Newspaper Page Text
THE GEORGIA WEEKLY TELEGRAPH.
D
* 11
‘I
(jiforip ®lrdu S'clcgrfegfr
ti Loyal Black*. ”
Vew York Herald shows how ridicu-
.. t j, e 0 (t repeated egpresrion of North-
, a! R*dic*l orators and editors, who, in
<fD k j e ,, 0 f freedinen, call them the “loyal
lSek*” of th0 8ont,) - We ( l uotc:
.•Tlit*-’ Radicals must laugh in their sleeves
they talk about tho “loyal blacks.’’—
* ' knoW well enough that but few of the
‘ *’ i know what is meant by t he word
r°° Itv g n i§ an insnlt to the intelligent cit-
rt f the country to reiterate such non-
:f it would bt just as sensible to talk of
* ] 0 y»l children who are only just learning
alphabet, or the loyal baby in its mother’s
' yet, theso Radicals complain that the
^ath w not put under tlio control of the poor
Righted blacks. They unblushingly claim
j^ai hslf this continent, aud that the richest
| m(to it im]>ortant half, shall be put into
, hands of the negroes. Seven or tight
aillious of whites, the intellectual people of
mr o»' n l'l°°d and race, with all the vast inter-
ot the ftiture of the Southern States, to
l< tnrnrd over to threa miilions of ignorant
Br-roes who scarcely know the right hand
i>,m> the left! How preposterous 1 What
jn insane proposition 1 It is too absurd for
.frious argument. None but the craziest fa
natics, who ought to be in lunatic asylums,
or the most desperate revolutionary politi-
c i, n « would entertain such a thought.
This is putting the case plainly, pointedly
and truthfully. Tho only gcuuino loyalists
oi the South are the intelligent and cduca-
In l whites—no matter whether they took
part in the war for establishing a separate na
tionality or not. This class, it is true, are
rebellious against the tyranny and oppression
of the Radical party, but to the Union under
the Constitution and the laws of the land,
tbff give true respect anil ntlcgiaucc.
TO THE PEOPLE OK GEORGIA.
Macon, Sept. 8th, 1866.
Having lH.cn appointed bV the National
Conservative- Union Convention which assem
bled in Philadelphia on the 14th of August,
,;,]>e of the National Executive Committee, I
lopaetlully call your attention to the follow
ing resolution, passed at a special meeting of
the Resident Executive Committee, at Wash
ington, Aug. 26, 1866:
Resolved, That the friends of Peace, Union,
Liberty ami Law be earnestly requested, at the
earliest day practicable, to call mass meetings
in every county of the thirty-six States and
nine territories ot the American Union, for
the purpose of endorsing and ratifying the
action of tho National Conservative Union
Convention***.”
I cannot urge too forcibly upon uiy fellow-
ciiizc-ns the propriety of complying with the
request of the committee. It was urged in
an especial manner, upou the Southern mem
Urs of the Executive Committee, to call these
meetings, lor tiro purpose of showing both
friends nnd foes at the North, that the peo
ple of tbe South ratified the action of their
representatives in that Convention.
It is asserted by out Radical opponents
that the Southern delegates did not represent
the great mass of their constituency; and,
that, as a people, we were yet rebellious and
disloyal. Hence, this call by the Committee
for the people themselves to speak in their
county meetings. It is not my purpose to
defend here the action of your delegates in
the Convention. They ore willing for future
results to applaud or condemn them. While
they do not claim that everything that was
said or done in that convention met with
their entire approval, they do assert that, ta
ken in its totality, its proceedings should
command the approval of every man who
sincerely desires the restoration of fraternal
relations, harmony and union. Enough was
accomplished to satisfy us that we have
friends at the North, who are manfully fight
ing in their own States for our interests and
our rights, They simply ask of us to aid
them in their heroic struggle by giving
them onr endow,neat. They claim that it
wdl dd them in the elections now pending.
S jall wu withhold it, and thus say by our ac
tions, we are indifferent and unconcerned i
'' e Me far from tbo field of the con-
^int, yet we are, above all otiters,
most deeply interested in its results.
Our social equality, political liberty, our
f i?hts of persona and property, all that we
hold dear as a people, depend upon the sue
cess of the great struggle, in which our
friends'ure now actively and manfully en-
S*ged. They ask our aid and co-operation
ia this dark hour of our country’s history,
het me invoke our fellow citizens to come to
•he rescue. Indifference is unpardonable—
inaction fa dangerous. Uphold the bands of
•<ur friends, and the friends of constitutional
‘herty and State equality, and the good work
t*gun at Philadelphia may yet result in the
triumph of constitutional law and the resto-
tation of the South to her former position in
ti* government ot our fathers.
Respectfully,
Titos. Hardeman, Jr.,
One of the Executive Committee.
Papers friendly will please copy.
[Correspondence Georgia Telegraph.]
Letter from Washington.
cral occasions. This is what those fanatical
scamps arc seeking to accomplish, so that
they may have a pretext to vilify and tra
duce him in their kindred journals. A well
concerted plot baa been discovered in Chica
go to heap upon hint all the obloquv and in
sult which a band of crazy zealots are capa
ble of.
The very extraordinary decline in the price
of loicign exchanges, c.ui-cs a continuance of
tl e importations of gold coin. The large in
vestments in United States Five-Twenties by
foreign capitalists arc also stimulatingthcship-
ment to this country ot the precious metals.
Orders are being constantly received by the
cable telegraph l'or the purchase of govern-'
ment securities. This is causing such a re
dundancy ot exchange as to cause quite a
decline, because of the supply being so heavy
in excess of the demand. Capitalists, for this
reason and others,- are expecting this reac
tionary movement in gold to continue for
some time, and to increase largely beyond the
present receipts. The cotton crop now about
being harvested is expected to furnish at least
a million of bales for shipment, which is esti
mated to yield two hundred and fifty milli< jar
in gold, and will very materially contribute to
affect the exchange market, and 1 keep tbe
current of gold importations flowing this
way. A combination of causes, mainly tlic
falling off of the crop of breadstuff* through
out Europe, will afford an inviting market
for tbe immense surplus in the American
granaries. Altogether the aspect oi commer
cial affairs is very promising, and if not marr
ed by the successful schemes of the Radical
politicians, we may promise, in the future,
much to mollify the revulsion which has been
so confidently apprehended.
