gives his assent to a new organi
zation of Germany, without the particips* 5 —
of the Empire of Aastria. Hin Majesty
-dually to recognize the closer union
which will be founded by His Majesty, the
King of Prussia to the north of the line of
the Main, and declares his consent to the Ger
man States South of that line contracting a
union whose national bonds with the Confed
eration of North Germany will be the object
of an ulterior understanding between the two
parties.
Art. 3. His Majesty, the Emperor of Aus
tria transfers to His Majesty, the King of
Prussia all the rights which the Peace of Vi
enna of Oct. 20, 1864, had recognized in him
over the Duchies of Schleswig and Holstein,
with this reserve, that the population of the
northern districts of Schleswig will be anew
united to Denmark, it they express the desire
of a freely given vote.
Art. 4. His 3Iajesty tho Emperor of Aus
tria engages to pay to His 3Iajesty tho King
of Prussia the sum of 40,000,000 *of thalers,
to cover a portion of the expense which the
war has occasioned to Prussia; but from the
indemnity for war expenses which His Majes
ty the Emperor of Austria has still the right
of exacting from the Duchies of Schleswig
and Holstein, in virtue of Art 12 of the
treaty of peace of Oct. 20, 1864, before cited,
say 15,000,000 of thalers, besides 5,000,000,
as the equivalent of the expense of maintain
ing tho Prussian army, borne by the countries
of Austria occupied by that army until the
conclusion of peace.
Art. 5. Conformably to the desire expressed
by His Majesty the Emperor of Austria, His
3Iajesty the King of Prussia declares himself
ready to leave subsisting, at the time of the
modifications which must take place in Ger
many, the territorial condition of the king
dom of Saxony in its actual extent, reserving
to himself, on the other hand, to regulate in
detail, by a special treaty of peace with His
Majesty the King of Saxony, the questions
relative to the share of Saxony in the expen
ses ot the war, as well as the future position
of the kingdom of Saxony in the Confedera
tion of the north ol Germany.
On tho other hand. His Majesty the Empe
ror of Austria, promises to recognize the new
organization which the King ot Prussia will
establish in the north of Germany, including
the territorial modifications which will be the
consequence of it
Art. 6. His 3Iajesty the King of Prussia en
gages to decide His Majcsiy the King of Italy,
iris ally, to give his approbation to the pre
liminaries of peace, and to tho armistice
based on these preliwinaries, from the time
that, by a declaration of His Majesty the Em
peror ol the French, the Vonotian kingdom
shall have 'been jut at the disposal of His
3Iajesty the Kingof Italy.
Art. 7. The ratfications of the present Con
vention will be exchanged at Nikolsburg in
the space of two (ays at least.
Art. 8. As soot as the ratification of the
present Conventim shall have been effected
and exchanged, ticir 3Iajesties the Emperor
of Austria and tie King of Prussia will name
Plenipotentiaricswho will meet in a place to
be afterward ageed on to conclude peace
upon tho basis <f tho present preliminary
treaty, and agreeupon the conditions of de
tail.
Art. 9. To this >ffect the contracting States,
after having settlrd these preliminaries, will
conclude for tlioAustrian and Saxon armies
on the one part and the Prussian army on
the other part, tn armistice whose detailed
conditions in a nilitary point of view, will
be immediately fixed. ’ That armistice will
(late from the 2c of August, the day to which
the present suspension of arms will be pro
longed.
An armistice will at the same time be con
cluded here wita Bavaria, and Gen. 3Ianteuf-
fel will be charged to conclude with the
kingdom of Vertemburg ancl the Grand
Duchies of Bachnand Hessc-Darmstadt, after
these States unposed it, an armistice com
mencing the 2d of August, and based upon
the state of unitary possession of the mo
ment.
In testimony if which the respective Plen
ipotentiaries hare signed the present conven
tion, and affixel to it the seal ot their arms.
Bismarck, 3L P.
Karolyi, 31. P.
Brf.nxkr, M. P.
Done at Nilolsburg, the 26th day of July,
I860.
tain free government in such a country : But
! two forms are known to our system—State
j and Territorial—and under both the jieojdc
' legislate, and a constitution, the esccncc of
which is popular rights, must be supreme
over all.
