Newspaper Page Text
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THE GEORGIA WEEKLY TELEGRAPH.
<8mgii] JSrtkhj C'tlrgrnglj.
McmciTAL Klei tion.—MaJ. T. F. Newell
was v’ected Mayer of UnMgmlle on the
1st inst.
It is thought that the business before
the Legislature will require the session to b
prolonged a few duOejona the time fixed
by law. The forty’days will expire next
Monday. Nearly 4.50-frills have been intro
duced in thaJloaaa. ... — ... ...
Horaitj Gkkei.by. — On this page will
be fouad a letter of the ‘‘Philosopher,” in
teresting. ns giving the opinions of a person
who has ever been a/'uinn of powirin his
party. His letter,’ ho donbt, expresses the
honest convictions of the man.
Cohukess.—Altadical temper is manifest
ed so far in the proceedings of this body and
we refer our readers to the proceedings for
information as to the doit of their measures.
There is evidently a party strong in numltero
in favor of reducing ns to a territorial con
ilition.
U. 8. Senator Fon Nortii Carolina.—
On joint ballot of the two houses of tli c
North Carolina Cegislature, on the 28tb nit.,
Mr. Manly was elected U. S. Senator.
If there is any tiling in a "name, he should
make a fearless champion of his people's
rights.
Arrival or Messrs. Keys, 8towers and
Byrum.—Our citizens, says the South Caro
linian, aud the people of the State generally,
will be gratified to leam that the gentleman
above named who for so many months Imve
lingered in prison, and while in Charleston,
were tinder sentence of death,have arrived in
Columbia on their way to Anderson—their
home. They leave for home this morning,
looking well, and iu as good spirits as might
be expected under the circumstances of their
narrow escape.
Fire n Washington County.—We, learn
from the Washington (Go.) Gazette, of the
20th ult., that a fire took place at Dnnburg in
that connty about 11 o’clock on Tuesday
night last, consuming the stores of Sutton &
Anderson, John L. Anderson ami W. T. An
derson, The sufferers were all partially in
sured in the Southern Mutual, but the losses
are very far from being covered by the in
surance. It is supposed that the fire was
caused by the criminal carelessness of some
hunters.
Letter from Washington.
Special Correspondence of the Telegraph.
Washington, Nov. 2S, I860. ■
Tlic arrival of strangers consequent upon
the met ting of (’(ingresscauses the h\c< e
Mansion to be unusually thronged daily by
persons anxious to confer with the president.
Being busy revising, correcting and adding
to the message, and conferring with the Cab
inet ministers, but few arc enabled to obtain
It is not designed to put the
we followed him at Chickamauga. His right
arm still hangs by his side, very much dis
abled still from the wound received in Vir
ginia. But that same genial smile of other
days still rested upon his brow as lie extend
ed to me his left hand In token of renewal ol
our acquaintance, lie is now doing business
in New Orleans, and has been in Southwest
ern Georgia, looking alter interests connect
ed therewith.
Montgomery still wears the busy appear
ance of old, although her merchants nreconu
plaining that the trade is not meeting thei
expectations. Here, ai elsewhere throughout
the South, they have bought largely in the N
a " aillh ': 1 ‘'^r nntn "thetaTi^t muiticnble market, and now their notes are falling Grant, when lie first approached the boun-
message to press autIrTBSTHMSymwwtc ,i.„ tiw.Trslinivss ilnnr nf TcnnMow lmt no. let ns Minnnv
hi. , . ... n „ due, and the gpods are still upon their shelves,
moment, so as to be enabled to tom .i p ^ host of drummers and collectors” from
any fresh subject which is necessary to be I t j le Northern cities are here, pressing their
communicated claims, much to the annovance of their custo
Members arrive slowly; they are doubtless mere. Montgomery does not oresentthat«
.• * , ’ pcarance of thnit observable m most of our
congregating eastward, so as to reach herein ^ improvements are going
body, so a« to give greater elcat to t.ie I on ^ nothing in comparison to what was
movement inaugurated here by a few office-1 anticipated.
seekers to give' them a grand welcome nnd The Legislature is in session here, and are
,. ,, . . . ,1.1.1 I just about n? indifferent to legislation as our
ovation. Emissaries have been soliciting pe- N Aawa)b , 7< E0W conveU(J a at Milledge-
cuniary aid through the departments, (with T ;]i e Tlje speech-loving jiropensity is more
net much success,) to assist the novel enter-1 generally developed here than there, but the
prise, which is generally discountenanced by efforts and results are about the same. The
the better reflecting portion of tl.e press and average calibre is but moderate, and so far as
11 could ascertain without brilliancy. Tnere
the community. . arc a few excellent minds and able jurists in
Recent advices from the Indian country tbe Assembly, that would do credit to any
give promise of much trouble with the sever- deliberative body, ii.'i: , _ t
a! tribes, whicliTtbreatens open rupture. The Gov. Patten, is a man of sterling worth
remissness in the payment of the annuities is , a ? d if the legislature would liatentn.ireto
, “ * \. . .. his suggestions, than following the flattering
the cause of the dissatisfaction. . I light of their own wisdom, Alabama would
The impeachment mania ha3 greatly snbsi- suffer less,
ded, being confined to Maj. G<»n. Butler, and I jj x Gov. J. G. Shorter is also in the city
a circumscribed few of the same kith and kin. receiving a hearty welcome from his old
Members of Congress who have arrived treat friends.
the matter generally as an idle joke. I J me t, also, hero Salem Dutcher, Esq., for-
Rumors are rife of much radical legislation I mcr editor of the Augusta Constitutionalist,
tlic coming session, principal among which is ij e ; s j, ero on business interests, and will re-
thc Sumner and New York Herald proposi- turn iu a day or two to Milledgcville, where,
tion of reducing several of the Southern by invitation he is to deliver his excellent
States to a territorial condition, to be ruled I lecture upon the wits of Georgia, before the
and controlled by Congressional dictation, I Legislature. He might be induced to stop
regardless of popular will. at Macon if the proper steps were taken. It
The Grand Jury have brought in a lengthy would be quite a treat. More anon.
Good Oct of Evil.—From the Raleigh
correspondent of the Wilmington Dispatch,
we leam that good is at last about to proceed
out of what has long been considered an evil
and incubus upon the Southern people—the
Frecdmen's Bureau.
In ibo State Senate of North Carolina, on
tho 28th ult, Mr. Cowles, from the Joint Se
lect Committee, to which had been referred
communications from CoL Bumford, of tho
Frecdmen’s Boreau, and others, offering gov
ernment aid to indigent inhabitants of this
State,’ reported in favor of accepting the as
sistance tendered.