Hannibal Hamlin has stepped oat of the
Boston Custom House to tbe stump in lira
Portland District of Maine, to aid by bis pre
sence and harangues the cause of the Radicals
in the existing canvass.
What next? The radical revolutionary
press North have got a new crotchet in their
addled braius. They arc now advocating
another Constitutional amendment to do
away with the executive department Of the
Government, alleging that such a brunch is
too expensive and can be well dispensed with.
As soon as they could get President Johnson
out of the way, und secure a Fred- Douglas,
or Sumner, they will then want another
amendment to have a President. u Ste transit
gloria mundi." , _
It has leaked out now since Secretary Har
lan has retired from tbe Cabinet that the Very
costly service ut silver, which was pre
sented (?) to him, was paid for by a lpvv of
so much money imposed upon each employe
of the department. This, however, is' noth
ing novel. Such is almost the invariable
custom on ull such occasions. Your money
or your office.
Fresh advices from the State of Missouri
clearly foreshadow much trouble and blood-
shed'tliere pending the canvass and at the
election. An organization under the control
of Governor Fletcher is being got np, secret
in its character, for the purpose of prevent-
ing, by force of arms, tbe foreshadowed tri
umph of the Conservatives, and if necessary
to resist any efforts which may be made by
the Federal authorities to check the attempt
to establish a despotic sway in thut State.—
Negroes in large numbers arc being enrolled
in the secret organization, and the State arms
at the St. Louis arsennl are Mng distributed
throughout the interior.
It is now revealed by the’ testimony of
four of the parties themselves, that the
instrument made use of by Judge Ad vacate -
General Holt to implicate Jefferson Davis
in the assassination plot, was a perjured
wretch, suborned either by some subtile tool
to blacken liis reputation, or instigated by an
anticipation of gain to pcijure himself. TU*
efforts of the Judiciary Committee ot tbs
House ot Representatives to present Mr. Davis
to the world os a participant in that high
crime, all falls to the ground by tbe recent
official acknowledgment that Judge Advo
cate General Holt, in his efforts to aid the
Committee, was a victim of stupendous gulli
bility. Potomac.
Relief for the I'coplc.
No. 2.
It is true, Mr. Editor we can buy Govcrt-
nient Bonds and commence Banking as tla
North is doing and it is said- the Government
is keeping this privilege open for the South
ern States, but tbe trouble is ire are too poor to
buy tbe bonde, we have not money to invest,
and I have no doubt what little is so invested
here is from the North. In this banking bu
siness, you will bear in mind it has been de
monstrated that Banking is carried on now
without specie, and without any capital save
government indebtedness. We hare no money
to buy Government Bonds, lint we have pro
perty here to bank upon far more secure and
stable than Government Bonds. Be bare real
estate in abandonee, rich much of it, under
genial skies, and wliieh if we have wssUi Hi
the prodigality of our system of labor, a
bountiful nature will soon restore to fertility
by a change of that system. The two liun
dred millions ot real estate in Georgia, (un
become borrowers bv the pledge of ample
real estate—would not this be as good a basis
for currency as Government bonds ? To re
deem this circulation eventually the State
would look to the mortgages on real estate of
her debtors, but to meet the ordinary de
mands of redemption, her bond?, issued nt
twenty years, drawing interest, conlcl be hy
pothecated to the amount of 1-lOoflier circula
tion or more, and this, with hcrotber resources
form her public works, her taxes, ,tc., would
ever keep a sufficiency of greenbacks on hand
to meet these demands. For, bear in mind,
public confidence in the basis of her circula
tion, would tend to boar f, rather than other
wise, this cirj^lqtipn.
Wc hear of no run upon, tranks for redemp
tion, and why ? Because the notes they pre
sent are as amply secured as the currency that
they are redeemed with. Tho difference
would be in favor of our State currency, for
it weuldEe secured -by plighted State faith,
and, in addition, ample lien upon real estate.
Ten millions uf State currency thus secured
aud loaned to our real estate owners—to the
men whose fortunes have been so shattered
by tbe war—would be like infusing vigorous
aud healthy blood into tbe weak and sinking
patient It would give us capita! to pay
debts—capital to rebuild our ruined homes,
repair dilapidated fences, procuresupplies for
another crop, (cut. off in many places by
drought,) und hire the labor necessary now to
till it It’s re-payment by instalments an
nually, with a low rate of interest, would en
able the borrower, in the great majority of
coses, to repay the loan to the State with con
venience.
I have no doubt objections can be found
to the plan, and probably plausible ones;
but let us bear a better proposed in lieu of it
Wo arc sick nigh unto death from the want
ot a circulation, as essential to tbe health of
the body commercial, as the blood is to the
system. I propose to have it made by our
State, secured by, and loaned to, our people,
for a time, until we pass this fearful ord.al up
on us.
' Large exemptions of property are of doubt
ful propriety, nnd when made to defeat
debts already incurred, of doubtful consti
tutionality. Stay laws are as stimulants that
keep off, temporarily,the chill of death; but
the hoar conics nt last that winds up the
scene. Repudiation is' beyond our reach,
and ot representation to tlic Southern Stales,
without anv other test of loyalty besidcstlie
oath to support the Constitution of the Tin
ted States. This is deeply interesting b us.