It would be well for us to look these diffi
culties squarely in the lace, and arrive at
some plausible solution, before we venture on
a wild crusade for the extension of republican
freedom over a mixed and semi-barbarou
people. In their present intellectual am
social condition, we feel sure they have in j of tho reap
the emjiiri the very best government oi: fourths of th
which tliej areeupjjble, and that we .-ire mak
ing a fatal mistake in seeking to overthrow
it. Under the change we propose, it will
continue to he a country of political aud
social convulsions, destined never to cease un
til after the lapse of years the immigration of
Contracts predicated u
chase of slaves, have
paired” by these cons
pur-
ion the sale
been already “im-
titational provisions,
3?“ It is nrt often that we find as sound
views ns the fallowing in a genuine Black
Republican paier. \Ve copy from the New
York Times 2tl:
The Freedmab in Politics.—Nothing can
be more unfortunate for the permanent well
being of the negro race in the Southern States,
than to make thot race the central object of
the wrangling* of our political parties. It
will seriously, if not fatally, interfere with
tie tvgul.tr tit.i 1 beneticiil progress of the ne
gro in education, in the acquisition of prop
erty, in morals, in self-sujjnort, self-possession
and self-respect, nnd, in short, in all that is
desirable for a people in the low condition in
which the negroes arc now placed. It will
not only make the negro an object of aver
sion and offemive to a large proportion of
those on whom le is directly dejiendent for
his welfare, but :t will directly damage the
character of the negro himself. The ten
dency of parties on this negro ques
tion seems to le, and logically will be,
if it become a fixed special clement
in our politics, to diverge very widely—one
side seeking for the liberated, slave things
which it would only damage him to obtain,
and tlie other side denying him those things
that are really necessary to his development.
In a contest mule-such conditions, the negro
is sure to be the sufferer, whichever party
may win from tim? to time. The best thing
that could happen to the negro race, now that
named in honor of President 3Ionroc, there
may be seen some thousand acres with plant
ations of coffee and sugar, yielding the rich
est possible crops, bnt they belong to intelli
gent and ambitious mulattoes.
Farther in the interior of the country there
is no trace of any plantation or culture, al
though it is evident that the richest produce
is to be had for a small amount ol labor. The
common negro has no impulse in himself to
do anything more than to gain in an easy
manne'r wbat is absolutely necessary for his
subsistence, which he can easily obtain in a
country iu -vpich nature has bestowed so very
SJ[ ca J a . fcrtillt>, r — all the necessities
of life m abundance. The lnziite^., ; q
inseparable from the disposition of a negro,
will be the rock on which the republic ofLi-
beria will be wrecked. A negro does not
wish for anything but sufficient food and
scanty raiment for himself and his family, and
he works no more than the greatest material
necessity forces him to work. The tillage of
the earth is much too laborious for him; even
the breeding of cattle is too troublesomo for
him. The greater part of the meat consumed
in Liberia must be imported. A small trade
writh little things is the only business he is in
clined to do. As a mechanic he leaves his
work so roughly and badly done, or rather
undone, as to satisfy no one but himself. —
Everything of any usefulness that is to be
found in the four towns of Liberia is import
ed. The republic, with its present limits, has
been in existence for about 40 years past, and
yet there is only one single road, which has
the length of five sea miles and the breadth
of the track of one wagon. That road was
built under the superintendence of the first
American agent and with American money;
it runs from Monrovia toward the interior of
the country. Since the time that Liberia has
had its own government nothing at all has
been done to promote communication.
The large natural forests in the neighbor
hood are the abode of innumerable wild
beasts, which molest the colonbts incessantly.
These forests arc also the source of pernicious
exhalations and deadly miasmata, which kill
half of the inhabitants. It i3 for the interest
of the commonwealth as well as for that of
every inhabitant to cut down those forests in
order to sell the precious wood of the large
trees to purify the air, and to gain several
millions of acres of the richest virginal soil.
The inhabitants, however, are satisfied with
taking at a time no more wood than is nec
essary for building a small farm-house. They
suffer themselves to be attacked by the wild
beasts ofthe forests, and they continue to
breathe the air filled with a poisoning mias
ma, which causes fatal diseases among them,
without making any attempt to be relieved
of those plagues. Hence we must conclude
that negroes, by nature, have an aversion of
tilling the earth, and that their disposition to
work industriously is, by nature, no greater
than it was in their condition of bodily bon
dage. As in this condition only force and the
fear of punishment could move them to work,
so in Liberia absolute necessity and the fear
of starvation cause them to work, because
they have no master who provides them with
food and raiment. The probability is very
small indeed that negroes ever Trill coaso to
be slaves of absolute necessity, and become
diligent and intelligent husbandmen. It is
very improbable that their race ever can ex
ist by itself, and they cannot mix with white
men in the manner in which different races
of white men have been mixed together.