The report {was accompanied by a resolu
tion, requesting the Governor to correspond
with chairmen of Warden Courts In the sev
eral counties of the State, and oscertain.tlie
quantity of supplies absolutely needed to pre
vent suffering, and report the same to Col.
Bumford. . ., .■
bill of indictment containing thirty
counts against Sanford Conover, nowin pri
son for forfeiture-of bail, in which he is char
ged with swearing falsely before a committee
of Congress, attempting'by perjury to fasten
upon Mr. Davis a complicity in the assassina
tion of the late A. Lincoln. His trial is set
for an early day in December.
Leonard Haiick. late President of the Mer
chants' National Bank, which exploded here
to the tune of largely over a million, and de
frauded the community, hashed four bills of
Lb Reve.
Political A Hairs.
RECONSTRUCTION.
MACON & BRUNSWICK RAILROAD.
We publish this morning the Message of
Gov. Jenkins, approving the Bill to give State
Aid to the above Road. The inind of the
Governor has been in doubt, but for good
reasons, ho has yielded his donbts and given
his approval. This is gratifying to out com
munity, especially as the public mind lias
been apprehensive of a veto, and thus the en
joyment of the advantages of this necessary
outlet to the sea have been indefinitely post
poned. Wc take for granted the authorities
of the road will press it to a completion.-—
With this Road completed, this city mast be
come still more important, and the 'port of
Brunswick may soon be a formidable rival of
our sister cify of Savannah
We hope to see the day when it will be a
pleasure to all who supported the measure in
our Legislature to think that, in this dark
day of Georgia's history, when ail of her ma
terial interests neoded; ilevelopement, they
gave a helping hand to the enterprise that
is destined to do so much for the material
prosperity of the State in tlic future.
Sad.—Young Leonard Jones, of Colurobns,
went to Gettysburg to recover the remains of
his father, (the lamented CoL Jno. A. Jones,)
and was bringing them home by sea, when the
vessel sprang a leak and was abandoned.—
Captain Harris was not unmindful of the mis
sion of one of his passengers, or of the mem
ory of the dead Confederate soldier whose re
mains lay in the cabin of Ids ship. He prof
fered to make room in his boat for the box
containing the remains, and to bear it to any
goal of safety that he himself might reach,
but an attempt to remove them from their
place of deposit was presented by the depth t
of water in the cabin. So the shattered ship
and her cargo were left to the mercy of the
winds and waves.
Tho drifting boats were rescued by the
United States steamship Susquehanna!), on
lier way from Now York to Havana, with
Gen. Sherman and Minister Campbell aboard.
The passengers and crew were conveyed to
Havana, from whence, alter n stay of foi x
days, they were returned to Baltimore on the
steamship Liberty.
The Columbus Son «fc Times, from which
we gather tho above particulars, says:
Mr. Jones informs ns that the field whero
were buried the Conlcdcrate dead of Getty s-
, burg, has been put in cultivation, nnd that
the mounds and head-boards have been level
ed by tho harrows which prepared the "round
for a crop of wheat.
lit also informs us that aboard of the Sns-
quehannnh, a man-of-war of the United State-',
he and his ihip-wisoksd companions were
treated with little kindness or consideration.
No remedies and food suitable to their ex
hausted condition wero given them, nnd the
deck and a blanket and sail Wi re the only ac-
Univcisa! Amnesty nnd Impartial Suffrage
—Declaration of lion. Horace Greeley.
From the Tribune, Nov. 27.
About to start for some weeks’ sojourn in
the 'West, whence I cannot readily and con-
indictment preferred against him by the I stantly confer with the genera! public, I wish
Grand Jury for embezzlement and fraud. He to leave my contribution to the general mass
is at large on baiLand thegeneral impression ot suggestion and criticism touching the true
Is that he will iail to answer and leave the bases of national restoration nnd concord so
country. I plainly set forth that it cannot be misquoted
A long established custom, amounting al-1 nor misapprehended,
most to a law, of assigning each a United | That I have long held the main founds-
States Senator to the eastern and western tions of a genuine, enduring resettlement of
slope ot Maryland, throws an impediment in our disturbed aud upturned, national struc-
thc way ot selecting Governor Swaun at the I ture to be universal amnesty nnd impartial
coming meeting of the Legislature. To ob-1 suffrage, must be tolerably well known. It
viutc t he difficulty, it is rumored that IIou. I only remains to be said that Icommend them
Reverdy Johnson is to be appointed to a not as reciprocal concessions, but as common
Cabinet position, to be succeeded by Gov. benefits. I trust our great differences are to
Swann, leaving tho eastern [section the sue- be composed and ended by no grudging, liig-
eessorebip, to Creswell, who is a resident I gliug compromise—no pea-nnt dicker. It is
there. essential to the North tli at the South should
Much excitement exists at the rumored oc- be thoroughly tranquilized and reassured ; it
cupation ofMatamoras, across the Rio Grande, is essential to the t'ontli that her principal
by Federal troops under Gen. Sedgwick. In- body of agricultural labors—her peasant en
quiries st the proper deportment do not con-1 tivu'tors—should live and labor in content-
firm the rumor, which is not substantially mont based on perfect trust tbattheir rights
credited. • of person and property—tKeir earnings and
A marked feature of the forthcoming re- their homes—are as secure and inviolate as
port of tiie Secretary of Treasury, is an ear-1 those of the proudest magnate of the land.-—
nest ippeal tor Congressional action to allow There is no Northern, no Southern interest in
a large reduction of the national currency, by I the premises, but a common interest to the
which he aigues that the premium on’the I whole American people,
solid currency can be materially reduced, and ] I am for universal amnesty, so far as im-
thereby brought into use as a circulating me-1 munity from fear of punishment or of confis-
dium to a considerable exteht, creating a ma-1 cation is concerned, even though impartial
terial decline in the value of commodities, suffrage should for the present be resisted
and pave the way tor a resumption of coin and defeated. I did think it desirable that
payments by the government. | Jefferson Davis should be arraigned and tried
Quite a numbqr of applications from Na- lor treason, and it stjll seems to me-that this
tional banks arc reaching to treasury solicit- j might properly have been done many months
ing to be absolved from the condition which I ago; but it was not done then, and now I
they occupy towards the General Govern-1 believe it would result in far more c-vll than
ment, and asking the withdrawal of their good. It would rekindle passions that have
collaterals pledged for the redemption of! nearly burned out or been hushed to sleep. It
their issues. This manifests agrowing dis-1 would iearfulv convulse and agitate the South,
position for again founding State institutions. It would arrest the progress of reconciliation
The. movement among the Government 1 and kindly feeling tliere. It would cost a
clerks for increased salaries is well concerted, large sum directly an da far larger sum indi-
and has nssomod gigantic proportions: aslrectly; and unless the jury were packed, it
members arrive, tliey are importuned by tueir | would result in a non-agreement or no *~—
Southern negroes have such rights only as
their white (late Rebel) fellow-citizens shall
see fit to accord them,” would be ingratitude
and perfidy such as might well invoke the
lightnings’of Heaven. No matter at what
cost, we of the North must take care that the
Southern blacks are not left at the mercy of
that diabolic spirit which manilisted itself
through tLe late massacres of Memphis and
New Orleans.