It is the overshadowing question, parannunt
to all *thers. It is vital. I surrender noie of
the cherished political opinions of my lift so
far as they are applicable to the situatioi in
which we are lett by the war, nor do ’ en
dorse such as I believe to be erroneous, ft the
Philadelphia platform and address. But
what avails tin- discus-inn ot these nor :—
What can we gain by argument ? M e lia’c no
audience; we are practically out of the Lhion;
we have no voice in the action of the gitern-
ernment. Shall we waste our pou ers if vain
debate, and refuse to co-operate win the
Conservative men of the North, becausi they
differ with us upou some questions ? Shall
wc throw obstacles in their way, by jialous
criticisms of the proceedings of the (inven
tion at the very tunc when they are fgh ting
our battle ? Shall we not rather aid, aatain,
and encourage them by earnest co-opvation?
For one, I am prepared to do it, vith my
whole heart; for the iasue is vital. Ithvolves
in my judgment, not only the destiiy of the
South, but that ot constitutional liberty.
Some such movement as that of tie Phila
delphia Convention was necessary, 1 order
to afford the conservative element of the
countty a defined basis of action, on yliich it
could organize and concentrate i> forces
against the destructive policy of tbe Ruminant
party. It cannot fail to produce a powerful
effect. Tbe people have but to opm their
eyes to see that liberty is in peril, ad that
the constitution is sought to be subrituted
by tho will of an. irresponsible majinty.—
The people everywhere love Jibertyi they
love the Constitution; they are honest* they
are to bo trusted. Show them the rig* aud
they will pursue it; make them sensblc of
the danger and they will unite to avert?t;—
expose to them the bad ambition of jiwer,
drunk with the love of dorainfpa4»lffk / they
will rise to overthrow it. The cannaign, in
tlic Northern and Northwestern Statu, is just
now opening. The Philadelphia Corvcntion
boldly and clearly presents the issue teiween
tbe conservative and destructive eleu^nts, of
restoration of ill tbe States to rcpteseitation,
on the basis of tbe constitution on fie one
baud, and on the other, the per|K-tiratlon of
strife and disconl, by the wicked outlawry
and disfranchisement of nearly ooe-tbi:d of
the States of the Union. The upptal is ftadc
to the calm. sober patriotism of the Northern
people. With them tbe battle is to bo von
or lost. Liberty and the promise of g»od
government is the prize on one side, against
misrule and despotism on tbe other. May w e
not, since tbe late demonstration 1n Philadel
phia aitd the patriotic response of the Prcti-
dent to the resolutions of the CouTenficn, in
dulge a hope of final triumph for truth, jus
tice, and State equality ?
They will never he restored and when restor- u - e owe !t t0 ourselves, to do justice to the
ed they cannot lie preserved, without the ex-1 Philadelphia Convention—its resolutioi
ercise of the same spirit.
andaddre--. I regret to sec that some who
B Tru_e, as a section, the South will be in a
minority a:nl powerless, of herself, to arrest
unjust and unconstitutional legislation. But
that great change in popular sentiment in the
North, which shall secure to us representa
tion. wiH also bring into Congress friends
who, united with the Southern members, will
opposed tiu- Convention, and now wjtiih >Id
their approval of its action, dwell upon, nnd
express, in the light of severe criticism, all
that is distasteful in language and objection
able in principle, without also holding np for
commendation and support what is eminently
acceptable to tlic Southern people. This is
constitute a majority ot the House, or, it not wrong. It can do no good at the South ; it
a majority, a sufficient number to sustain * s calculated to weaken those at the North
Presidential vetoes of unconstitutional enact- h' ho are engaged in tie struggle to restore
ments. Extravagance of expenditure can be the L nion upon the plan of the Administra-
e’lecked, the burden of taxation equalized, I tion But while I tlius comment on rids
corruption exposed, and tbe annoyance of the course of the opponents of the proceedings
present dominant party tamed and chastened.. of the Convention, it aflords me pleasure to
When we can be beard, there will be hope, to them honest and patriotic purpo-
at least, by an appeal to reason and justice, se? - They are not more wrong than those
that the ship of state may be again put; upon who would assign them the position of alli-
thc course which its builders intended it to “w* w *th the Radicals. Wo must tolerate
navigate.
•r ,f .“ “‘j*-* t r* I oS&SLZ ffia
stigmatize us its cheats and swindlers. lace sustain him. He stood alone, so &r as organ-
no State remedy, beyond those already en
forced, save tbe one of lending her credit to
her people. A Bankrupt law by Congress
would afford immense relief; but, alas! they
reiusc it, because the Radicals say “it would
be a relief to the South.’’ I then say, Mr.
Editor, let our Legislature help us with the
credit of the State, amply secured, and we
may yet live and recover.
I could add much more, but fear I have
been too tedious. If tbe scheme I propose
is impracticable, its discussion may suggest
another that may be better, and tbe public
thereby be benefitted. I have submit
ted it with hesitation. Our condition ear
nestly demands relief, and this must be my
excuse for trespassing upon your space and
time. Monroe.
From tbe Augusta Chronicle A Sentinel.
Letter from Ex-Gov. H. V. Johnson.
lie Endorses the Pliiladclpliiti
Convention.
Augcsta, Sept. 1, 1866.
Messrs. Editors :—Having received many
inquiries for my views of the proceedings ot
the Philadelphia Convention, and as to the
course the Southern people should pursue in
reference to its action, 1 take this method of
responding, because its gives me less labor
oml a more general dissemination of my
opinions;
Although I felt the necessity of some means
of bringing tbe conservative men of the I Capitol.
ized co-operation was concerned, against tl*
assaults of the Radical Congress tnd press.-*
He lias exhibited courage worthy of.Iacksoq
and a determination to restore the Souther*
States to rightful representation in Congress
which cannot fail to challenge our support
nnd commendation. Tlic Convention jwas
confessedly a movement of his conception.—
He desired it, First to inaugurate good leel-
If this can be accomplished, there ill hope
of regaining good government, and finally
ma.cnal prosperity. Long before tho war I
had come to tlj§ponviction that the best hope
for this country was in n close alliance with
tnc great agricultural States of the North
west. They, like us, are interested i:? low
taxation and economy. United with them,
and such friends as could always be elected
from a few districts of the Northern States, I
believed, on tlic day of secession, tb it the
South was stronger in, than out of the Union.
