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THE GEORGIA WEEKLY TELEGRAPH.
Relicr for llic People.
Smi Looking Up.—Governor Jenkins
disposed of linlf a million of Georgia Bonds •
in New York some days ago, at 90 cents in
the dolllir. A despatch was received in this
city yesterday stating that they had gone to
95. This is better than other State Bonds,
hut they should be 100.
Gov. Johnson's Lktteh.—This able and
conservative document will be found on our
t first page. It needs no comment, and all we
have to sny is that every mnu should read it
and then form a candid judgment on the ar-
gumenf. "Wo are glad to see that tho Augus
ta Constitutionalist has also published so
complete an nnswer to all it has said about
the Convention in the last two months. .
Governor Brownlow, of Tennessee,
has assumed tho. power to remove a Judge
from the bench, Mr. Campbell, Chancellor
of the Judicial District, embracing Nashville.
The American says, “of all the outrages per
petrated, or attempted by the remarkable
personage • now claiming to be Governor of
Tennessee, this we . regard the boldest and
most unblushing.”
The Derr or Ratifying.—"We invite pub
lic attention to the address of Hon. Thomas
Hardeman, Representative from this District
in the recent Philadelpdia Conservative
Convention, and by appointment a member
of the National Executive Committee. We
hope bis good advice will be heeded through'
out the South, and we are pleased to hear
that arrangements are on foot for a rousing
meeting in Macon during the present week.
On the Rigiit Track.—The Aug. Chroni
cle is out in favor of a complete Railroad
connection, and the removal of all restric
tions of trade and travel, in that city. Our
friend is right. The idea that the real pub
lic interest must be subordinated to the ima-
ginary interests of a few omnibus drivers and
draymen, has long since been exploded as
both old-fogylsh and impolitic. Any city that
adopts the rule, in this enlightened day, is
bound to be tho sufferer. Burthens upon
commerce create competing avenues of trade
that are unshackeled, and the consequence is,
loss & the rostrictionists. A railroad gap in
a city never yet stopped a bale of cotton or
box of merchandize, and experience has pro
ven that as many drays and omnibuses are
required in cities where restrictions have been
abolished os where.they .have been retained.
Then away with the short-sighted and sui
cidal policy, for everything of the kind mast
give way before enlightened public opinion
and the march of improvement.
' We take great pleasure in giving a
place to the following correction of a base
slander upon a respectable community.
Savannah, Sept 7,1669.
. Editors Telegraph, Macon, Ga.:
I notice in your paper of the 1st instant an
article (on the 1st page, 3d column, next the
last paragraph,) headed “ A fight at a funer-
. al,” copied from that irrepressible, unreliable
and irresponsible sheet, the “ Savannah Re
publican.” For the credit of Savannah, I
beg leave to inform you that the fight, if any
occurred, was at a ** nigger ” funeral. It may
have occurred between soma officers (Yan
kees) and respectable negroes, for nearly all
the disorderly conduct of the latter is trace
able to the meddling of the former, but did
- not occur at a white funeral. The Rcpubli
can makes no distinction between the colored
. and the colorless, and in its local items, and
in its notices of funerals, fights, marriages,
deaths, schools and churches, it may be well
■for yon to be guarded in your selections from
that sheet, or you may, as in this case, do
Savannah an injustice. II.
Rciicr.
The conclusion of “Monroe's” views on
this subject is given this morning. It will
be seen that he ascribes all our present finan
cial difficulties to a deficiency of circulation,
and recommends that the State apply the
remedy by issuing promissory notes, and
lending than to the people on a mortgage
of their real estate. Such, in a few words,
is his plan of relief, and we shall not Be sur
prised if it should find many advocates.
We havo ever discouraged the policy of
State aid to individuals and corporations,
especially the former, as all history proves
that it must be accompanied with innumerable
frauds and immense losses. The great Cen
tral Bonk experiment is still fresh in the
memory of most of us. But as the State
has departed from the rule under the
pressing necessities of war and its dis
asters, and has been compelled to sup
ply bread gratuitoudy to her people, we
oan see no reason why she should not make a
loan to them on good and sufficient security.
Indeed, something mud be done to keep up
the industry and the heart of the people, and
to prevent the most alarming distress at the
hands of the creditor class of the community.
The plan of “ Monroe ” is at least worthy
of serious reflection, and we would bepleased
to receive further discussion on the snbject
A similar one, we observe, has been proposed
in the South Carolina Legislature, now in
extra session, as much for the purpose of con
sidering the distressed condition of her peo
ple as any other. A bill has been introduced
by Mr. Wagener, a Representative from
Charleston, which is almost identical with
tho remedy proposed by onr correspondent,
thongh he could not have been cognizant of
the fact, as the information was only brought
to us by yesterday's mail.
Mr. Wagener proposes first, that the State
shall be authorized to loan its credit to citi
zens who will comply with certain conditions
which are named; and to this end shall cause
an issue of several millions of dollars in notes
of five dollars and upwards, payable in ten
years from date and drawing interest at ten
per cent., payable with the principal when
the notes are redeemed.
Secondly, that this fund shall be issued for
loans and for no other purpose, but that
tha bills are to be received by the State in
the payment of all indebtedness
Thirdly, that a loan commission shall be
appointed by the government, whose duty
it shnll be to receive and examine applications
for leans, and the securities upon which the
same are based. The said notes aro to be
issuod on bond and mortgage, to the amount
of seventy-five per cent, of the assessed value
of unencumbered real estate, with the provis
ion. that as property is improved, it may be
made the subject of further loan, to tbo end
that the same may be completed.
It is also provided that the payment of the
loan may he anticipated at any time, and
thus relieve the bencii' iary of the pressure of
debt.
No. : 1.