“But there is the Federal Constitution in
your way,” I hear objected.
Perhaps I do not comprehend the force of
this objection. Let me illustrate my view of
it by a familiar example. Suppose General
several friends, No doubt exists of the suc
cess of the measure, as all generally look upon
it with favor.
The tariff lobby interest will be unusually
strong and exacting; the number already on
the spot engaged in maturing a plan of ope
rations is large, and arc willing to venture
diet. I can imagine no good end to be sub
served by such a trial, ami holding Davis
neither better nor worse than thousands of
others, would have him treated as they arc.
I hope to see impartial suffrage establish
ed by very general consent. Many will favor
it because they hold it eminently wise and
largely to compass their purpose. The Wes-1 just; others because they are tired of contcn-
tern. opposition, however, is giving them tion about negroes, and wish to put an end
S cat concern, foreboding the want of need-1 to it. And the one simple, obvious mode of
l two-thirds’strength to enable it to be- J taking the negro out of politics is just to treat
come a law over a veto. I him as a man. He will cease to be an object
A strong soldier interest is at work here to j of special interest or championship from the
endeavor to work upon Congress so as to sc- j hour that the law disregards the immaterial
cure the fat places about the Capitol now oc-1 circumstance of his color and treats him only
cupied bv those who never “smelt gunpow- as a human being. ‘
dcr.” They maintain that whilst the x,xccu- I trnst the 8tatcs will generally accord to
tive Department make ample provision, Con-1 blacks the common rights of manhood, irre-
rrees holds the promise to the car only to be I spectivo of the nation and of each other; and
>rokcn. Potomac. JI trust they will agree to place those rights
; under the protection of the Federal Constitu-
Corrc-pondcncc of til© Tclcgrupli. tion. This may not, in one sense, beneces-
Montgomyky, Ala., I sary; yet it is best to leave no ‘-loop to hang
Nov 80 '60 4 a doubt upon.*’ The whole country needs
A. „ riiri of T „.«c t U u -I*
fact that you may leave Macon nnd reach this I p a ]gcax on every citizen, and allow no one to
point, IOC 1-2 miles distant, in the short vote who shall not have seasonably paid this
space of sixteen hours, when it used to 1 tax. I hold that lunatics, idiots, criminals,
take us forty-eight, and which ought not to j PjJUcjaoigCTS.hgj no natural
JU n im.ii uu^uk uv/« sv I ” j £ £ j
take exceeding ten.. The tediousness, of the [ J^^ncbiaed. If there be negroes—as I pre-
commodationN given to men who had been
struggling for life for days and nights against
a storm t>l **p*rnll«Hd violence.
'Em: Rm.iEF Qi'BflMX.- It was no doubt
agrukt relief to theHoon of Heprcset,'itives
•:ut rid at tb«f Ifeii. t' qoe-iii.ii. Tl:o
jeet eodupka the attention <f the UoutC
pretty mncll all day Friday. The bill, as it
passed, may be summed up in a very few
words : it repeals the stay law so far as it au
thorises the mditor to collect one-fourth
next January, nnd postpones the time to Jnn-
. , l-t. Iwhen one third mav be col
lected, ami one-third on the lir-t of January,
mid Wd. This, we believe, js the ma
terial fiiituis of tjic bill
Millfdijrrillc I'nirii.
‘■-I.Ii»::i AMI (jlir.BWiY — A V.-u Y.iik <intr
MJl. •!•!.’. M iri • - 1;as di i .’aruil l.,r Grei ly fox
1 «Vr:t<-! Sv.t. • * Mislc, nr.il proposes to i-peud
' ’ a dvI .Tl to to'-cro Li* election. 3
ought not to be
. egroes^—as I pre
trip is greatly relieved by the comfortable ac- S ume there are—who choose to prowl over
comraodations afforded by Conductor Fetes, the country, begging and stealing, I think
*ud his road. But after leaving Columbus | tb<~*e ,*1*°”’^ ^
rf nr misery increases.
the biggest transaction upon the smallest J that State is weakenedand imperiled which
capital known. In the first place they charge excludes any such persons from her electoral
you $7.50 lor 9C miles ride, and then crowd I body. ’ 1
yon into a narrow and unpleasant
thick ns three in a bed, and then you *we f f a i se aunlouries uml T niru 0 abstractions. Inn
false analogies nnd vague abstractions. H
old not to complain, if you do have to stand I State where each child grows up within sight
up. There is one redeeming point in all this, I of free school houses, wherein he is more than
nnd that is, it is only to be endured for two welcome as a pupil, it is perfectly reasonable
cipients of better quarters. i on iy been denied all public facilities for cdu-
The question was very elaborately, if not cation, but have grown up under laws which
ably discussed by the “standers-up” if tho made teaching them a crime, the case is very
refusal to provide scats upon the part of the different. Establish common schools in the
Railroad Company after they were paid for, South, and you may fairly prescribe that no
would not bear a legal process. one shall vote after 1870 who does not know
All along the road a universal complaint 1 how to read. But do not put out a man’s
wrs indulged in by tlic planters in reference eyes and then punish him for blindness,
to the shortness of their crops. I was pointed I It would be morally impossible to enforce
to a large Flint, river plantation, upon wbicli I fairly and uniformly an intelligence test in
it is said tlic owner will not gather the seed! the South. Just think of Mayor Monroe,
lie planted, let alone the expenses of cultira-1 with bis Chief of Police and First Marshal,
tion. Tliere is also a di-heartening spirit Kitting os a Board on the eve of an cxcitiug
pervading ti c planting community. They j election to determine how many and >. hich
see no brightness in the iir.ure, noprospect ol | ot the blacks of New Orleans were to literary
succe—for another crop. The frcedracu who ns they should be to make them voters!—
have lnborcd for the la>t year are disinclined Fancy the Copperheads of Southern Mary-
to run the ri.-k for 'he coming season, nnd j land passing on the literary pretensions of
are emigrating in large numbers to the Mis- I their late slaves, from whom they feared de-
slvippmillfly, where greater inducements j feat in an exciting political contest! The
ore held out to them. Under these depress-1 bare atlemnt to enforce such a test at tho
ing circumstances, many planters are cndcav-j South will manifestly inflame nnd distract
ormg to sell out entire and enter other fields I that entire region. I trust it will be for-
of occupation. This is a sad aspect ot affairs j borne.