This conviction, so deeply fixed, explains the
true motives of my adhesion to the noble and
lamented Douglas, in 1860. I knew be was
justly the idol of the Northwest; I knew bis
great ability, bis firmness, liis courage and
tried friendship for the South. I knew that
,wc could trust lilin, however we. might differ
from him, upon some points of theoretic poli
tics. I believed that, through him, il the
Union should stand, the alliance, to which I
have referred coiild be consolidated. Hence,
T consented to share liis fortune, knowing at
the time, its well as I knew after the ?vent,
that liis election was impossible. Thu?, look
ing for a defeat, I still hoped that a fragment
of tlie.Natioual Demv^racy, North and South,
might be preserved in a state of organization;
arounU which that glorious old party might
again rally, and preserve the Union and the
rights of the Boutii in tke Union. Nothing
however, could stay tlie tendency to seces
sion. after Mr. Lincoln’s election by a strictly
sectiooaj vote. \\'e haye,passed through the
conflict and been overpowered. We came
out of it. with slavery abolished, our labor
deranged and prostrated, our fields ieso -
latcd. and. our homes draped in mourning
tor our noble and gallant dead. We have
accepted these results in good faith. We are
ready to resume uuf place in the Union , en
deavor to recover from our reverses, and pro
mote the harmony and welfare cf our common
country. And now tliat slavery is abolished,
und consequently must cease to be an apple
of discord,, my mind retires with strengtben-
ictlon to the pdliey of renewing the
ties'which, in other days, bound us to the ag
ricultural States of the Northwest Once re
stored to representation in Congress, nothing
can prevent such an alliance. Whilst all our
revenue was raised by a tariff upon imports,
the agricultural class did not appreciate tbe
urnouut of their taxes, nor the inequality with
which they were imposed. It is quite differ
ent now. The tax gatherer goes to 'every
ing and understanding between tho friends I man’s door and levies tribute upon the pro
of the Union, under the Constitution: Be-1 ducts of bis labor. Let existing passions sub-
condly, to organize them into a party, to sus-1 side; let harmony be restored; let fanaticism
tain liis polity of restoration; and Thirdly* starve to death because the carcassof slavery,
‘ ' ' on which it fed, has been forever removed,
and we shall soon see and hear the masses,
who till the soil, inquiring into the opera
tions ot tax laws, and the expenditure of rev
enue, and holding their representatives to a
strict accountability.
Labor will assert its right to just and equal
treatment at the hands of the Government,
with associated and incorporated capital.—
North nnd the people of the South into co
operation, yet, 1 doubted the expediency of
the call for the Philadelphia Convention.—
After it was called I was very timidly in fa
vor of sending delegates, tearing that the
to present fairly to the people of thn whole
country the distinct issue ot reinstating the
ten excluded States to their cpnstitutionul
relation to the other States, >vitiiout uncon
stitutional tests of loyalty. Thti whole pro
gramme is deeply, vitally interesting to the
South. Shall wo not hold up his hands ?—
Shall we not give him our earnest support ?—
Shall we not do all. in our power to crown
the action of the Convention with the most
triumphant success?
Whilst this great battle is to 1>« fought nt
tbe North and Northwest, in which the South
cannot practically participate, still we have
an important part to act. That is—what I
linve just above intimated—uphold, encour
age and sustain the efforts of those who arc
rallying under the banner which tlie Conven
tion unfurled to the breeze. 'She inscriptions
upon it may not be all that ve wish ; but,
prominent among them is the recognition of
the equality of the States, and their right to
representation without the odious test oath.
We, therefore, cannot but view the contest
with an intense desire to see tlint banner
planted in triumph upon the dome of the
Let our press and people abstain
from captious and ill-natured criticism of tbe
action of the Convention. Forgetting or ig
noring whatsoever is distasteful in phrase
ology, or erroneous in principle, let us look
rather to its patriotic spirit. Reciprocating
and progress made toward restoring harmo
ny, upon the basis of the Constitution.—
Though not all which I could wish, yet more
than 1 expected was done. With the spirit,
tone, and in tlie main, the sentiments ot the
resolutions adopted, I am satisfied. Both in
dcr the valuation of I860), will afford a hmguage and principle, I would make slight
passions engendered by tlic war bad not snf-1 that spirit, let us practice forbearance, a mati-
ficiently subsided to admit of harmony in ly resignation to the necessities of our condi-
council and wisdom in action. I am glad I tion nnd respect for the Constitution and con-
thnt my misgivings have been disappointed, stitutional laws of tbe United States. Tlic
and I believe that much good bos been done wires will be busy in flashing from North to
Washington, Sept. S, 1866.
^ The body of politicians now constituting
'•*>« Mongrel Convention in Philadelphia,
congregated to consummate nothing beyond
ffirring up the sectional nscerbity which all
citizens are striving to allay, have ac-
t0 ®pHshed nothing beyond agreeing to disa-
ou the question of universal negro anf-
• ri ge. The Brownlow -Stokes-Maynard-
JJ ck Hamilton clique, for obvious reasons,
*we clamorous for inserting that odious fea-
tijre upon their platform, but tbe Ben Butler-
-'lortoa-Chandler party was afraid to be
f* n ght handling such a dangerous weapon;
•• ’hrejtened to recoil, and inflict dire disas-
; er upon themselves. The Southern Union-
*** (?) being but a corporal’s guard, were, of
c **rtc, overwhelmed by tbe Northerners, who
CiQ °nly find sympathy or support for tbe
when a political end is to be subserved.
Theaffiur
of capital for banking, real, changeless, and
stable, twenty times as much as wc should
have need of in furnishing us a home-circula
ting medium to pay debts, and thus give re
lief to our people.
