Newspaper Page Text
[PROPRIETOR
{VOL. 2, NO. 7
upon unconstitutional, hasty and improvi-
deat legislation, and as a means of protection
own. Each should have its own independence secu
red beyond the power of being taken away by either
or both of the others, bnt at the same time the rela-
earner, with the learning world would have caught the
spirit, copied the faults and perpetuated the idiosyn
crasies of the master. It speaks volnmes for hi* inde-
U> the embarrassments already experienced from
the large class of idle persons congregated in the
■I'KLEGHAPH
.WISHING HOUSE.
tfllJ.I'M K HEII^Ck)., Proprietors.
;; p I TORI.
Term" of subscription :
WacKi.r TstKonawt: 8100 per
mu v TET.BOHtrtt: 812 00 persnnum.
* 'Ton printing:
--liular attention will bo given to the
'■ r \ ,,'f JOB PRINTING of every descrip-
GRAPHIC-
TO THE ASSOCIATED PRESS.
tora Suffrage !a the District of
Cohuubh.
message of the
PRESIDENT.
■\Vashikvton, Jan. 0.
..!. vM.ite «/1* 6 United State* :
■ tf received and considered the bill entitled
’ m ncnlatotho elective franchise in the Dis-
J . f C>lumh!*, passed by the Senate bn the
tpe trober, »«d by the HouseofKepreatm-
,,h on laeceedls* day. It was presented for
r^ral on the 30th ult., six days after the
" i,mcnt ol Congress and l* now returned a ith
-^cellos* to l^e Senate, in which Honse it
1,unne bavin* hcen Introduced at the com
of the drat session of the pr.*eat Con
5 . i or the extenai -n of the elective franchise to
,, of color In the District ol Colombia, step*
U’v u by the corporate authorities of Wash-
*. ' in d Georgetown, to ascertain and make
f H, opinion of the people ot the two cities
tkeeutj-ct *o immediately affecting their
atommuuily. The question was aub-
C(4 , ol h* people at apodal elections held in
a-rtuof December, 1M5. when the qualified
,, 0 vwsblnztou uiid Gooigetoarn, with great
tyof sentiment, eaprmotl th.msdrca op
,, 0l t.e contemplated legislation, In Wash.
'“ „, T jto of 665*, the largest, with but two
ever polled in thstdty; only thirty-
-tuilota* were cast lor negro suffrage—while in
:.*n in an aggregate of 818 votes, a num-
1 nimbly In excess of the average vote at
.< r iweedlogannual electlona, but one wub
thror of the proposed extend .m of the
d „:„ Hnehlaa. As these elections eectn to
it-bn inducted with entire lalrnesa, there
in •« accepted as a irnthful expression of t-e
a of tue people of the District, upon the
* which evoked It Possessing, us an or-
■v t. j community, the tame popular right a» the
‘(.xuabofa stite or Territory, to make known
-wiaupon mature which affect their social
. ;<oittical condition, they could have selected
'ttt appropriate mode of mt moriallxiug Con
n aj-on the subject of this bill, than through
.,iTag*» of their qualitled voters. Entirely
sorting the wishes ol the people of the Dis
'.ot Columbia, Congress baa deemed it right
updienl to paas the meaaure now snbmiltcd
aj t.piature j It, therefore, becomes the duty
.tfj cuuve, standing bet* ecu the legislation
ft m.c and the will of tho other, fairly express
itknnin* whether he should approve the
cdtbutsid In placing upon statute-books of
uwo, slaw against which the people to whom
to apply, have solemnly, and with such nnan-
ij protested, or whether he should return it
this objections, In hop* that upon reconsldtra-
.Csngrfti, acting as the representatives of In
.usts of the scat of the government, will ptr-
ibfBt to regulate a purely local question, as to
t. miy seem best suitsd t« their Interests and
U District ef Columbia was reded fe the Unlt-
itstesby laud and Virginia in order that
»jht Worn# the permanent teat of government
c United States. Accepted by Congress, it at
ft became subject to the executive ltglsia
t, for which provision is made In the federal
litotloa; It should be borne in mind, however,
- in exercising Its function the law-making
r of the District of Columbia, the author!*
the national Legislature is not withont a
k bat that Congress Is bound to observe the
k and the spirit of tha constitution :s wd , in
tiatnl ol the lscal law*, for the seat e! govern-
'.Mia the legislation common to the . ntire
n. Were it to be admitted th. t thy right to
nae tha exclusive legistatloa in all case:
•*'»VTtr; U conferred upon Congn-**- with un-
power wili.in the District ol Columbia,
aoblllty might be granted within its boon-
a, laws night be made respecting an establish'
ol religion or prohibiting tiie free exerclte
or abridging the Ireedem or speeeh or of
;tr« or the right ol the people peaceably to
: ® 5!e »nd to petition the government tor a ro
11 Jgtieraaces. Despotism would thus reign
***** ef government of a free repjftOo, isd
* 1 Ixce of permanent residence, it would he
^ <7 all who prefer blessings of liberty to
* molameat* of off! dal position. It should
'"membervd that in legislating for tho Dis-
1 *- Columbia under the federal Constitu-
’ b* relation ol Congress to its in
4** is analogous to that of a Legislature
! Kp!» of a Stato under their own local
'OB: it does not therefore, seem to be
^ rnuela. ibmt In matters pertaining to
r ,.‘Dongas is should have a like respect
^ !, i'land interests of its inhabitants as is
by a State Legislature for tho wishes
|,Ji P»rity of those for whom they legislate.