The mulattoes in Liberia form a separate
caste, higher than common negroes—a caste
similar to the rank of nobility in Europe, and
they would have usurped all power long ago
if they had not been watched and kept down
by tlie American Colonization Society. As
soon as this pressure is taken off, the govern
ment will fall into the hands of the mulat
toes, because property and intelligence always
rule over indigence and stupidity. The re
publican government then will come to an
end, nnd the mulattoes, will make themselves
the lords of the land, and the despots over
the people; they will be tyrants, much worse
than white slaveholders ever were. In reality,
such is at present already the condition of
tne people in Liberia. The negroes called
crowmen, natives of Africa who have been
subdued, a mild and meek race, willingly
bend under tho yoke of bodily bondage. On
the plantations of sugar ancl coffee mentioned
above, in the house of the rich mulattoes, and
in those of Christian negroes, the whip is
used upon their servants who are crowmen
a3 much as it was ever used upon slaves in
America and in the West Indies. There are
no worse masters than mulattoes. Although
oilspring of the white and black races, they
hate both races inveterately, and they vent
that hatred whenever they can. Besides,
mulattoes rule by an indomitable love of
money, and their looseness of principle and
their laxity of morals let them indifferently
use all means to achieve their purpose. At
present they strive after riches by cultivating
their plantations, but undoubtedly they will
prefer the greater and easier profit of trading
in slaves as soon as they have the opportuni
ty of so doing. The Ciiristian negroes in Li
beria will not join them in that trade, but
they will do nothing to hinder it. The
Christian negroes in Liberia, as well as ne
groes everywhere else, arc much too indolent
and too lazy to do anything which they are
not compelled to do; and as long as they do
not suffer from want materially it is alt the
same to them whether Liberia be a republic,
an absolute monarchy or slave state, provided
that they need not work.
The negroes in Liberia walk on the streets
silent nnd with slow steps. Those who are
wealthy stride about, wearing high white
cravats’ in the fashion ofPuritnnic preachers;
those who are poor are dressed less uniform
ly, but they keep their laces contracted in
the same solemn and stern wrinkles. They
salute one another in a formal, stiff manner.
When two men happen to meet on the street,
who wish to speak to each other, they do so
with affected manners, with a set speech and
in a low voice, a- if they were afraid of dis
turbing the devotion ot a congregation iu
church. He who knows the natural cheer
fulness and merriness of negroes, which can
not be exhausted and never extirpated, which
requires only tlie least impulse to break forth
into loud and joyful mirth; their fondness
for talking and their great pleasure in dng-
blind zeal, mistaking Pharisaism for Chris- From the National Intelligencer,
tianity, they have endeavored, forcibly and The Great Object of tile National
unnaturally, to change the harmless d'isposi- rnmentinn
tion of the people. They have changed their ; , . . . , ' .. , T . .
character and appearance—whether they have . ^ 10 o rea ^ object of the National Union
changed their nature, nnd if so, whether for ! Convention was to bring together the Con-
coo* l or evil, will be discovered by future I 8er ™ tlve men—whether Democrats or Rc-
events. The clergvmen, those sent by Amcr- j pubheans—of tlie loyal btates of 18(j0, and
icsn Missionary societies nnd sects, as well as ' a 8 ,° br * n g them into council with dole-
those who are natives, have great! B atCB from the Mates latch-ir. rebellion, who
authority over the minds of the negroe
Liberia. But this authority seems to be
j_ | represent the present’ Union sentiment of
the people ot those States. These three
founded on fear and not on love. AH autho:-
ity which is founded exclusively on fear,
without being mixed with love, tends even
tually to evil. If those who founded Liberia
wish to have this republic as a stronghold
for their religious doctrines, and to this end
endeavored to propagate and establish these
doctrines by the aid of missionaries, nothing
crimes which are committed in Liberia, that
is, as far as they are known, shows that they
have succeeded in suppressing the commiss
ion of evil deeds by the fear of punishment.