If Government bonds, at a great discount
(for specie) can furnish currency at tbe North
(and here, too, if wc can get it), why cannot
broad and fertile acres, (tlie true wealth of an
agricultural people), spanned by numerous
railways, penetrated by navigable rivers,
washed by the waves of the ocean, indented
by safe and commodious harbors, smiled upon
by genial skies, growing tbe cereals of the
temperate and tlic products of the sunny
zones—why cannot these give us capital—
currency—to lift us from the abyss of debt
and destitution that is now paralysing our
industry
What capital so stable, so sure, unchanging
as land upon which to issue bills for our re
lief?
Georgia owes, with the recent heaTy ap
propriations in our distress, about six mil
lions. She has one work of improvMMf*
that if sold would liquidate her indebted
ness, and sbe i free. With a stroke of her
pen, and under duress, she repudiated tweaty
millions of mouey she owed her people.—
With her vast resources and comparative^
small indebtedness, let her stretch forth her
hand to her despairing children. She can
do it, and taxes and imposts and revenue
laws of the Government, that blight by their
burthens all private banking corporations
(except those formed under the National
Bank system,) could never attach to or weigh
upon her operations. She is above and be
yond their reach.
The people of Georgia then have an abun
dance of real, substantial capital to bank up
on, and to secure a good, stable circulation ;
but the act of Congress imposes such barth-
ens in the way of taxes upon private bank
circulation, (other than those based upon
Government bonds), that it acts as a prohibi
tion to all such institutions. But these taxes
and imposts do not, as I understand it, apply
to notes or bills iuxud by the State. ’1 he
Government never yet lias undertaken to tax
State issues or State circulation. The pcnpl*
then have tlie capital, the State can issue a
circulation to tbe amount of ten millions,
loaning to tbe people upon a mortgage of real
estate, ample to indemnify her, to be repaid
in instalments annually with an agreed rate of
interset; yon have then a circulation bs^ed
*“ w a11 aoo ‘ l 1
UDo r '°i r to l ^ L ‘ departure of the President
8 tour ’. we expressed apprehension
of Ik- rcac tiing the Western Reserve region
Voiii l °i portions of Illinois, lie
ieofr i to petty sawyisces,
the. intended insults at the hands ol
ahft ~ *^ nant itadicals infecting that section,
lo"i» reVI e lbat * 9 commendable, and cu-
ftelik t \. tr ) t hing tending to alienate the
rect-m ° f the P®°P le of tb e sections. The
eais accounts show that these anticipations
im-? realized; so gross, unprovoked
tod Sf® t,le attempts to browbeat
1 ■ Excellency, that he has come ; lUkClVOl, JfUU uuiu *• VMv.urai.iwu DU9CU
— - ‘ his equanimity of temper on sev- jnpon State credit, aid secured by those
modifications. But take them os a whole,
considered in the light of surrounding cir
cumstances, they furnish less ground for com
plaint than I could have anticipated. They
were evidently dictated under the inspiration
of patriotism and phrased in language in
tended not to wound the sensibilities of nn
overpowered, but proud and gallant people.
Viewing them in this light, I am willing to
accept them in the spirit that gave them
form and utterance, and ignore whatsoever
is distasteful, as a tribute to the generous cn-
South, and from South to North, everything
calculated to irritate the people, provoke
them to rush and intemperate expressions,
and widen the chasm that divides them. The
people, and particularly the press of the
South, should not forget this; and in view of
it, they should tako special pains to afford as
little capital for the destructives, nnd os
much for the Conservatives as possible.
The Radicals are evidently greatly cha
grined and astounded by the success ot the
Convention, and painfully exercised because
there was so little speaking, especially by
Southern delegates. They tailed to realize
their expected least of discord and wrang
ling: they gathered but little pabulum for
the greedy maw of slander and vituperation.
So, by a similar course, let the people of the
South disappoint their morbid and insatiable
out ckess department.
—*
--F* -'Y- those inten ded in (liis column
should su! scribe for tlie Weekly Telegraph,
Macon, Ga. per annum.I*
among ourselves honest differences of opin
ion. Sharing common calamities, we all have
a common desire to be relieved from an un-
fortlmate condition. Our differences of opin
ion upon these topics, do not destroy the
unanimity with which the entire people of
the South earnestly wish tho triumph of the
Conservative party. Whatsoever may be ob
jectionable in tlietfi, both the Resolutions and
the Address, contain much that is true nnd en- f
couraging, but iitt:<* in substance to condemn.
Tliej- arc sound upon tlie vital, practical, liv
ing issues of the crisis; They assert tlic equal-
ity of the States, the right of all to represen
tation in Congress, their right to “prescribe
qualification for tlie elective franchise.” They
deny the right of the States now represented
to propose and ratify.mueudmehts to the Fed
eral Constitution. All these we can endorse,
and they are all that belong strictly to the
issue that more deeply than all others con
cerns us. They are boldly announced, both
in the Resolutions and the Address, and dis
cussed in the latter with clearness and ability
I have already quoted a few sentences from
the “Address,” I will qhote a few more, in
order to bring thetai prominently before the
Header, as worthy tits approval. Sec how
forcibly it puts forth the schemcs'of the Rad
icals:
, u It has been proclaimed by Congress that
in addition to the powers conferred upon it
iiy the Constitution, the Federal (Joveriiment
may now proclaim over the States and the
territory, and the people involved in the in
surrection, the rights of war—right of con
quest and of confiscation, the, right to abro
gate all existing governments, institutions,
and laws, and to subject the territory con
quered and its inhabitants to. such terms and
regulations as the legislative department of
the government may see fit to impose, tinder
the broad and sweeping claim that the clause
of the Constitution which provides that no
State shall, without its consent, lie deprived
of its equal suffrage in the Senate'of the Uni
ted States bos been annulled; and States have
been refused, and-arc still refused represen
tation altogether in bqth branches of the
Federal Congress; aud the Congress in which
only a par* of the .States and of the people ot
the Union are represented has asserted the
right to exclude others from representation
and from all share in making their own laws
and choosing their own rulers, unless they
shall cquiply with such conditions and per
form such acts as tin’s Congress, thus com
posed, may itself prescribe. That right has
not only beeu asserted but it lias been exer
cised, and is practically enforced at thq pre
sent time.”