Messrs. Editor»:—The public press, public
meetings, and private correspondence, both
oral and written, evidence the fact, that there
is at this time, an absorbing interest lelt on
this subject by all classes of our population.
Creditors are anxious, and debtors are be
coming desperate. Measures—some wiki and
ruinous—arc proposed, discussed, advocated
and opposed by the various interests involv
ed. Stay-laws, exemptions, repudiation, and
other schemes of relief, are discussed, urged,
resisted, until our Legislature will find it dif
ficult to understand and more difficult still
to represent the wishes of tho people. I nm
neither, Mr. Editor, a creditor or debtor to
any large extent. I am owing money, but
not more I trust than I can pay by the bless
ing of Providence, without compromise or
abatement; and yet the war has swept away
four-fifths of my property. I am a creditor
to but a limited extent, and it my debtors are
unable to pay, I will wait without suit for a
belter day. I have then no personal concern
in this question, beyond an interest in the
welfare of our people, in the prosperity of
our State, in the good name of its citizens.
In I860 wc liad in Georgia in Bank paper
specie paying circulation,. I think, if my re
collection of the statistics is correct, from
twelve to fifteen millions. It required this
amount of circulation to <lo the business of
the country on a sound specie basis before
tbo war. The banks that afforded us this
circulation, are now in process of liquidation
—their notes are to be found only in Broker’s
offices, purchased mostly at a heavy discount,
or are being reduced at a feartul sacrifice to
the holder by tho banks themselves. In a
word, this circulation of twelve millions or
more has gone—is lost to our people. We have as
a substitute, some half-dozen associations
formed under the National Banking law of
Congress, with probably a capital of not a
million and a half to do the business of our
State, and this too done with great caution
and prudence, and with an eye single to the
profits.
Is it surprising money is scarce, property
depreciated, creditors clamorous, and debtors
desperate ? A depreciated national currency
drives into retirement, gold and silver as a
currency, and hence the only legitimate cur
rency issued in our State, is the currency of
the banks above alluded to, and this in
amount, not more probably, than one-eighth
ot our former circulation before the war.—
But it may l»e said we have other
National Currency in our midst.
This is true, but remember, it does not
belong to us. It comes here to buy our pro
duce, and this gives it circulation for a brief
time. But the section that sends it here—
for this purpose—sends also eveiy article of
trade, from au engine to a jewsliarp, and this
money is sent back to pay for these articles
that are now crowding our storehouses.
In short, as long as wc have cotton, and to
bacco, and sugar, and nides to sell, they will
pay us money; but when the sale is made,
then they say, you owe us for corn, and ba
con, and flour, and clothing, and axes, hoes,
&c., and when once these debts are paid, the
money is gone again to the North. It simply
acts as a medium of exchange, in the barter of
Northern products and manufactures for
Southern: and when the barter is made, the
money flows again North, there to be used
in enriching and building up that section un
til again our lands yield a crop, when, once
more, this currency migration is seen, and
felt to disappear again in the Spring in its
Northern flight
For a few months now, money will be com
paratively plentiful to those who have pro
duce ; but when this is sold out, and the mer
chants paid for corn, and bacon, and bag
ging, rope, iron and plantation supplies (to
say nothing of women gear) the purse of the
planter is again depleted, and hard times,
until another crop brings again the greenback
periodical visitation.
The men that thus control our currency
and send it or withhold it at pleasure, in a
great measure also control the prices of our
produce. By withholding money, they cheap
en our produce, and purchase, to some extent,
on their own terms. Is it strange that the
North grows rich and the South remains poor
under this system of commerce.
What we need, then, Mr. Editor, is a cur
rency of our own that will be at home—here
—located here—that will act as a medium of
exchange between planter and planter, credi
tor and debtor, and that will not leave us
penniless and seek a Northern clime as soon
as the birds begin their vernal songs and the
last bale lias left the planter’s home. To
expect a people to pay debts contracted on a
basis of twelve millions circulation, with the
present circulation ot probably a million or a
million and a halt, is simply expecting a peo
ple to pay twelve dollars with one dollar. I
propose, then, sir, in my following numbers
to suggest what, if matured and elaborated,
might afford some relief. I do so with diffi
dence—with a sincere distrust, for to me the
field is new—but with a hope if nothing good
results, I at least will do no liarm.
Before this grand attempted revolution of
1861 commenced in the United States we had
no national banks; we had State banks, char
tered by State legislatures, banking upon
specie in their vaults as their basis of credit.
The currency was good, exchange low, specie
abundant. But war came, and in the midst
of convulsions all property becomes timid—
and gold and silver are the greatest of all
cowards, for at once they flee and are hid in
safe vaults and deep recesses. For a year or
two the United States government tried to
carry on the war by loans Irom banks and
brokers. Its agents skinned Wall street to
raise the sinews of war to put down what
they called this wicked rebellion, bat this
resource at length failed, and bonds and
Treasury notes became the substitutes. But,
then, here arose a difficulty: the banks did
not appreciate U. S. Treasury notes—credit
of Government commenced going down, until
at last the Government adopted the present
banking law, and by heavy taxation drove
into liquidation every bank that did not con
form to their system. And what is this sys
tem ? Specie as a basis of banking it repudi
ated, and Government bonds substituted in its
stead.
Do you wish to start a bank all you have
to do is to buy Government bonds to a certain
amount, deposit them at Washington City
as security for the bills they will issue for
you, and that you circulate as money without
one dollar of specie to base it upon. See
what a radical change this war has produced
in banking operations. The whole banking
capital of the United States now rests upon
the ability of the Government to pay its debts.
Iu other words, the indcltolnezs of the U. S.