but one which is constantly forced upon you.’ ] I comincml impartial suffrage, as required
Ilappilv, all planters are not thus disposed, j by the true interest of all concerned ; yet I
amt it L to be hoped that many who are now ( cannot admit that it is a matter in which the
endeavoring to sacrifice their lands will
change their minds and iry it one more sea
son, at least
The Energy of Columbus is fast oblitera
ting the marks of that terrible desolation
I made by ’VTiUqp and his raiders, and soon
j-he will again assume the position of the
greatest nmnulactaripg city ol our State.
Lieut.-GeiH r.il Longstreet was a passenger
with tis from Columbus. Save the grey
streaks in hi-bi..nl, which lieu- growu more
I si 1 a a i v he loah- as w ell and robu=t as when
North has no rightful concern. The blacks
arc a portion not merely of the Southern but
of the American people. They played nn
important and benificent part in our great
civil war. We cannot ignoro the obligations
springingftom our nec ?sity and their loy
alty. I hold that honor and good faith ab
solutely constrain those who triumphed in
that struggle to take care that their humble
supporters and backers shall not be made to
sgikr for taking the siueofthe Union. To
s ty now, iu view of the recent past, “Let the
dary of Tennessee—but no, let us suppose
that Gen. Lee, when in 1803 lie reached the
southern boundary of Pennsylvania, bad
found his way balred by a pompous, puffy
personage, who accosted him as follows:—
‘ Sir, I give you notice that this is the wtd
soil' of Pennsylvania; I am one of her magis
trates, and, in her name arid authority, and
in virtue of that Federal Constitution’which
you have sworn to obey, I command you to
turn backit is just possible that the Gen.
would order the Justice out of the way, but
more probable that he would have simply
kept on without vouchsafing the judicial
magnate a word.
We have been engaged in a fierce, des
perate, protracted struggle for the very exis
tence of the republic, whereof the Constitu
tion is but an incident (I know there were
those nominally on our side who said they
fought for tho Constitution; but I never heard
of their hurting anybody. 11 the progress of
that struggle, it became necessary to call the
blacks to the^rescue of the imperiled nation.
Had we made them no promises whatever,
our obligations resulting from our peril and
their services in averting it would not have
been essentially lessened. Had we been
worsted,, they must have shared our misfor
tune, and gone under the feet of the trium
phant rebels, nad we ended the struggle by
treaty or compact, they must have been gov
erned by the terms of that compact. But we
were not worsted; wc did riot compromise or
end the war by treaty; we are entirely and
absolutely triumphant; and I bold it a moral
obligation thence resulting that we shall
guarantee and secure their absolute, perfect
freedom. To prove unfaithful to this obliga
tion is to bury ourselves in perfidity and en
during shame. And this responsibility,
springing directly from the rational rescue
from ruin, I hold far before and above the
letter of the Constitution..
Tlic soundness and urgency of. this view
would not have been so palpable Itad the
rebel?, after the utter collapse and disappear
ance of their Confederacy, evinced a grain ot
common sense. Had they so acted that their
friends might have plausibly argued that the
blacks were safe in their bands, we might
have guessed, or trusted, or hoped that the
vital rights of the freediricn would be respec
ted and shielded by State action, and there-
U|hmi gone to sleep. But the last shots of the
war had barely ceased to ech6 when 8outh
ern Legislatures, assembled by Mr. Johnson’s
Provisional Governors, began to concoct and
enact laws bearing exclusively on the freed-
meti which would have disgraced the worst
clays of Egyptian or Algerine despotism.—
For instance : No reason a tile person ever
objected, while slavery existed, to laws plac
ing the blacks in slave States under police
surveillance, and forbidding them to keep or
bear arms; but such acts became absurdly
tyrannical from the moment wherein slavery
disappeared rand the wrenching of their arms
by tebcls from honorably discharged Union
soldiers, under color of State authority, solely
because the Unionists were blacks, was a very
cowardly mode of renewing the war of rebel
lion. So of all acts revived or re-enacted
which shut blacks out of the witness-box in
cases where only whites were parties, or in
flicted on them any kind of disability which
was at the same tinie an indignity. This kind
of legislation (see McPherson’s Manual) was
common to all the rebel States, thongb that
of Mississippi was probably tho worst. I re
joice that South Carolina lias had the good
sense to repeal her share of it, and I hail her
action in this respect ns greatly conducive to
an early SCst%ration of the Union. But it is
proved unaite to trust to local authority and
opinion, which may be right to-day and
wrong to-marrow. We must place the essen
tial rights of every American citizen under
the express gjardianship of the Federal Con
stitution. Tkatwill be the end of controver
sy. Until then, even unsuccessful attempts to
abridge them will prove a grave and general
calamity.
I have said that I favor both universal am
nesty and impirtial suffrage on tlicir respec
tive merits, each without regard to the other.
I hold that the North is bound to insist on
manhood suffrage—not in the South only,
but in every Slate and Territory—because of
the service required of and rendered by the
blacks in puttiig down the rebellion—that it
would bo perfidy and baseness, in view of all
the facts, not to insist on this. I hold the
South bound to accord suffrage to the blacks
as an important and useful, though humble,
portion of ber people, whom it is her interest
as well as her duty to conciliate and satisfy,
even though tke North did not desire it.—
There is no conflict between the interests and
duties of tbo North on one side and the
South on theotber—what is best for each, or
either, is belt for both—tho only collision is
between their respective resentments and pre
judices. Tke North wants to keep at least
the leading rebels under ban indeffiinitely
the South—ilmt is, a majority of the domi
rant caste at the South—wants to keep the
negroes under foot—despised, powerless, and
often abused by the wliito ruffiians, whose
crimes the better class disavow, but neither
prevent nor punish. .The loyal North has
demonstrated her ability to keep the rebels
out ot Congress ; the rebel South has like
wise proved ber power to prevent indefinitely
the due ratification of the Constitutional
Amendment This dead-lock affords to those
whom I must consider the more generous and
far-seeing minds of either section an oppor
tunity which once lost will never return.