What a graphic and vivid picture of the
designs’ of the Radicals, is here drawn 1 And
now remember, that the “Address” combats
all these positions, with ability and elo
quence. It argues that they are subversive of
the Government and fatal to the Union, for
the preservation of which the war was waged.
It brands them as despotism and usurpation.
And after pressing the argument with irresis
tible power, it concluded that whilst it !•
E5? - Communications on matters pertain
ing to Chess are -olidted, and should be ad
dressed to “ Chess Editor” of the Telegraph.
atrcLUBs.::^
Wc hope tbe players of our neighboring
cities will unite in the formation of Chess
Clubs, and get up some interesting matches
by Telegraph. We will be glad to hear of
the formation of any such clubs, and will,
with pleasure, 1 chronicle their organization.
We know that Atlnnta, Augusia and Colum
bus can all boast some fine players.
The Anderwea-Steinitz Match
Was won by Sfeinitz in the proportion of
eight games to six.
Tt whs a bard-fought battle, and fairly won,
and entitles the victor to rank among tbe
Verv first chess-players of the world.
Wc will give some of the excellent games
of this match in our columns. The one we
present to-day was the 7th of the contest, and
is a fme game.
C. H. 8., Ellaville.—The problem was print
ed wrong, during our absence.
C. P., Milledgcville.—Hope wo will hear
from you again.
Chess Papers.
To those of our readers who may desire ter
know the names of New York papers that
contain able Chess Departments, we would
«“.v that the “Field, Turf and Farm,” “Wilke’s
Spirit of the Times,' and the “Now York
Clipper.” all contain able and very interesting
columns, in that department The “Field,
Turf and Farm,” generally contains most
matter. The “Clipper,” edited by the vete
ran. M. J. Hazlctine, is always good. The
“Spirit,” edited by N. Moracbe is excellently
conducted. The New York Albion, has a
Chess Department, but publishes no games,
while the other papers always do. These
papers may be obtained of any news dealer.
To the above we may add, the Kingston
(N. Y.) Journal, which has an interesting
chess column.
Solution to Enignm No. 3.
WntTF. BLACK,
tout IK moves
2 Anything
Heretofore the country has been barrassed £bo . unquestionable right of the people of .tbe
thusiasm of tlio patriotic body from whom I appetite. Let us feel and realize, that all wc
they emanated. can iever expect of constitutional rights, is
The question is frequently asked, by. those involved in the pending campaign, and that
who honestly opposed the representation of
the State in the Convention and who now
withhold their approval of its action, what
good has it accomplished ? I reply it has in
my judgment effected two very important
things—important to the whole country, and
especially to those States which aro denied
representation in Congress. In the first place,
it inaugurated tho beginning of good feeling
and understanding between the two sections.
The war has engendered bitterness and ha-
tied. There can be no real political frater
nity between the North and the South until
suck feeling shall have been soothed and con
fidence re-established between tho two sec
tions. We at the South, looking to the treat
ment we have received from Congress, since
the surrender of onr arms, ore apt to forget
that we have friends at the North and to class
its whole people os enemies to tbe restoration
of the Union and to our welfare. The peo
ple of the North, attaching undue importance
to the falsehoods of hired letter writers, who
distort and magnify every act of rashness or
imprudence that occurs in onr midst, or mis
taking the honest hut injudicious comments
of a portion of our press, for the true exposi
tion of the general sentiment, imagine that a
spirit of insubordination to the Constitution
and laws pervades the South. The result
has been the perpetuation of mutually bad
feelings—crimination and recrimination.—
Doubtless, many of the intelligent of both
sections kuaw the error, but they could not
expose it to the masses, tor the lack of some
practical demonstration that would arrest
general attention. The Philadelphia Con
vention furnished that demonstration It
was signalized by scenes of enthusiasm, un
paralleled in the history of Conventions in
this country. The better feelings of the heart
harity, magnanimity, generosity, love of
Justice, patriotism -were started irom their
cy repose and thawed into happy fusion.—
It was a meeting of the North and the South,
not on the battle-field, but on the field of
reconciliation; and the representatives from
each section returned home, prepared to tes
tify truthfully of the temper and spirit of the
people of each, that, while honestly differing
on some questions, they agree to co-operate
with each other in the great work of restora
tion.
In the second place, the Convention has or
ganised a party, pledged to the restoration of
the Union, upon the basis of the constitution
our fato depends upon the final triumph of
the Coascrvativc party. When we speak and
act, it should be in their interest and with a
view to their success; for in their success is
our hope for the future.
There is a turning point in the history of
nations, as well as individuals—“ a tide in
the affairs of men, which, taken in the flood
leads on to fortune.” Wc are now in the
midst of such a crisis. The momentum of
destructive fanaticism—ruinous, relelentlcss,
desperate, devilish—will become irresistible,
unless it can be arrested by the people
uprising in their majesty. I indulge a hope
that the action of the Convention will awak
en them to the perils of the crisis. I trust
the fire that warmed tbe hearts of that body,
will be diffused in expanding circles, until it
shall begirt the whole land, and dispel the
darkness that now hangs like a funeral pall
over our distracted country. Now is the
time and the opportunity for the masses of
the North to rally. The Government is in
their hands; we are excluded; if the Temple
of Liberty totter to its fall, the responsibili
ty is theirs. Do they not see it ? The ground-
swell begins to heave; the reaction has com
menced ; let the, people North and South—
those who desire Constitutional Union, and
good government—^be true to themselves .and
their posterity, and rise to the height of the
great occasion. Then woe, woe awaits those
who now pollute the altars of liberty, and
lord it over the heritage ot her children.