Government, is now the basis of bank credit
and bank circulation. Oovcrnmunt indebt
edness is actually made property—capital to
baDk upon—I have heard of property being
the basis of credit—honor and integrity being
tbe basis of credit But it is now discovered
that indebtedness is the basis oi credit nnd tbe
larger the indebtedness the more extended
the credit. It was a masterly stroke of pol
icy during the war, thus to bind the people
to sustain and support tbo Government by
linking with its fate their entire financial
fabric, and putting under the ban even to ex
tinction any other system of finance. I reier
to this system of banking, Mr. Editor, not in
a spirit of disparagement or censure. It may
be all well enough, but simply to bring prom
inent to the mind of your readers the impor-
tant truth, that banking am lie carried on—
currency can be furnished without the aid of
gold or silver. This old fogy notion of one
dollar in specie for at least three of issue, is
exploded. Monroe.
THE PRESIDENT’S TOUR.
Speeches of llie President and
Secretary Seward at Niagara.
The progress of the Presidential party has
thus for been a continuous series ot brilliant
ovations. They arrived at Niagara on Sat
urday, and the President was conveyed to
the International Hotel. Shortly after ke
was conducted to the balcony, und an ad
dress of welcome was read by Mr. Augustis
Porter. The President replied in a speedi
of considerable length.
After expressing lii3 thanks for the hearty
and cordial reception which had been accor
ded him, he proceeded to discuss the points
at issue between himself aHd Congress. He
every pledge nnd word that I gave—[clieersj
—aud in my February speech in New York 1
told vou precisely the three conditions, and
said that though heaven and earth might pass
awav, vet the word that Andrew Johnson
passed that the States should be restored on
these conditions being complied with,
must be fulfilled. [Cheers.] And did you
not accept it and ask your numbers of Con
gress to vote for it ? I *old them the same
thing in March last. I tried to save that;
part? from destruction, I tried to show them
the way, straight and plain, but they were in
the case of the traveler who got bewildered
on his wav. He was shown two roads, one
leading to his destination, the other in oppo
site direction, and the record of his decision
was that ho had not good sense enough to
take either way. [Cheers nnd laughter.]—
And so they look neither way, and now
where are they ? They say we should adhere
to the party. I have been a party man—been
in three or four parties—and though gener
ally consistent, nnd the enemies of that party
found me an effective one, yet never was I ac
cused of infidelity. But I 'never was a party
man to that extent that I did not know that
the only course for a party, is to follow tbe
head of tbe party. Who is the head of their
party in New York? [A voice, “Horace
Greeley.”] Very well. A man to do a party
any good, a man to make it successful, must
take the lead. I do not accept of
Greeley, however. [Laughter.] But let
put forth a man now and nominate him for
Governor of New York to test their princi
ples at the election in six weeks, and if they
are not defeated by a forty thousand majority
then don’t count me in any longer. Must I
desert my trust, my government and my
country to follow' a party that is divided,
distracted, weak, imbecile, vacillating, and
af'snadly seeking its own destruction ? I
differently. We set the train on the
tfrick, nnd the cars were all empty when we
put it there. It was under the guidance of
the conductor Andrew Johnson, and all the
privileged seats were offered to liis party who
said he had been accused, together with va-, complain of being deserted. They 'were in-
rious_otlier members ^of the administration, iji v ited to enter tho cars. They wouldn’t do
of befog a traitor to his party. Why ? Hi
had no consciousness of having betrayed ej^
ther the people or tha party that nqmirafdp
him. When it was first proposed to noui-
natc him at the Baltimore Convention for foe
Vice-Presidency he had no particular ambi
tion to run on the ticket. At that timi he
considered a Senatorship of the United
States fully equal in point of honor with the
office of "Vice-President, but he determined
to accept the nomination, and was duly sleet
ed. By the Constitution of the country he
had since been made President of the United
States. Every one was familiar with the
platform of the Baltimore Convention. He
would challenge any Congressman who now
bitterly denounced him as a traitor to lay
his finger upon any portioii of that platform
which he had abandoned. The fact was,
that it was not he, but the Radical party, that
had deserted that platform. His present poli
cy was identical with that of the Republican
party a year ago. It had been proposed
to restore the States lately in insur
rection on these conditions—first, the aboil
tion of slavery by the State Legislatures; se
cond, the repudiation of the debt incurred in
conducting the rebellion; third, tbe ratifica
tion ot the constitutional amendment abol
ishing slavery. That was exactly where he
stood to-day. ne had also been accused of
being a traitor, because he had vetoed the
Freedmen’s Bureau Bill. The President then
entered into a full explanation of tke charac
ter of that law, and showed that it was but a
new form of slavery. He then touched upon
negro suffrage, and stated that he considered
it altogether out of the constitutional power
of Congress to impose it as a condition of the
restoration of the Southern States. If it were
wished that negroes, the incompetent section
of the nation, who required befog supervised
by a costly government bureau, should vote
aud become members of State Legislatures
and of the Congress of the United States,
why were not those privileges first accorded
to the black men in the North ? lie regarded
it as altogether unfair for the Southern States
to be compelled to confer what Northern
States refused to concede. Because he could
not assent to the new programme of the Re
publican party he had been denounced as
having deserted his party. He was free to
say that he was for no party but for his coun
try, and that, so far as he was concerned,
party might go to the devil or anywhere else.
It must not be thought that his present tour
was an electioneering campaign. lie was al
ready President, and had attained a share of
political preferment which might satisfy the
most ambitions of men. Mr. Johnsan con
cluded by expressing his confidence that the
people would at the approaching election
preserve and defend at the ballot box the
Union and the Constitution.
SPEECH OF MR. SEWARD.
In an answer to a call for a speech Mr. Se
ward said:
Now, my friends, do you want to hear mo!