Even though the South were able to force
her leaders into Congress, they could not
hope for full restoration to power and public
favor; even though the North were able to
force impartial suffrage on the South, it would
prove of little value while resisted by a strong
majority of the dominant caste there. But
let North and South strike hands on the basis
of universal amnesty with impartial suffrage,
and the resulting peace will be perfect, all-
embracing, and enduring. Each section will
gain everything and lose really nothing.
As to how the blacks will vote if enfran
chised, I have not inquired, and do not care
to know. That they will not vote for the re
establishment of slavery, nor for tlicir own
disfranchisement, nor to exalt to power those
who burn their school houses anil mob their
camp meetings, I take to be self-evident.
They may make some mistakes at first, but
experience will tend steadily to their diminu
tion and correction. I do not concur with
the caieful mother who insisted th.it her son
must bo kept out of the water till he should
have learned to swim. And I feel confident
that blaqks, like other men, will vote first to
sequre their own tights, then to promote the
welfare of their country.
If the South shall insist on her abstract
rigid to hold the blacks as a subject race,
the North will, doubtless, insist on the indef
inito disfranchisement of all tho prominent
rebels, and matters will thus go on as they
have gone for tho last year. I must 6til!
cherish my opinion that this is unwise; but I
shall stand with my own people, while await
ing a calmer and wiser view- that I am_ confi
dent must ultimately prevail. The disinter
ested will say, “Let the rebels remain under
the ban so long as they insist on keeping the
blacks there”—and they will say so with am
ple reason. If the adjustment I urge should
ultimately iail, and, in the mutations ol party
ascendancy, the rebels should be let up anil
the blacks' be kept down, I shall regret it ns
much for the sake of the South as of the
North, and I shall feel that the blame does
not all attach to the South; nnd whatever
the immediate issue, I fhall bate no jot ot
heart or hope that at lust, anil at no very dis
tant day, our people would be thoroughly
harmonised and united on the basis of impar-
iul and universal freedom. Ha G.
157“ Every ’piece of poetry tbat5 comes from
the Rev. Mr. Platt’s pen is truly a boon to the
cammnnity:
(For the Lovisville Journal.)
Seconds.
“A Little While.” Julia 16, 1?.
BV 1(EV. W. n. l-KATT.
Our ‘‘little whiles”! These peeks ef mottled
Time
And units of Eternity, like points
In lioundlessspace orilrops in crystal sea.-,
Make up the solemn fullness—deep and grand—
Ol life. They are eternity begun.
To God Eternity is but along
Exnandcdsecond-Time,its earthly side:
Ana changing hearts count not its worth alike.
Yoath shouts in dreams,—“‘alittle while,’and
Jj mme.” Age sight,—“‘a.Httle. while,’ and
Mapfe fofrtrt irm>i:."rrr»r.
Is mile.’
Is mine.
“A little while” ’a a boon to pain;
To fear, remorse, and shame; to shattered minds;
To famine’s need, and ragged forms, and all
The writhing, sighing brood of misery.
’Tis nothing to fruition—long to hop'c.
’Tis short to love or bate; to piny or die.
’Tis long enough forein to nnd a world
From God, and till it wide with guilt nnd death.
Iu man, these “little whiles” are all bis wealth,
ills years sndgood report ot f*me are brief—
“A Httle while"—and Time then sounds its di.ge,
O’er shrouded dust. ’Tis in some “little while”
We lift our quenchless souls to God, or in
Some “little while” wc plunge them dow» to Hell.
These “litllo whiles” are pivot-points on which
ReValve the destiuiesof nier, ana poise
Whole worlds of woe. Eternity is God’s;
The throbbing Present, man’s.' His thought and
Strength
Could manage only thisnor need he more
As grave of hope or womb of grandest bliss.
Faith chants,—“ ‘a little while,’ and aU
From the Now York Times.
Amnesty and Suffrage—Mr. CJrcc-
Icy’s Opinions on Both.
Effects of War on the Statute ot Limita
tions.
In the Circuit Court of tho United States
for Maryland, on the I4th ultimo, a decision
was rendered by Judge Giles, which involves
a point of considerable interest. We extract
from the Baltimore Sun, the following in re
gard to the case:
This was an action on a Trill of exchange
drawn on Memphis by the Jackson Insurance
Company, in February, 1801, at sixty days,
on James A. Stewart, payable at the Farmers'
and Planters’ Bank in Baltimore, and accep
ted by Stewart, but protested for non-pnv-
ment, April 28,1801.
Plea, statute of limitations.
Replications —1st. That war existed
when the cause of action accrued, and that
three years had not elapsed between the close
ot the war and the commencement of the
suit. 2d. That the President of the United
Stages declared war against Tennessee by his
proclamation of August 10, 1801, which war
continued until, by the proclamation of the
President, June 13, I860, Tennessee was re
stored to the Union, and that the intervals of
time which elapsed from the maturity of the
bill to the beginning of the war, and from
the close of the war to the commencement of
this suit, did not together amount to three
years.
To these replications a general demurrer
was filed by the defendant.
The Jndge held that the case was within
the local law ot Maryland, which required
suit to be brought within three years, and
proceeded to say that on the 7tli of Septem
ber, 1802, this court decided that the Presi
dent of the United States had the right bv
proclamation to recognize the existence o'f
a state of war; and that the war, from and af
ter the date of said proclamation, existed
between the States mentioned in the procln
mation anil the rest of the United States.—
Also, that the late war, when so declared and
recognized by the President’s proclamation,
became a civil war, and imposed upon both
belligerents all the rights and consequences
of such a war. Thiswasoneof the earliest
decisions in regard to our late civil war, and
the principles then enunciated have since
been fully confirmed by the Supreme Court
of the United States in the prize cases, 2
Black, 08.5.
As regards the State of Tennessee, there
c iri be no doubt that war existed in conse
quence of the proclamation of the President
of August 10, 1801, and not before, as that
State was not included in the previous proc
lamations.
‘It is a well settled principle that contracts
made before war are only suspended by the
war, whereas contracts made during the war
are void. This principal is fully recognized
by the Supreme Court in regard to our late
civil war.
In ancient times private property of alien
enemies, and de!>ts of every kind, were con
fiscated to the State.