But it does thence not follow that the hearts
parties were to confer upon the condition
• of the country, and unite upon measures and
j principles which would secure tho success of
I the President's policy by a restoration of
Southern representation in Congress. The
| parties, therefore, were not Northern
I and Southern. There were two parties in
the North, (that is, in the loyal States)—the
I Democratic and the Conservative Republi
cans—that must be united for the proposed
! political object before it could promise any
i success. To the Northern Conservatives,
therefore, belonged the duty of calling the
Convention, and prescribing its objects. The
excluded Southern States were invited into
their counsels, though tliev cannot fight the
ofthe negroes in Liberia have been essentially 1 ! 1 ^ n , couns< - s ’ ® U S 1 . ,IC .^ cal i?° r f
changed, and that they do not sin frequently batt ' cs a ‘ the P olls °, ur Ra f dical °>^'
against the first four commandments. 1 J • !) ents - ™cy were consulted as to the pfat-
This effect has been brought about iu form of principles which should govern the
Liberia by doing violence to th. disposition Convention, and tl eir views were respectfully
i,i _ r . ._ J? ^ ... considered. All three of the parties in the
ot the negroes; for their childkke disposition conferencc concurre a in the resolutions which
has been suppressed and destroyed by the are lnid bcfore tho cmmtry as the platform
prohibition ot the most innocent enjoyment f Gonvention . V
^ V?f J \h C - y Hence the meeting was a complete success.
bc “ “° r t aI P° wer , of tbeir The Conservatives of the States now repre-
SS: f l>yp°cnsy. Be- M - c css arL , to do tllc WO rk cf re
sides, friendly intercourse among them has formine Nort hern sentiment, and thus of re-
been destroyed by sectarianism, which is as
common as it is in the United States of Amer
ica. Intolerance of sectarians has brought it
to pass that different sects oppose one another
in such a manner as to cause every member of
one sect to shun all communication with the
members of any other sect. It is evident that
this exclusiveness of religious sects must very
materially injure the prosperity of the body
politic of the commonwealth.
The colony of Liberia, founded and formed
with great expectations in regard to civiliza
tion, seems to be moving in the opposite dl
rection, although this course may not appear
openly before half a century. Negroes are
ueitner able nor capable of establishing oi
maintaining a civilized commonwealth, what
ever form or name it may have. The negroes
Liberia are and naa.in the same as others
of their race. They may be rompenea j, v
force to imitate and adopt the outward form
of the government of another country; but
as soon as that force ceases to be exerted
they fall back immediately into the state of
barbarity which is natural to them. The
colored people in Liberia are preparing the
way for white people; they will leave the
scene as soon as they have played their part.
As the Indians in America have disajipearcd
wherever white men have come, so the ne
groes in Africa will disappear when white men
enter into Africa, however distant from the
present day that time may be.
Affecting Scene at the Tennessee
Penitentiary.—On Friday last, General R.
W. Johnson visited the ’ Tennessee State
prison to order the liberation of prisoners
coming under the provisions of the late War
Department Order, No. 46. The Nashville
Union and American says that when General
Johnson arrived at the penitentiary, he re
quested the officer in charge to collect the
convicts in the front yard. Some twenty
were soon gathered in little groups, evident
ly anticipating something more than a usual
visitation from the commissioners, or some
ordinary official connected with the peniten
tiary. General Johnson soon made his ap
pearance, holding in his hand the general
orders authorizing the release of the convicts
that were standing before him. A spirit of
anxiety and restiveness was manifest, as they
knew tbat he never visited the place only to
bring notifications of their release. He call
ed out the names of the military prisoners
who came forward and received’ the orders
releasing them, and walked away without
any expression of appreciation ot the len
iency and magnitude of the government in
releasing them.
The name of Thos. Hooks, formerly of the
the Confederate army, was called. He
was some twenty paces distant, standing
alone musing, apparently, on the long prison
life that awaited him. He was evidently as
tounded when his name was called, for he
paused a moment before answering, and then
walked hesitatingly toward General Johnson.
On receiving the order setting him at liberty,
the General said to him: “31 r. Hooks, if’I
give you permission to go home, will you
promise me to never get drunk, and will you
be a good Christain the remainder of your
lile 1” “I don’t use liquor, and as to bemm-
ing a Christian, I will endeavor to do that
which is right,” was his reply. His cheeks
turned pale as death, and his bosom throbbed
ns if bis heart would burst with emotion.—
The big tear of gratitude gathered in liis
eye, and after a few moments of silence he
said : “I go home to my mother now. I nev
er could think that God would suffer me to
be confined in this loathsome prison for the
time indicated in the order placing me here.”
He could say no more, but stood like a
marble statue, and awaited the keeper’s bid
ding to leave the building for tlie cottage
home of his widowed mother and little or
phan brothers and sisters. Transportation
was furnished him last evening and he left
for Obion county, to make glad one desolate
household at least. He was tried in Memphis,
3Iarch was a year ago, on the charge of being
a guerrilla, and condemned to be hung. The
President commuted that sentence to impris
onment for life. Subsequently his case was
brought to the attention of the Secretary of
War, who ordere*. ’his unconditional release.