TCries of “Yes.”] "Well, first, I want to ask
you a question. After the clear exposition of
the policy of the government, of what may
bocalled’his (Mr. Johnson’s) policy, or “our
policy,” and which may be said to have taken
its date from Abraham Lincoln—after the
clear exposition ho himself has given of that
policy—I want to know in God’s name what
use he has for a Secretary ot State at all ?—
[Cheers and laughter.] [A voice—“Will you
endorse it?”] Mr. Seward—I will and do
endorse it, and will write my name under it
as many times as people wish, and when you
find me a principle or a policy with my
signature over it or under it, that is mine,
that is my paper, and I am ready to pay all
the costs. [Cheers.] Fellow-citizens, you
have heard Andrew Johnson, the President
of the United States, traduced. Now, I have
heard Abraham Lincoln, within three months
of his death by the pistol of the assassin
—I heard him denounced worse and over
a larger portion of the United States
than Andrew Johnson is denounced
for treason to the Constitution and
the Government. Let me ask you
if, instead of bringing him safely here
to-day to stand before you, and to vin
dicate virtually before tbe whole American
people his life, character and policy, past,
present and in the future, lie had fallen oh
the way as Abraham Lincoln did, do you
think there would be one of his revilers that
would not be as loud in raising him to the
pinnacle of a martyr’s fame and glory as they
are now in celebrating the virtues and ser
vices of Abraham Lincoln ? The only trou
ble with the living President is that he lives.
The fortune of a dead one is that he is gone,
nnd can be praised intensely by those who
are incapable of appreciating his virtues and
his wisdom. Ths President has spoken on a
topic I never open, and which I did not think
I would now open up, that he is charged, and
the members of liis cabinet are charged with
Deserting thoir party. The charge is that we
deserted our party; but as lie lias told you
very justly, it is better in every case to let
party go down the Falls than let the country
go to destruction. But he has told you also
the truth when he said it was not possible to
find a word on the record on which he was
nominated which has not been fulfilled
by his every act since. Did they not
declare at Baltimore that the war
should be conducted till its final tri
umph, and the restoration of the States, and
the removal of the cause thereof forever ?—
And is the war not ended, and arc not the
States bring restored t And where is the
cause of the war to-day ? It is gone into the
receptacle of the errors of past ages. But they
say I have deserted my party. Let me call
your attention to my record on tho subject.
If you look to my speech of October, 1805—
and whenever I speak in Auburn I mean it
for all the peoplo of the State of New York—
there I tola the whole people that the Presi
dent of the United States, Andrew Johnson,
and I wit a him, had proposed the restoration
of the States lately in rebellion as equal
States in the Union if they would accept these
conditions: first, to abolish tbe rebel debt,
renounce the right of secession by their State
Constitutions, and accept the constitutional
amendment of the United States abolishing
slavery forever. When these conditions were
complied with tho Union would be restored.
I voted upon every platform and performed
it, and the cars filled up with outsiders, and
now they say they were deserted by the con
ductor. (Cheers and laughter.) Now I want
to know their leader in the United States.—
(A voice—Tliad. Stevens.) They will not
accept him; who else ? The Congress of the
United States and the President. Congress
can only exist until the 4th of March next;
and then, of course, there is no pnrty, because
there is no head. That is the wisdom of
this party. I know what it costs to create a
party and to make it successful, and take the
control of the Government. It is an un
pleasant experiment to see how soon a great
and powerful party, that has -controlled the
affairs of the country, how soon it can be let
down and destroyed. That is what they pro
pose, but I propose to have no lot nor share
in that.
The Piebald Convention.
Address of President Speed.
On the President’s taking the chair, he was
received with great applause. Mr. Speed
said:
Gentlemen of the Convention and loyal
men of the South here assembled: I thank
you'cordially for the compliment you have
paid me in calling on me to preside over the
deliberations of this body. I feel that you
could have called a worthier man—one who
has been more thoroughly tried. I take the
position, however, and will discharge the
functions and duties of the office to the best
of my ability. In my time, gentlemen, I
have received some honors, and I have borne
them, I think, meekly. I feel in my heart
that the lienor conferred on me to-day by the
Convention of voluntarily associated South-
men, devoted to their country and freedom,
is the highest honor that I have ever yet re
ceived. [Applause.] I feel that the position
I hold to-day to many may seem an humble
one; still I feel as you feel, that we are as
sembled here upon a grand and a great
occasion, and at a great time.—
Why are we here, gentlemen? Why is it that
so many of us have come from the country,
not*it the command or upon the suggestion
of those in power, but have come of our own
accord, have come at our own expense ?—
Why is it, I say, that we are here ? Why is it
that we have come to the good old city of
Philadelphia, [applause,1 and above all I ask
you, why ar.d how is it that when we have
come here the loyal hearts of this loyal people
are so stirred ? Why have they turned out
by millions to greet us ? Why this specta
cle ? Did they come out simply for the pur
pose of seeing a reed shaken by the wind?—
Did they come out simply for the purpose of
seeing frail men who are to-day but may not
beto-monow; who have had their trials in
the past and expect them in the future ?—
They turned out to receive us and met us
6omtwhat upon our own account, person
ally, it may be, but mainly and
chiefiy because we are representa
tives of a great truth. It was
not as men as much as it was to the princi-
ciples that we represent. [Applause.] It
was because in our past lives we had shown
a decision to principles, and because we were
here for the purpose of renewing upon the
altar of liberty in this ancient city, among
these loyal people, our pledges, and of declar
ing our purposes to stand by the principles
upon which the Government is founded.—
[Applause.] I beg you, gentlemen, in the
deliberations of this Convention to bear this
great question in mind. Let it control your
thoughts; let it control your actions and
your thoughts; be free, firm, clear and dig
nified, loving and merciful. [Applause.]—
What principle is it then that we represent ?
Why is it that we are here ? Why is it that
wo receive such an ovation upon our coming?