Happily all this has been changed in mod
ern times, and now, while contracts made
during war between ulien enemies arc abso
lutely void, being against public policy, pri
vate interests are protected and lonaJUU con
tracts before the breaking oat ot a war are
ruspended during its existence, but revive at
its termination.
It has been repeatedly decided by both
State and Federal courts that where, by a
legislative enactment, parties are prevented
from prosecuting their claims, the interval
during which such prevention lasts is not to
be counted as part of the time allowed by the
statute of limitations. Now the power to
make war and peace is, by the Constitution
of the United States, delegated exclusively to
the Federal Government; and as, during the
war, the plaintiff, l>eing a corporation of the
State of Tennessee, had no right to bring suit
against the defendant, who was a citizen of
Maryland, the Maryland statute of limitations
was suspended dunng such period. The gen
eral rule unquestionably is, that where the
statute of limitation once begun to run, no
subsequent disability will arrest it.
But wo have already seen that a legislative
enactment suspends the running of the stat
ute, and the same result follows from the de
claration of war by the supreme power of the
land. For it js a well-recognized principle
of the law of nations, that the right of a credi
tor to sue for tlie recovery of his debt is not
extinguished by the war; it is only suspend
ed during tho war, and revives in full force
on the restoration of peace. A war, then,
having certainly existed between Tennessee
and the Federal Government, from tlie Presi
dent’s proclamation ot August 1C, 1801, and
which, although a civil war, yet, according
to the decision of the Supreme Conrt in the
prize cases, carried with it all the conse
quences and disabilities of a publiowar; it
follows, therefore, that the plaintiff in this
case could have instituted no proceedings in
this court until peace was proclaimed by the
President's proclamation of June 13,18G5.
This suspension, being by the exercise of
the paramount authority of the government,
cannot be held to work a forfeiture of the
plaintiff’s cause of action, but that his right
to sue, suspended by the war, revived when
it ceased. And as it has not been three years
from the maturity ot the cause of action to
the commencement of the war, and from the
termination of the war to the commencement
of the suit, this suit is not barred by limita
tions, and the demurrer is therefore over
ruled.
The Supreme Court at Troy, N. York,
has just made an important decision in a case
involving the rights and privileges of Iius
bands and wives. Cornelia Whitney brought
an action against her husband, Hamden Wiiit-
ncy, to recover the sum ot §0,000, belonging
to her as separate property. The wife, on re
tiring at night, placed the money under her
pillow. Next merning the husband arose
first, and abstracted and retained the money.
The husband demurred to the action on the
ground that the wile could not maintain a
suit against the husband.
On the other hand, it Was contended for
the wife that, under the present statute, the
wife owning a separate estate, may maintain
suit against her husband, directly in her
own name, for a right of action connected
with such estate, aud if not, that this action
as maintainable as nn equity suit at com
mon law. Decision was given for the wife.
Horace Greeley has left the city to be ab
sent some six weeks or more in the remote
West, lie takes the occasion on the eve of
his (departure,’to isroe a declaration of his
opinions on current political topics, which
will be found in another column cf this mor
ning’s Times. As Mr Greeley has avowed
himself a candidate tor the Senate of the Uni
ted States, we presume this letter, under tlic
circumstances, may fairly be regarded as the
platform of principles upon which he desires
to stand in ihccanvuss.
Mr. Greeley declares himself in favor of a
Universal Amnesty to all in the South who
engaged in the rebellion, and of impartial
suffrage both South and North—that is, suf
frage in which precisely the same tests, what
ever these tests may be, shall be applied to
men of all races, colors aud conditions. He
is not for one as an off-set to the other; Le
does not propose to concede amnesty to the
rebels if the South will concede suffrage to
the negro, nor to balance rebel votes given
under the amnesty by negro votes given by
suffrage. He is for universal amnesty, “even
though impartial suffrage should for the pres
ent be resisted anil defeated.” And he gives,
at length and in detail, his reasons for hold
ing this opinion. This is virtually a decla
ration against tho third clause of the Consti
tutional amendment, which excludes leading
rebels from holding office until admitted
thereto by a vote of two-thirds of Congress,
Mr. Greeley would make them all eligible
to every office. State and National, at once.
This is further, we believe, than anybody,
unless it bo the Copperheads proper, have yet
gone in concession to tho South for the sake
of reconstruction. It is certainly much fur
ther than the Philadelphia Convention went,
or chan President Johnson has ever gone.—
We hare ourselves been sharply censured
more than once by the Tribune for our views
of Restoration; but wc have never gone fur
ther than to urge recognition of the Consti
tutional right of representation, and the ad
mission to Congress of loyal men from loyal
States, who could take the oath prescribed by
law. We never dreamed of admitting all the
rebels, instantly and indiscriminately, to the
right of holding every office.
■We do not believe the people are in favor
of 6uch admission. Indeed, the recent elec
tion, if it proves anything, proves they.are
not. We are certain that nothing would
more shock the public sense of justice, or
create greater ahum for the public safety,
than the proposition to make all the plotters,
conspirators aud leading actors in the rebel
lion at once eligible to all the offices of the
National and State Governments. Yet in this
the people are not vindictive, nor are they
sweeping in their exclusions. They draw a
broad line of distinction between those who
weie engaged in tho rebellion. The great
mass of uic Southern people, those who went
into the rebellion either because they were
dragged into it. or because they followed the,
fortunes of tlieir States, or because, preferring
reparation, they struck for independence
when their leadersgave the signal,will readily
find fuli.amnestyand forgiveness. But tliere is
a class of Southern politicians been plotting
rebellion for five, ten or twenty years,—who
have taken part in public life merely that
they, might have better opportunities for con
spiring against the Union—who devoted all
their energies for years to planting the seeds
of secession in the Southern mind, and to
“firing the Southern heart” for the move
ment when the time should come. They
were life-long traitors against the Republic,
nnd the rebellion itself was but the climax
and consummation of tlieir work. Should
these men be at once rc-admitted to the seats
of national power they liad so shamefully
abused before ? Should the men—Senators
of the United States—who held caucuses
early in January, 1801, took deliberate steps
to tie the hands of the National Government,
and telegraphed to tlieir constituent States
to secede, organize n now Confederacy and
prepare to maintain it by war, months before
the fatal blow was struck,—should these
men be at once so cleansed of their guiit that
they may at once resume their seats in Con
gress anil renew their treacherous work ?—
Does justice demand such an amnesty?—
Would the public welfare be promoted, or
the public safety be secured, thereby ? We
do not believe it.*
We have always advocated measures of
large and liberal magnanimity toward the
people of the South. We believe, if promptly
taken, they would have done infinite good in
fostering feelings of kindness and confidence
in the South toward the Union, anil in lay
ing the foundation for greater harmony of
sentiment and of interest than has hitherto
prevailed. But we have always insisted that
some exceptions should be made—that, in
justice to the people of the South themselves,
as well as to the nation and to future gene
rations, tlie original, conscious conspirators,
who deliberately plotted and wrought out
all this dreadlul work, should be excluded,
forever hereafter, from sharing the political
power of the Government they had tried to
destroy.