^ The world knows that the people ot thp
South do not approve of all that was done by
the Philadelphia Convention; nor is it pre
tended that our delegates did. Protest against
what is objectionable, by our press or our
people, is totally unnecessary, even os a mat
ter of justice to ourselves. There is no need
to define our position upon controvcertcd
questions of principle or policy; it is known
and read of all men. When restored to re
presentation we can argue and debate if oc
casion require it. Wc shall then have an au
dience ; we shall even constitute a part of the
tribunal to decide the questions discussed.—
If we never get restored to representation,
then argument is useless. Wc can therefore,
afford to be silent as to what wc cannot en
dorse, for the sake of the prize that is staked
upon tbe issne. Our Government, the con
stitution, the whole frame work of our politi
cal institutions were in the beginning the re
sult of mutual concessions and compromises.
about slavery: fanatics using tlie question as
the means of obtaining power—obtainin
power in order that they might levy tribute
upon agriculture, to pamper and protect
manufactures. The issue will bea naked one,
—shall agricultural labor be taxed to uphold
ami sustain incorporated capital i The re
sult is not to be feared. Agriculture does
not shrink from a just share of the burden,
which tlie immense national debt must im
pose upon every interest. But it will demand
economy, the lowest taxation that will meet
the emergency, and equality in its imposition.
This is ail the South asks, and in demanding
it. she must and will receive the co-operation
of agriculturists, in all section, bnt especial
ly of tlie Northwestern States. This is my
hope for the future of tlie country. 11 is fouu
ded upon the potent affinities of interest,
which, when left free to act, will as certainly
bind together the tillers of the soil as gravita
tion does the works of the universe.
Nor will the alliance, to which I refer, be
impotent, in asserting the principles ot con
stitutional interpretation, essential to the
healthful working of our governmental
machinery. The doctrines of’9S and ’1)9 may
yet be re-asserted by the Congress of the
United States. They are as valuable now as
ever they were—as true and sound as ever.—
They survive the war, however ignored and
forgotten, amidst the thunder and smoke of
battle, because they are endned with the im
mortality of truth. Our rights under the
Constitution, slavery excepted, are precisely
tlie same that they were before the war; and
whatsoever else may be objectionable in the
Address of tbe Philadelphia Convention to
tbe people of the United States, it is both
gratifying and encouraging that this truth is
fully recognized in that document. It de
clares : t
“The Government of the United States
maintained by force of arms tlie supreme au
thority over all the territory and over all the
States' and people within its jurisdiction
which the Constitution confers upon it, but it
acquired thereby no new power, no enlarged
jurisdiction, no rights, either of territorial
possession or of civil authority, which it did
not possess before the rebellion broke out.—
All the rightful power it can ever possess is
that which is conferred upon it in express
terms, or by fair and necessary implication,
by the Constitution of the United States.
* i b * *
Neither war nor the victory by which it
was ended changed in any itay the Constitu
tion of the United States.
* ■».. * * *
And to-day also, precisely as before the
war, all tho powers not conferred by the Con
stitution upon the General Government, nor
prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to
tlie several States or to the people thereof.”
These aro announcements of that “ Ad
dress.” They are Significant. They are the
principles which underlie the doctrines of
’98 and ’99. They show how truth will erop
out. The Southern States, by the act of se
cession, put in issue two questions: first, tbe
right to secede; and secondly, the perpetua
tion of slavery. Both have been decided
against us; and we have accepted, in good
faith, the award of the sworct With this
exception, our constitutional rights are just
what they were before the war; for it is cer
tain that, if, in the language ot that “ Ad
dress,” the “ Government acquired no new
power by the war,” the Southern States lost
none. It were bootless to discuss these prin
ciples now. It is a great point gained that,
amid the fiery play of the passions, a party
has been organized thut announces them.—
We can discuss, when the right of represen
tation shall be accorded to us, with hope of
success. For the ordeal through which the
Govornmcnt is now passing, will satisfy right-
minded men, in all sections, that constitu
tional liberty can be maintained only by a
recognition of the rights and equality of the
States. Their abrogation or disregard means
despotism—not the despotism of a single
ruler, who might be humane nnd jnst—but
tbe despotism" of an irresponsible majority.
But to realize these anticipations, we must
first be admitted to our representation in
Congress. That is the great question—the
essential vital condition precedent to any
hope of better days for the South. And thisi valuable lessons for individual life. It is
depends upon the final success of the Phila-1 equally so for States. It brings comparative
delpbia movement Let us encourage that I happiness to both, whilst the heart lrets and
success. j chafes, under the friction of vain resistance.
We owe it to frankness and candor; wej Respectfully, &c.,
owe it to the conservative men of the North;! Hluschel V. Johnson.
United States, to change the Constitution,
yet it must be clone, in tlie mode which the
Constitution itself points out. Says the Ad
dress :
“We deny the right of Congress to make
these changes in the fundamental law w.thout
the concurrence ot three-fourtlis of all the
States, including especially those to be most
seriously affected by them, or impose them
upon States or people as conditions of repre
sentation or of admission to any of the rights,
duties or obligations which belong, under the
Constitution, to all tbe States alike; and with
still greater emphasis do we deny tlie right of
any portion of the States, excluding the rest
of the States from any share in their councils,
to propose or sanction changes in the Consti
tution which are to affect permanently their
political relations, and control or coerce the
legitimate action of the several members of
tbe common Union. Such an exercise of
power is simply a usurpation, just as unwar
rantable when exercised by Northern States
as it would be if exercised by South
ern, and not to be fortified or
palliated by anything in the past history
either ot those by whom it is attempted or
of those upon whose rights and liberties it is
to take c-ffect. It finds no warrant in the
Constitution. It is at war with the funda
mental principles of our form of government.