What is it and how is it that the people of
the great nation are stirred now as very rare
ly they have been stirred heretofore ? Just
think of it; less than eighteen months ago
in this country more than a million of
men were arrayed in arms hostile to each
other. The passions which lead to b ioodshed
and the passions which are consequent upon
tho flowing of human blood were there rife;
and these swayed and controlled alike indi
viduals and communities. The whole coun
try was, as it were, in great throes of excite
ment, heaving under the tread and march of
great armies and listening to the cries from
the battle-field, and anticipating the news of
severe battles to follow. Then the country
was stirred; then the country was excited,
but the great army of the republic, that army
which had consecrated itself to constitutional
liberty and the establishment of freedom, that
noble band of patriot warriors has performed
the task assigned it, and nobly did they do
their work. They disarmed traitors, dis
persed the hostile enemies, and destroyed
the organized civil govenunents of the re
bellion, and having taken the arms from
the hands oi traitors within our limits,
the army of patriot warriors disappeared, and
they are again patriotic citizens. Undis
tinguished they sit in the crowd _ without
epaulets, without badges, with uniforms.—
[Applause.] They, as everybody else, appeal
to the ballot-box. ’ [Applause.] Theyappeal
to the regular, ordinary and peaceful agencies
of this Government for the purpose of ac
complishing the remainderofthe work. [Ap
plause.] The soldiers, your army, in connec
tion with all good men, never wish to see war
again. [Applause]. But the soldiers from
the army, as all good men, whilst they never
wish to see war again, and whilst they also
wish to see peace established upon principles
of permanent peace, not a seeming peace,
they wish principles established whose origin
is in that truth, in the bosom of God him
self; that is tho principles of justice,
equal rights and security to every hu
man being within the jurisdiction of the
United States Government. [Applause].
The Southern men who have seen this great
sin of slavery, which some said paradoxically
was the corner stone of republican institu
tions, I say, we Southern men who have seen
the sin of slavery do know not only histori
cally, but wc do know experimentally that it
must perish from the face of the earth. [Ap
plause.] Wc are here, aud the country feels
it everywhere. We arc here in the interests
of this principle. All the country feels it.— I eternal. Let love for mankind, not for your-
Our adversaries feel it. ' self, not- for this man or that man, but for
Since this rebellion in hostile array, since i all men; not tor this color or that color, lc.
armed rebellion was put down, a Convention , love lor all mankind be your guide, let it dic-
has been held m this place with which I could .late your every resolution: let it be your
notact, with which you could not act. I | motive. I tell you that such conduct will
was glad to see it meet. Why was it here ? i pour bitterer tire upon the heads and into
It was bare in part because a great cry came ; the consciences of those opposed to you than
up from the white men of the South—"My | all we can do trom spite, all that we can do
constitutional rights, my natural rights are j from ill-will, or any feelings ot revenge,
denied me.” A great cry came up from the | (Applause.)
black men of tbe South, “My constitutional , — * ►
rights and my natural rights are denied me." j THE SON’ OF TUE GREAT XAPOIEOJf
This was a great complaint, sounded and
toot'
Au Yens Cniuxp.—Some tii
: called attention to the subject off-
and stated that in all pro!.;,! .
: slavery was abolished, an attemv : *
! made to obtain Chinese and Hind *'•'
| for the South. Wc suppc.-,,-i"c . I
large slaveholding planters v, P
move in the matter, bat
Chinese have had their attention
the sreai field for labor . r - I
South, and are desirous of
rmio f • *-• ‘I
solicitation. We find the 'faHov
San Francisco Morning Call of ''j
“ Yesterday a Chinaman
made sincerely on both sides und directly an
tagonistic the one to the other. It is right
that there should be these conventions. The
convention of the 14th of August came here
because of that great cry. The Convention of
to-day is here because of that great cry, and
that is right. [Applause.] Then as Southern
men speak out your minds. [Applause.]—
Speak the truth as you feel. [Applause.]
Speak the truth as you know it. [Applause.]
Speak the truth as you feel for your country.
Speak the truth as yoU love permanent peace
and as you hope to see the foundation of this
Government so that onr children and our
children’s children shall enjoy a peace that
we have not known. I tell you unless you do
this, there can be no peace. [Applause.] Gen
tlemen, I said that but a short time ago a
convention was held in this city; that con
vention, to my mind, did not do much,
or cither omitted to do much that was good.
It was wholly unmixed of good. That conven
tion, as I read its history, came here and simply
recorded, and nothing more. That Conven
tion recorded tbe command as of one man.
[Applause.] That Convention did what the
loyal Congress of the United States refuses to
do, [applause,] and if we ever have a Con
gress in the United States of America that
docs not resolutely and firmly refuse, ns the
present Congress has done, merely to be the
recording secretary of the tyrant of the
White House, American liberty has gone for
ever. (Applause.) To my mind it is impor
tant that Congress should be commended in
this particular, for that reason, independent
ly of all the other merits of the question, and
for the reason that many have thought for
themselves. They have stood up against all
sorts of influence for that which thefy believed
and well knew to be right. I am sorry for
tbe dead silence;, sorry for tbo want of
thought and speech; that lacked
that condition, ' and feeling as I
do, that posterity must condemn
it, still, as I said, its doings were not unmix
ed. What good was there in what it did ?
Gentlemen, you all know that we have had
in this country an old defiant, proud and
haughty patty, quondam Copperheads. To
my comprehension tho characteristic of that
party ever has been that it has been coated
all over with prejudice, keeping out tho light
of truth and the light of day. Among other
prejudices for years has been that slavery was
a divine institution; that all the incidents of
slavery were divine; that it was a sacred
thing; that it should not be discussed and
should not be spoken of; it was the household
god. This was the creed, this was the conduct
of this late defiant and proud party. Well,
that party comes up here to the 14th of
August Convention; that party, for the
men of that party constituted a vast
majority of that Convention—now mark,
gentlemen, that in one of the resolutions of
that Convention it is distinctly stated that
slavery is abolished and must never be re-es-
tablislied. (Applause.) I ask you, then, if
this old Democratic party has not struck its
colors and bowed in humble submission to
Republican principles. (Applause.)