This point alone, we think, will be fatal to
Mr. Greeley’s plan of reconstruction. It inet
with no favor in Congress when first propos
ed list session by Senator Stewart, of Nevada,
and even accompanied by universal negro
suffrage as an equivalent; and it is not like
ly, in our judgment, to receive more now.—
To such suffrage itself we think there arc most
serious objections—objections alike of prin
ciple and of detail; and while we believe that
color alone should exclude no man, in any
State or section of the Union, from the full
enjoyment of all civil and political rightsand
Colton Jfegnlatiui,.
The New Orleans Time, i ia s ),.,
ed by Gen. Benton, the Revenue Coll
Neiv Orleans, with the follow ,,
tal instructions to revenue ofii^ . i '
the removal of cotton. Factoi»’„m
the document exceedingly ir.teristin,.- . ’
iKUSCJt 9t7Aat]Q ! || .
OmCKOF NTKnX.VLR,^ /
Washington, Nov. 13,18GC \
Sir—Information which has resell i ,
office from various parts of the countrr i
me to instruct the revenue officer of tf, **?•
triets whence cotton is transported
lows: 1 ltu i«lol.
The additional regulations in rel„n„
the trunsportauon of cotton, dated Oet "^
1SCG, are to be made operative in •.u’^’
tracts, those which are large and spur^i^
tleil, or otherwise. ^t-
Internal revenue oflicera in such j:., .
arc expected to afford all lawful forilln**
the easy movement of cotton', so lom- a Tj°
collection of the tax on the same i S p , ro i£
for in a manner satisfactory to this0^0/ >
is not necessary that a revenue officer ,1'
actaally see the bales for tho transport
of which a permit is given. 0011
On the other hand, in case any foip.
found in transportation from vourdistrict 4tt
answering the description in'a permit I,”*?
bales are liable to seizure, and you ar
pectcil to exercise this power, soYar*,;/ 4 ’
cessary for the protection of the
against fraud.
Revenue officers in districts where cot.
is transported without payment of tax S
receive no commission on the tax on ’,, i 1
cotton, unless ft is accompanied in its t«n
portation by permits showing that it
transported thence. Wtt »
, Very respectfully,
Thomas 'Haruxd.
W. P. Benton, Esq., Uollector^re^Diltritt
New Prjeans, La. lnt ^
John A. Winston, ovn Senator E lect
John Anthony Winston, of Sumter C ount7
was yesterday elected by the Alabama Lc„;”
laturc as a Senator from this State to the
gross of the United States, for six years Z
ceeding Hon. George 8. Houston, of LimT
stone, whose term expires on the 4th 7
March, 1807. Mr. Houston was elected a*
the last term of tho Legislature bv one mi
jority, and was defeated for a re-election Lt
four majority on the 11th joint kl] 0 7
Messrs. Cooper and Lanudon bavin- w
withdrawn.—Montgomery mail. 0
I3F”France has had sixty-seven _
Eleven were divorced, two executed,"nice
died young, seven were widowed early’tine*
cruelly treated, three exiled: the rest wert
either poisoned or broken-biarted.
(~y EORGIA, Bibb Cocxvt: -
Whqroa.1. Martha E. Lamarapiiljcj tothtor
a ci slewed for letter* of admim.dration uni.n then
tat®1 of J. p. Lamar, late of said county,
AU persons interested arc. hereby, rcouirt.1 in' >„
and appear at the Conrtof Ordinary on tbo Era Ji,.,
dny in December next, to show in use, if aay’th,,’
have, why letters should not be mated the« H ,|j.
Witness mir band arid officis 1 sitrriature.
DOTtr-WoOd , , . W. I t. RILEY. Oni'r
Administrator’s Sale.
T?Y virtue of an order of tho Ordinary effrawM I
J_> County, will bo sold before the Court HoumiIoo-
m tne town of Knoxville, on the first Tucsdnv in j B .
uary next, ail tbq lands belomrimr to tho'anted
James H. McManus, deceased, lyinir and bcinc is ft,
second district of now Crawford County, conuinist
in nil Six Hundred Acres, more or less, (the ont-iH
thereof bcins the Widow’s Dower ex copied) Slid
lands lying on the road leading from Kroiville u
Macon, fivo miles distant from the former rhirr. re]
known as the Pandy Point Plantation. Sold for ti,
benefit of the heirs and creditors of said Jamc« H
McManus. Terms On day of sale. This. Novenrbori
^ J. W. AVAXT, Admr
nor26-w40d) 1
Notice.
G eorgia,, bibb county.—ah personsi»-.
debted to tho estate ot \Vm. L. Hughs, late e:
»akl connty deceased, are required to make im
mediate payment to the undersigned, and ibex
having claims to render, tlrcm in terms of the hr.
E. M. CALHOUN, and
L. P. HUGHS,
actlSMOdwJ Administrates.
Administratrix: Sale.
B t virtue of an order from the Court ofOrdintird I
Clay county, will be sold in front of Central Hr
tel in the town of Fort Gaines on the first Tsrjday a [
January. lsfiT, between the legal sale hours ufthiK.'
tho following lots, or parcels of land vir.: numbmK I
102, KM, Iks. 137, 139, tVl, and 2-iU, couiainint is ih I
aggregate HI77J4 acre3 more or less, nnd known suit I
place whereon Warren Sutton resided at the tires I
Ilia death—Also lots 14(1, 241, and 2S0, cuntsicin I
600 acres more or less, and known as tho Gaines plsa I
Both of said plantations arc under good fei : icdin I
fine state of cultirati in, with n good dweifi.:? of si [
rooms nnd all necessary out-buildings on tho fans*
aud a Gin House and Screw with other i.ut-buh hid
on the latter. Said plantations lying four as4 a I
miles cast of Fort Games, in tho county of Civ. * I
tho emechechobcc Crook, and sold for tho benttik I
tho heirs of Warren Sutton late of said connty ietm-1
ed.
Terms made known on the day of sale.