He was one among the many thousands of
noble young men who went into the Conled-
crate army from the western portions of the
State.
storing the unrepresented States to their full
rights in the Union. But what was needed
from the South., and has been obtained, was
an assent to tlie principles upon which the
Conservative action was founded. While the
Radicals would say that the excluded States
were hostile to the Federal Union, Radical
ism would prevail at the polls iu the North
ern, 3Iiddle, and Western States, the South
had an opportunity to speak for itself, and
has now placed itself upon the highest Union
and constitutional ground.
Tho conservative movement of the loyal
aud represented States cannot, therefore, ’be
embarrassed and belied by tlie Radical alle
gation tbat the South is at war with the Un
ion, and cannot be safely admitted to a share
in the national councils. With an entire
confidence in ultimate success, the Conserva
tives may now appeal to the people in behalf
of a speedy amt compiote restoration of the
Union under the Constitution.
The admission of Southern representatives
into Congress is the first issue to be gained
by the Conservatives. AYithout tbat, noth
ing. This effected, the Radicals will at once
lose their two-third power in both Houses,
and oecome incapable ot further mischief.—
Then, also, will be commenced a system of
commercial and financial reform, by which
the tendency of the country to ruin’ will be
checked. The tyrannical and irritating leg
islation of Congress against the Southern
States will be stopped. This, now so promis
ing, may, indeed, be subject to some impedi
ments. Worst of all would be—wbat wo do
not apprehend—any course on the part of
the South that serves to afford any reasonable
excuse for the continuance of their present
oppressive system, and for an ultimate resort
to measures by which confiscation and negro
suffrage will be exacted, by military force
from the South.
It will hardly be expected that every Con
servative organ in the North, or every uews-
pajrer in the South, will at once npprovo of
all that tho Convention has done; but that all
will ultimately unite to favor the great object
of restoration is confidently believed.
Prosperity of Texas.—The Houston Tel
egraph states important facts in regard to the
excellent prosperity of Texas. Nearly as
much land is planted in cotton this year as
ever before; and the cotton, up to this time
is as promising as it ever was at this season.
Tlic Telegraph adds :
With a good crop of cotton, with a fine
crop of wheat, with plenty of corn,with more
money in most of the State, especially the
wheat and stock regions, than ever before
with the State overflowing with fine stock,
with a rapidly-increasing population, and
the prospect of soon extending our railroads
and our manufactures, Texas is on the high
road to a wealth and prosjjerity which can
not now be defined or calculated. Let us thank
God and take courage. Nature and Provi
dence work for us against the Radicals.
they are possessedof their freedom and all I ing—qualities vfjiicli cannot be suppressed,
their civil rights, wmild be, so tar as national even by tlie severest treatment, qualities
politics are concerned, to cease altogether which can be turned to virtues and blessings
being an exciting clement, aud, so far as they
themselves are concerned, to sedulously give
their attention to education, the acquisition
of jiroperty, and moral and social improve
ment. In these directions, they will find
abundant and profitable ground of activity
for some time to come.
for them by tho grace of the gospel—must
be greatly astonished at the apparent con
trast which he finds in the deportment of the
inhabitants of Monrovia. This deportment
is the consequence of the .religious constraint
which sectarians and missionaries of sects
exert upon the inhabitant of Liberia. With
WlIAT WE HAVE BENT TO THE LIBERALS.—
A correspondent of the N. Y. World, writing
from Brazos Santiago, says:
The cargo of arms and ammunition, con
cerning which I could learn nothing what
ever definite at Mataraorns cr Brownsville
from either Federal or Mexican officials, is
safe and by this time delivered over to the
Liberals at the “Heroic” city. The “articles,”
as General Wallace termed them, were trans-
terred yesterday lrom the steamer Everman
to the light-draught Tamaulipas, and passed
over the bar and up the Rio Grande.—
They consisted of a very large quantity
of intantry and cavalry arms and equip
ments, and some o00 kegs of powder and
a heavy store of cartridges. The reports
that the steamer had brought out twelve
pieces of artillery is incorrect. She had on
board six pieces and limbers, comprising a
kind of nondescript battery. Each piece
consists of about twenty-five or thirty com
mon musket barrels arranged in fan shape up
on an axle, and capable of being simultane
ously loaded and discharged by machinery
arranged at the breech; in short, a kind ol |
military mowing-machine that, I believe, was
tested by the inventor without any very no
table results in the recent war in the United
States. An agent accompanies the battery,
who is ready to imperil his life in working it
The Em feror Napoleon in Poor Heaftii.