There is some good in that. (Applause.)
It marks an event in the progress of human
freedom; at the Convention held in Balti
more rn 1864, which nominated Sir. Lincoln
and Mr. Johnson, it was announced that
slavery should be exterminated, not abolished
merely extirpated, taken out of our institu
tions root and branch, body and soul, every
lineament of every fibre of its work. Gentle
men, the difference between the two words
to exterminate—not simply to cast oft this
or any other limb of this horrible monster, but
to take out. not only slavery, but all the in
congruous unrighteousness, and unequal con
sequences and incidents that resulted from
slavery. Why are they, in the first place, un-
equally^represented ? [Applause.]
Does not slavery remain so long as there is
a man—no matter what liis color—so long as
there is a man unrepresented in the Govern
ment ? Does not slavery remain as long as
you can, because of color, say to a man that
he may not stand equal with his fellow men
in your courts of justice ? All these pledged
themselves at Baltimore that slavery should
be extirpated, and you Southern men who
were at that time, as it were, iu the prison
house of the South, when this pledge came to
yon, it came as the sweetest and surest note
you had ever heard. Let this be done, and
we will be content.
I call the attention of the Convention to
the fact that every Southern State, North
Carolina I believo excepted, has not of itself
abolished slavery, but it has announced in its
Constitution that slavery has been abolished
by the military power of the United States
and ought not to be re-established. Now I
call the attention of the Convention to the
peculiar language; I* atruck me when used,
and when I first saw it several Southern gen
tlemen were in conversation with me. It
struck me as carefully selected and used for a
purpose that it should never bo said to them
that they had assented to the abolition of sla
very, and that upon that they would hereafter
come, when represented in Congress, to the
Government and demand compensation for
their emancipated slaves. [Cries of that’s so.]
It is not necessary for me to say before this
Convention that they have no just tight for
compensation. ■ Applause. None on earth.]
Let them pay back to the Government the
vast debt they have incurred, because of their
treason and rebellion, and that will pay them
for their slaves. [Applause.]
But independently of that, upon principle
they are not entitled to payment. Then, gen
tlemen, this Convention ought to say to the
people of this nation, if you want to be secure
and safe in this matter, fix it down in the
Constitution, when neither Congress nor any
department of the Government can touch it
—emancipated slaves arfe never to be paid for.
[Applause.] Those Southern people, when
they assembled to make their various Consti
tutions, provided in their State Constitutions
that their State rebel debt is not to bo paid.
Every Southerner here knows with what
great reluctance they did that. It required
the positive command ot the President and
all the power of the Government to exact it
of them. That ca« be repealed by State ac
tion. They can by State action undo
what they have done, and assume
the payment o f the debt, • which
they have now under coercion refused to
write down in the fundamental law of the
land. But the loyal people ot this nation
see that it is written down in the fundamen
tal law of tho land, that no money shall be
paid out ot the coffers of the people any
where, North or South, for any effort to de
stroy this Government (Applause.) Before
these subjects I think, but on the subject
more particularly of equal and just represen
tation, this Convention ought to speak
out The Southern men complain that
their constitutional and national rights
are infringed; if they complaim
fairly, say, so; if they ask more than justice,
deny it; that they have no right to it; if they
ask’that the vote and power of a while man in
South Carolina shall equal the vote and pow
er of two white men in Pennsylvania, it is an
injustice nnd say so. [Applause.]—
If they ask less than justice give them
full measure; if they ask more than
justice, deny it. As to the disfranchise
ment of rebels and the enfranchisement of the
black people, this subject, also, wiH come be
fore this Convention. Upon this subject,
gentlemen of the Convention, all I have to
say is, do nothing in anger; do nothing from
ill will or revenge; but do that which jus
tice, and right, and mercy, i.nd love, dictate.
(Applause.) That which the unrighteous;
that which the ungodly and the bad man
does from bad passion' but perish irom tho
fall of the earth, whilst that which comes
from love, from mercy, front justice, must be
HIS MOURNFUL AND ROMANTIC HISTORY.
Correspondence of the N. Y. Times.]
Paris, August 14, 1800.
Since the recent mediation of the Emperor
of the French, which has perhaps saved Aus
tria from total annihilation, there is reason to
believe that the desire ot France to possess
the ashes of the young Prince who was for a
few hours Napoleon II., has been acceded to
by the Emperor Francis Joseph, and that the
mortal remains of the King ot Rome will soon
be placed beneath the dome of the Invalidcs,
side by side with those of his illustrious fath
er. Thus the great Napoleon and his son,
separated by destiny in life, will at lust be
united in death. Both died in the land
of exile, and neither will have found repose
upon the soil of France until after many
years’ sleep far from her shores—one upon a
rock-bound island in a distant ocean, and the
other in the funereal vault of an Austrian
palace.
Little is generally known in America of the
last years of Napoleon IL. and the present
moment seems opportune to give a sketch of
his brief and melancholy career.
Joseph Charles Francis Napoleon, King ot
Rome, Duke of Reichstadt, was born in Paris
on the SOtli of March, 1811. All the good
fairies seem to have assembled around his era
die, and all appeared to predict for him hon
ors, riches and power; not one intimated
doubt of his future grandeur and lustre!-
Yet, despite the happy presages which ac
companied his birth, scarcely three years af
ter he came into the world ns the heir of Na-
S oleon, the young Prince left France on the
d of May, 1814, never to return during life.