If tolerated in one instance it becomes the
precedent for future invasions of liberty and
constitutional right, dependent solely upon
the will of the party in possession of power,
and thus leads by direct and necessary se
quence to tke most fatal and intolerable of all
tyrannies, the tyranny of shifting and irres
ponsible political factions. It is against this,
tlie most formidable of ail tlic dangers which
menace the stability of free government, that
the Constitution ot the United States was in
tended most carefully to provide. Wc de
mand a strict and steadfast adherence to its
provisions. In this, and in this alone, can
we find a basis of permanent union and
peace.” . '
Extracts similar, in spirit and sentiment
might be multiplied. But these arc enough
to show, that we may well afford to acquiesce
in silence to whatsoever may be objectionable
when tbe principles so essential and vital to
us in the •present crisis, are distinctly recog
nized. More than this: when such announce
ments are made and a great party organized,
who are now engaged in tlic struggle to make
them good at the ballot box, does it become
the Southern people to damp their zeal and
weaken their moral power by fastidious criti
cism ’ I cannot do it. Wherein I differ from
the Plntforni and Addrcsse, I will differ in
peace as with friends, and lock shields with
them agaicst tbe common enemy. I say God
speed to tlie work which was begun in Phila
delphia. Every consideration of interest ami
patriotism calls upon us to aid in the work of
restoration
We can never successfully organize our ag
ricultural labor; capital will not flaw to us
for tbe development of our unbounded natu
ral resources; population will not increase
rapidly, nor prosperity return to us, so long
as the present political * deanngement contin
ues. We shall be the helpfess victims of mis
rule and despotism. The domination of the
Radicals must be broken down or constitu
tional liberty is lost and the South doomed
to the saddest fate that ever befell a civilized
people. Our duty is plain. It involves no
dishonor. It requires us to practice patience,
forbearance, conciliation, and resignation to
present evils for , the sake of greater future
good. We cannot expect to have things all
our own way. If we could, our situa
tion were quite different. We would
wish that we were free from debt,
and that no stay law were neccsary to save tbe
people from utter ruin. But tlie war brought
the one, and a sense of self-preservation,
among the people, demands the other. If
we could have things all our own way, the
war had resalted differently, we would" have
taken our position as an independent power,
among the family of nations. But Providence
ordained otherwise, and we must obey the ir
revocable decree. It is the part of wise and
liberal statesmanship to tolerate what it can
not prevent, and seek, by appeal to reason
and patriotism, to mitigate what it cannot
control. To learn this, is one of the most
Solution to Problem No. 8.
WHITE. BLACK.
1 R to K 6. Lake? B. (eh) K takes B—only move
2 P to 0 4 (phi K to Q 4
3Rtod’Kt3(ch) QtoQB 5—only more
4 Kt to K B 4 (checkmates)
Or,
2 K to K B4
a O to K II fi (oli) Kt takes Q—only move
3 Kt to K Kt 7 (checkmates)
FURNISHED BV C. P.. MlLLEDGEVILlli, (>A.
Enigma No. 4.
BY SILAS ANOUK, OF ENGLAND.
QB2 KR Q7
Q B 4
H i
QR2 QR4 K2
k
<> Kt 5 Q5 QBC QB4 K5
White to play and give mate in three moves.
§
PROBLEM NO. 9.
BY “GEDREA,” OP SAVANNA?!, OA.
BLACK.
g —*
WHITE.
White to play and give mate in four moves.
GAME,
7tli Game in tbe match between A^jfiK-en-.
of Prussia, and Steinitz, of England.
Evans’ Gambit.
WHITE.
IltERAMDCSSUUI.
1 P K 4
2 K Kt B3
3 BB4
4 P Q Kt 4
5 l* Q II3
a Casiies
7 PQ4
8 PxP
9PQ5
ifil
BLACK.
n>RB ersixm.
P K 4
O Kt B3
BB4
BxP
BB4
PQ3
PxP.
BK(3
t> Kt R 4
K Kt K 2
Castles
K Kt Kt 3
PQB4
5xV 3(l)
P Q Kt 4
O Kt Kt 2
POR 4
FOBS
10 Q fi Kt 2
11 K B03
12 O Kt B 3
13 qq2
14 q Kt K 2
15 q Kt Kt 3
10 q BxK Kt P (a)
17 HxR
18KQB
19 Q KtK 115
2u K R
21 P Kt 4
22 P K Kt 5
23 PxP
24 K Kt K Kt 0
25 B q Kt
20 KRKKt
27 q Q B 3
28 PxB
29 Q K Kt3
30 KtxKRP(c)
31 PB6
32 R Kt 2
83 K Kt K Kt S
34 KtB7x
(a) Mr. Andersscn here catches hii opponent(p a trap
which was familiar enough to the former, bnt of which
Mr. Steinitz knew nothing.
(b) If he take tbe B, White plays Q Kt R 5x, and then
follows Q K R 6, and 1C Kt to Its 5, winning Kack’s Q
for two minor pieces.
(c) All the termination is conducted in Andersten's
usual masterly mode of consummating an attack.
3R
n tQB4
Q BxKt
pqKts
Qlv B2
OxPx
RKt
BxP
Resigns.
Improvement in Telegraphy.—A couple
of English gentlemen, it is staled, have per
fected a system of telegraphy by which the
necessity of using letters will be obviated in
sending despatches, and signs only will be
employed in conveying messages. This sys
tem is something on tbe order of stenography,
and, if found available for practical purposes,
we may anticipate a revolution in the whole
telegraphic business. The labor of operativea.
will be lightened, more diffuse intelligence
can be 6ent over the wires, and the charges
for sending messages will be proportionately
lessened.
Gen. A. R. Lawton.—This distinguised
g entleman, late Quartermaster-General of the
onfederate States was in the city yesterday.
Wc learn that he has returned to his old home
in Savannah and resumed the practice of his
profession. There are few men in Georgia
more popular with the masses than General
Lawton. Hia true aud consistent course dur
ing the war endeared him to tlie people of
the entire State, and we are glad to learn that
Ida immediate constituent:- fully appre
ciate the services and sacrifices which he per
formed and endured for “the land we love.”
by extending to him a liberal and gtnerona
support.
A piece of property in St. Paul, Minn.,
formerly owned by Capt. Mallit, of the Flori
da, and confiscated by the U. S. Government,
was sold on Thursday for $3,000.