-MARTHA SUTTON,
November 14 1806, Admx. of Warren Sutton die
_w40d,* ’ ^
EOltUIA, Buis Cut'XTT.—Whereas. Oibome A I
yjf Lochranc, Administrator, upon the MtateJ* I
. Wim. Morrisy, late of-said county, deceased, srpM I
for letters of Dismission from said estate. .
All persons Interested archereby required to be it-1
appear at the Court of Ordinary oil tho 1st Mendva
June Next, to show cause (if any they have) why
ters of Dismission should not bo granted the applied’-1
Given under my hand ofiioiaUy.
noV16dm-lamj W. M. KILEV, OnfiattT..
privileges, we do not believe the great mass
of tho negroes at the South are yet fit to be
entrusted with such a responsiblc and impor
tant power. Mr. Greeley treats exclusions
from the suffrage as a punishment, and holds
that exclusion on the ground of ignomneo is
punishment for a misfortune:
In a State,” he says, " where each child
grows up in sight of free school-houses,
wherein he is more than welcome to bo a pu
pil, it is perfectly reasonable to prescribe that
those only who can read may vote. Where
half the peop'c have not only been'3enied
all public facilities for education, but have
grown up under laws which made teaching
them a crime, the case is very different Es
tablish common schools in the South, and
you may fairly prescribe that no one shall
vote, after 1870, who does not know how to
read. But do not put out a man’s eyes an
then punish him far blindness."
But this is not the question. It is not
whether we shall punish men for blindness,
but whether, being blind, we shall make them
our guides—give them rule and authority
orer us and over the nation of which we all
form a part. Voting is a trust, a power, in
volving rule over others, aud requiring in
telligence, capacity, eyesight, for its safe aud
proper exercise. And while neither negroes
G 1 EORGIA, JONES COUNTY.—Ordinary'*
1 Said County, Nov. 5, 1S66.—WhereM. Stopb*
M. Culpepper applie.* to me for admmijtrationontM I
estate of Abraham I*. Ritchey, dee’d:
Theac are, therefore, ta ailmoniih all peraew «*' I
rented to ahow cause by filing their objection!, if I
(hey have, in this ofiioe on, or by the firs’. Monw j- |
December next, why said administration shnnld i* 1 1
bogrouted.
Given under my hand officially,
ROLAND T. ROSS. OrdmuT-
novlI-lawSOd*
GUANO.
Important to ."Planters.
cement*
rplfE subscribers have inode ar
A, order* to any extent, for the reiiowun.^r—
anil Fertiliser*, some of each they will hav« in dj"
in a short time. Samples can. now be seen »
Office.
Puro
.Pu,
preferred to tho' , Peruvian, at about one-fonr(l
P Pure Baker’s Island Phosphate Gunno-fbwt^
Pacific.) This Guano is free from lumps,
ported, and must not be confounded with tne
Island,” The Raker’s Island contains a mneh *v-
proport ion of the Phosphate* (about SO per esnu' .
isolubloPhoipho-Peruvian Guano—ire wouit|¥
the attention of Planters, particularly, to this t
ixer, combining, we are satisfied, from tests
made, properties the bjest adapted to Cotton
especially Cotton, of any ever introduced,
is composed of 20 percent, pure Peravuab-Vj
(thereby securing a sufficiency of Amm<ntu‘.‘.*“’ l t
S er cent: pare Baker’s Islend, in which ttKr«‘»‘ l r i
) per cent, of tho Phosphates, (Phosphoric
Bone Phosphates,) chemically prepared, Mdt’J'JJj
luadosoluble; making it peculiarly adapt:’•
climate and soil. It is well known that the ren
Guano contains a larger proportion of
any other Guano, ami for that reason, U KwJxm;
for this climate, especially if wehhve (as"J, s
l.liono rcniou" -1
proves any advai
Tho Soluble Phospho-Peraviao Guano I
a been proven by its use, it ji I
from the ingredients of . n 4 ? I
..non, as ha
readily be seem
composed. It contains sufficient
rich in Phosphates. It will be of nhnu*—
KELSON TIFT.,
N. & A. F. TIFT.
That Meteoric Shower.—It may inter
est thoje who are unwilling to wait thirty-
three years to see a shower of metewis, to
know that Olliers the astronomer, supposes
the real period of their return to be thirty-
four years, and that the display or IThlt. re
peated in 18(53, will appear m leOT.
nor others should be “pnnished” for being l
blind, we need not make them our guides and Wftl 6ll011S6 811(1 u6H6i 31
lenders until they gain their sight.
We fear Mr. Greeley's declaration of opin
ion on this subject is inopportune. It will
not commend him to public favor ns a candi
date for the Senate. Public opinion is just
now fur from tolerant on suck points, and
though we hope the whole question will be
disposed of before Mr. Greeley, if elected,
would take his seat, his opinions on this sub
ject will inevitably enter into tho canvass.—
Wo have already caressed our conviction
that his long, laborious, and effective services
to bis partyliave_ earned this recognition nnd
promotion at their hands. They might, more
over, very well overlook differences of opin
ion on subjects which must prove temporary
at best.
MERCHANTS 3.
NEW BRICK WAREHOUSE, NEAR ^
RAILROAD DEPOT. , e s;
\XTE have partly completed. and ta j
\ V construction, one of the l* r £ ts *’ I
venient and economical Warehouse ta ^ I
iu-ing -'HK-i'" i.iwr’.t.g , - •' '■ I
-with i:.!::r.i..i nui-:. . . j
We wiU rive prompt attention to I
Sale or Shipment of Cotton orotherrr®
to sit Consignments.
storage on Cotton, iVc. v> r halo lor “ <y. I
month, and 25o. tor each month tbercJR’"
t Ml -■ ..’ v ar >r
mint, n ill ti* weighed, msrhed and c
’ -< -uA to iunro*dj)^|
t^~A good story is told of the late Father I
Mullen, of New Orleans. General Butler once |
sent for him to bury an Irish Homan Cathp-1
lie, then in Yankee unilotui. His alacrity iu [
coming surprised Butler, who expected _con-
ti:maoiou?nrs<. So he said: “How i< it,
Father Mullen, you conic to bury a dead |
Yankee t” He replied : ” 1 hat, General, is a |
rite I will perform for all of you with j
sure.”
No Drav _ on Cotton
WatSns(rotatb*eoat fide- of t:.. nr.r, :
i ,r. n, v. iii is. - * tV..;,,. 'i-
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Boning, Bopi and Iron Tirf op hand i«
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X. A. Hardee A Co., ard Ld. 1-“ J ' , . t>.
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hand & Co., Nr" York.