On arriving in the dominions ot his grand
father, the Emperor of Austria, liis titie was
suppressed, the name he bore was proscribed,
every fact in history which recalled the glory
of liis father and the humiliation of his ene
mies was carefully concealed from the cbild’s
knowledge; and at seven years of age the son
of Napoleon became the Duke of Reichstadt.
An imperial decree, promulgated July 22,
1818, (the 22d of July was also the date of his
death,) conferred upon him tho title of an
Austrian Duke, fixed his rank at the Court of
Vienna, the arms he was to bear, the honors
to which he was to be entitled, and the posi
tion he was to occupy as a member of the im
perial family of Austria. No trace of Napo
leon was left, and the name itself was formal
ly suppressed by the decree.
Afterwards, when he grew up and learned
what hero was his father, he suddenly awoke
as from a long slumber. When he read in
secret the story of Napoleon’s immortal cam
paigns, and comprehended the glory and
power to which the genius of his fother liad
attained, it seemed to him that he had all at
once entered another world, illuminated by
the history of gigantic exploits.
Then, despite those who surrounded him,
despite the incessant watch kept over him; he
determined to know all. He obtained and
eagerly devoured every work in which Na
poleon’s name was mentioned, and finally,
when he realized how great his father had
been, what humiliations had been heaped up
on him, how he had died a tortured prisoner,
the young Prince was filled with an intense
hatred of those who had accomplished the
banished soldier’s long martyrdom. His in
dignation was also excited against the decree
which deprived him of the name tvhich he
justly regarded as the most glorious of those
he bore, and he immediately and resolutely
signified his intention to be called Napoleon.
Like his father, he was fond of the profession
of arms, but his t«U, thin body could not
withstand the arduous exercises to which he
attempted to school himself. Appointed
Colonel of the Gustavus Vasa Regiment, he
assumed the active command, took part in
every tutiguing ceremony, in all weather, and
no matter how ill he was, or how much his
physicians remonstrated. His dreams were
of glory. lie studied the art of war in the
numberless descriptions of his father's bat
tles, either reading them, or inducing others
to recount them to him, with the map of Eu
rope before his eyes.
He would never consent to lie down except
when his feebleness absolutely forced him to
do so. Ho well knew that he must soon die,
but he had only one regret in leaving the
world, and that was to have done so little to
prove himself worthy to bear the name of
Napoleon. I remember having often seen in
America an engraving representing him
grasping his father’s sword and lamenting his
powerlessness to grasp the weapon winch
had so long “made all Europe tremble.”—
The phrase attributed to him may be apocry
phal, as regards the strict letter of the ex
pression, but that such were iu reality his
feelings cannot be doubted for an instant.
Hi« mother—a woman whose heart seemed
insensible to any ennobling emotion, nnd who
had not the dignity to remain the widow of
Napoleon—wept at his bedside when the fatal
moment drew near.
“Mother ! mother!” he whispered, “I am
dying!”
It wasthe22d of July, 1832, and these were
the last words of Napoleon II, expiring with a
murmur upon his lips, with his last breath.
Thus died the son of the Great Captain, at
the age of 21 years. Six days after his death,
on the 28th, a post mortem examination was
made at Schonbrunn. The following is an
extract of the medical report:
“The body completely emaciated; the chest,
in proportion to the body, long and narrow:
the sternum flattened; the neck wasted.”
He was interred at Schonbrunn with prince
ly honors; and visitors to his tomb, at the
present day, will see upon it a Latin inscrip
tion, ot which the following is a translation:
- , named nj
who bears credentials from * bl
great emigration companies, took n?j 'l
the East on the steamer Golden .V I
panied by F. Marcal, Chinese intend I
Mr. Robert F. Strichlar, an Amen>,“
has spent many years in China, and •
ouglily acquainted with the China, '
object of AU Yuc's visit to tbeL
iook after new scenes for the intrcdZ'l
Chinese laborers, and with this view it
travel through all the Southern and rJ
States, offering to furnish field-hjJ'f
much less figure than the freednian i J
to work for. After having made .** I
the Sonth and West, Ah Yue vrji/il
down upon Massachusetts, and tend i
MMjahpr to the cotton factors.
be successful, he will return to cV.'i
immediately begin to send his Conner' I
■ copper. „
laborers forward. He expects to J
“ To the eternal memory
Of Joseph Charles Francis, Duke of Reichstadt;
Son of Napoleon, Emperor of the French,
And of Maria Louisa, Arch-Duchess of Austria,
Bom at Paris, the 20th of March, 1811,
Died at Schonbrunn, July 23, 1833.”
He had himself written an epitaph, which
he wished placed upon his tomb, but which
was rejected. It was brief and to the pur
pose.
“ Here lies the son of the Great Napoleon!
He was bom King of Rome,
He died an Austrian Colonel!”
about six months in making the tour
Eastern States, and, after completing
will proceed to Washington and cnd t -
induce the Government to show
more courtesy to his people. Ah
to be a decidedly bright specimen
race.”
This is a matter of very grave imi w -
It is all very well to say we will n ot
these heathens to settle among m
can we help ourselves ? Once a told
Chinese immigration sets in, there is
can stop it The Californians did s ;q
could to discourage this objectionable.
gration. Tho State passed laws to keerS
away, while the white miners used then,
great cruelty; but to-day there are lift
lestials in California. The people o;
tralia did all they could to discount
nesc emigration, but nothing could dL
flood; and to-day there are 60,000 of £
in that country, whom the law is c<a-.
to protect.