—Paris. Thursdav. Aug. 9.—The Emperor
returned to St. Cloud from Vichy on Tues
day night, in company with the Prince Im
perial. It was sooner, by five or six days,
than he intended, but it was at the recommen
dation, it is said, of liis doctor, as at this
time the Vichy waters were rather injurious
than salutary. Since his return he has been
attended by one of the most eminent of the
Paris surgeons. He suffers front an attack,
painful, though, fortunately, not serious, of
gout, with certain unpleasant circumstances
which sometimes attend it; and this was a
little aggravated by cold caught after a batlT
He is, 1 hear a good deal relieved since ho
came hack, and it is hoped he will be well
enough to visit the Camp of Chalons. It is
very probable that anxiety has contributed to
bring on this attack, if it did not cause it—
vexation at the turn things have taken in Ger
many, and the want of discipline on the part
of the Italians.—Cor. London Times.
Comparative Health of the Thirty-
Six United States.—The following table
of the comparative hcaltliftilness of the dif
ferent States will be found most valuable,
giving as it does the ratio of deaths to every
hundred of the population :
By this official tabic it will be seen that
Georgia is healthier than any New England
State, except Vermont, aud is only equalled
in health by one other Southern State,
Florida.
New Hampshire... .1.33
Virginia 1.34
Illinois L30
Arkansas 1.44
Mississippi 1.44
Ohio 1.40
Texas 1.40
New York 1.41
Rhode Island 1.52
Kentucky 1.53
Connecticut l.iC
District Columbia..1.03
Maryland 1.65
Missouri 1.80
New Mexico 1.8S
Massichusctts 1.95
Utah 2.10
Louisiania 2.31
Oregon
Minnesota
... 4(J
... 95
Wisconsin
California
.. 93
Vermont
...100
Michigan
...1 04
Iowa
...LOB
Florida
...1.09
Alabama
Tennessee
...1.18
North Carolina..
. ..1.19
South Carolina..
...1.20
PennsyWat ia....
...1.24
Indiam
...1,30
Maine
...1.30
New Jersey
...1.30
Delaware
...LS2
Gcy Fawkks aud thi: IIkkai.d.—News
paper tiles have been received in New York
from Great Britain to a date twenty-four
hours later than the time at which, according
to the Herald's “special agent" at a London
tavern, Guy Fawkes, upon a second occasion
in history, attempted to blow up the Houses
of Parliament.
No mention of any such attempt is made
in these files; and the Herald's latest tele-
raphic sensation must, therefore, be carried
against the Imjierialists at tlie first ouportu- t ■ .. .. .. ... .
r I to the credit ot the same ingenious brain
... 1 which discovered that Richelieu and Crom-
Thk Needle-gtH Checkmated.—John well were the heroes of the Thirty Years’
Mitchel writes from Paris to the New York j War in Germany, and that the late Miss ilcl-
News: en Jewett was a model of all the feminine
"The needle-gun has met its match—a bul- j virtues and graces. It is pitiful thus to keep
let-proof clothing for soldiers. At the lb..]. : breaking insects on the wheel; but it may.
perhaps, subserve some public use to keep
before the popular mind a vivid sense alike
of the worthlessness of the “sensational”
new ~ of journals like the Herald, and of the
moral debasement implied in the generation
and promulgation of such falsehoods.
ian Tir Notional, or Volunteer Shooting
Ground, the thing was exhibited for the first
time by its inventor, a 31. Bernard, and in the
most satisfactory manner, namely ; By stand
ing fire himself at a hundred yards, having
previously shown that he wore nothing under
liis cloak but a shirt and vest. A conical; ——«•
bullet struck him in the breast; it flattened: Death of an old Citizen ok Liberty
itself and fell down at his feet; he picked it , Bounty.—Co L William Maxwell, one of the
up and showed it to the spectators. But he 1 oldest and most respected citizens of Liberty
would suffer nobody to examine the texture j county, died at the residence of Abel Winn,
of bis new cloth, not having yet secured his ! ]Nq., near Sunbury, on Sunday, the l'Jth in-
patent. His head nnd face were covered with stunt, in the 82d year of liis age. From the
a steel cap; and the cloak reached to the j few particulars which have reached us, we
ground. Such is the story that comes to us i presume lie died of old age rather than dis-
ln Belgian newspaper.” ease.—tide. Herald.