Tho San Francisco Monitor gives &
lowing facts:
“We were informed, a month or a,,
that a person had arrived in tins eit-v
New Orleans to make arrangements i] ; l
transfer of three hundred Chinamen toV
on Southern plantations, and as all i*
tions ot race and color arc abolished It
Civil Rights Bill, so far as Congress J
so. We imagine the day not far distutt
copper-colored pagan labor will be sus
ed for-the labor of the white man in Ct
Atlantic States. Such is the directions
which our National and much of o;u
legislation is now tending, and units
people recover their lost virtue aud rtfe-
the necessity of a “sober second thou;--
requires no prophet to foretell that afw. I
erations will make Americans a misetset I
emasculated, and effete race. These!'.. |
for such they are, are a demoralizing L.
to any community in which tbej
domiciled. They are active ami ingenios
true, good copyists, quick of compress
and useful drudges; but they are filthy.u
ish, and infamously vile. They are br.
to this city as merchandise, to be pr ;
out on the labor market, with no other
aition than the supply of their anirnil r :
and their return home, living or dead, rl
end of the term contracted for. Vent-
them return alive, but continue to ira
their own account after the expiration e:
term of service, and after death their f 1
are packed up and transferred to the r
ery Kingdom ’ annually. There are *•
companies trading under real or as:
names, engaged iu their import and e:
to and from this city. The Chinese p<:
tion of California may be set down at
but it may not become us now to proer
details of the demoralizing influcret
large a heathen population on a State
casts a tittle over one hundred thousand
or about fifteen thousand votes less ths:
cast in 185C. The reduction of 15.000
in ten years, and in a new State which
unprecedented inducements, afford j in!:,
ble proof that the Mongolian, like the.
can race, is repulsive to the Caucasia
wc know that the vast majority of via
this coast, of all conditions ot life, are .
ous to return “home” as soon as theyca
The Sacramento Bee said a few dan
that:
! . ‘ It used to be said that wheneR’
went he was sure to find an Irishman, r
soon be remarked that in whatever din
we travel we will run against a Celesa
Before many years our publishers
printing vocabularies for those ot ns
travel and for those who stay at home,
such phrases as Ni-in-tso-mat-ye, Ni-kc
mat-ye, Ni-kire, Mat-ming, Kum-che:>
Hang-hoi, will be as common among
the brogue of Derrynauc and Tralee.
Wc give these focts for our readers #1
der over. An immense Chinese imrnign
would make a wonderful change in tit-
and industrial future of the Atlantic N
and if Ah Yuc can bring it about.!'
figure in our future history as one of tW
important men of the century. By all ^
let us pay due attention to Ah Tuc i-
mission.—N. Y. World.
Judge Abell vs. General Sheridan.
New Orleans, September 1.—Judge
Abell addresses a letter to General Sheridan
through the New Orleans papers, defending
himself against the charge of being a “dan
gerous man,” and says that in his judicial
station he knows naught bat fidelity to State
and humanity, and to the unfortunate, re
gardless of color. He finally believes that not
a drop of blood would have been shed had
the military been half as earnest as he is in op
posing the attempted usurpation. He says
since the establishment of the civil authority
in Louisiana, the status of Northern men has
been one of perfect safety. He tells General
Sheridan if he thinks the assertion correct, to
rejoice in it: but among good men he thinks
it will not add to his reputation.
jgjp“Tlie Rev. John Pierpout, recently de
ceased, was President of the Spiritual Con
vention recently held at Providence, R. I.—
On taking the clmir on that occasion, Mr.
Pierpont made a solemn promise to his fel
low-spiritualists that lie would communicate
with them after liis death. He made the
same promise to some of liis brethren in
Washington. The spiritualist circles ol that
city, it is said, are now anxiously awaiting
tbe visit of Mr. Pierpont’s spirit. As nothing
has as yet been heard from the late divine,
they are engaged in making excuse* lor his
reticence.
Trouble Between the United SU»-_
the Turkish liovemment—Outr*-:- j
United State* t on-iil -Our 1
Constantinople Seudslor anlroO I
The Levant Herald states that a
has arisen between the Porte and a- .j
Legation on a matter of some i nter ?.]
time ago the American Consul, a .'a ‘j
de Cesnola, at Lamaca, C<yp rus ? 1 ^A
liis service a Mussulman native namw -j
pha. Shortly after, themudiroft T
claimed the man as a drawn conserv
ing to evade military service, as
Consul refusing to give him U P>
party of zaptiehs to enter the n° u -. ■
American consular dragoman—a cer^.l
tahd Bebess-^-and carry off the mas- 1
upon the Consul addressed a form** -.
to the Governor of the islaad,
the punishment of the mudir, aDa .. c j
apology for the alleged outrage on ‘
lar dignity. On enquiry into the fat® .
the Pacha considered the mudir w . .
and, therefore, refused the consular'-j
Mr. Palma de Cesnola accordingly J
cd relations,” aud referred the m*
Hon. E.' Joy Morris, the American*!
in the Capital. The latter genf . e J
cep ting his subordinate’s version oi j
had addressed an energetic and ^ - I
note to the Porte, demanding: 1
1. The dismissal of the mudir.
2. A personal apology from
the Consul at the house of the la*
simultaneous salute of 21 guns to •
Ca 3. fl That done, the dismissal oi
himself; and
4. The liberation and paym eD 41
stantial compensatton to the cav-=
pha
In the event of the Porte s un o ^j
to boboefo these four points, Mr.A
it is said, requested Admiral Goli fLjl
manding the America:: - .-.u :• s •" j
iterranean, to send one ot his 1 j
Larnaco.
A Beautiful Trio.—We
the names of delegates from
Southern Loyalists’ Convention_ 1 w:J
phia, those of J. E. Bryant, Ambro
and N. S. Morse. Brownlow, 111 , ^!
dclphia speech, boasts that
nessee delegation arc what are ^
delegation . .
whites and mean sneaks. Li t >
Parson has no advantage 0VL ' r Jr*
Georgia confreres.—Sat. He™- •
“ Tliad. Stevens is tb<
Springs.” , .ft
He possibly wants to knowtne
ortinlo hr forP tl'IOS it**uOWD