_■ Mrf our Constitution and tho genius of
, ! ,,8 ®*at - require th«.t, in regard to any
^ - th it t« sffest and have a permanent
Hpoa a people, their vrtl) UMjd nsri tt
>aaoasble nfluenro upon those who are
pL 8 the capaeity of their legislators.
*<•! instance, the Legislature of the
„ ,w Tork, or Pennsylvania,or Indians,
■ in the Union, in opposition to the
* " ■ a Urge majority of the people
-»J were chosen to represent, arbitrarily
^•thsm as voters all persons ef the Afri-
J : ■ f. ;.u,1 :ni,,• tli-m ell .tile to
■ ut.y n'.lier oualifu-ati . than a
which their own conati'.uenta have thus farshown
au unwillingness to teat for themselves. Nor
doe* it accord with our republican ideas, that the
principle of self-government should lose its force
.when applied to residents of the District, merely
beoause their legislators are not, like those of the
States, responsible tbrongh the ballot to the
people forwhom they are thelaw-makingpower,
The great oljectof placing the aeatol govern
ment under the executive legislation of Congress
was to secure the entire independence of the gen
eral Government from undueState influence,and
enable it to discharge, without danger of interrup
tion or infringement of i*s authority, the high func
• ion* for which it was created by tho people.
For this important purpose it was ceded to the
United States by Maryland and Virginia, and it
certainly never eeuld have been contemplated,
as one of tho objects io be attained by placing it
under theexclnsiro jurisdiction of Congress, that
it would afford to propagandists or political par
ties a place for an experimental test of their
principles and theories. While, indeed, the
residents of the seat of government are notciti-
xeni of any State, andj are not therefore allowed
a voice in the electoral college or representation
in the councils of the nation, they are neverthe
less American eitisens, entitled as such to every
guarantee of the constitution, to every benefit of
the laws, and to every right which pertain* to
eitisens of our common country. In all matters,
then, affecting their domest-c affairs, the spirit
of our democratic form of government demands
that their wishes should bn consulted and re
spected, and they taught to feel that, although
not permitted practically to participate in na
tional concerns, they are nevertheless under a
paternal government regardful of their rights,
mindful of their wants, and solicitous of their
prosperity. It was evidently eonlemrlated that
all local questions would be left to tho ; r decision
at least to an extent that would not be inconi'
patlble with the objeet for which Congress was
granted exclusive legislation over the seat of
government.
When t-e constltntion was yet under consider
ation it wus assumed by Madison that its inhabit
ants would bo al owed a municipal legislature fo
locxl purposes derived from their own suffrages.
When for the first time Congress in the year 1800
as>cn.bled at Washington, President Adams iu bis
i-pcech at its opening reminded the two bout,
it was for them to consider whether the local
powers ofthe District of Columbia, vested by the
Constitution in the Congress of the Uniud Stat.-s,
should be immediately exercised, and he asked
them to consider it as the Capita* ol a great na.
lion advancing with unexampled rapidity in arts
io commerce, iu wealth, in population and possess
ing within itself those resources which, if not
thrown away < r lamentably misdirected, would
secure to It a loa,' coarse ot prosperity und sell
government. Three years had i ot elapsed when
Congret-a was called upon ta determine the pro
priety of retroceding to Maryland and Virginia the
jurisdiction of the terri'ory v hlch they bad
respectively relinquished to the Government of
•he United States It woe urged on the one hand
that Executive jurisdiction was not necessary or
usclul to the Government; that it deprived the
inhabitants of the District of tb> ir political rights,
that much of the time ol Congrcxs was consumed
in legislation pertaining to it; that its Government
was expensive; that Congress was not competent
to legislate for tha District of Colombia, because
the member* were strangers to its local concerns
and that it was an example of Government with
out representation. An experiment dangerous to the
liberties ot (the States, on the other hand, it was
held among other reasons, and successfully, that
the Con-tltution, the acts 'of cession ot Virginia
and Mary land and the act of Congress accepting
the grant, all contemplated the exercise of ex
clutlre legislation by Congress and that it's useful
ness, If not its necessity, was inferred from the
inaonvcnlenco which was felt for want of it by
the Congress of the CoofedeiAtion, that the people
thcm;elves who it waa said, had been deprived of
their political rlgbrt had not complained and did
not desire a retrocession. That evil might be
remedied by giving them representation ia Con
ureas when th* District should become sufficiently
populous, and in the meantime a local legislature.
That it the inhabitants had not political rights
they bad great political influence, tkat th* trouble
and expense of legislating tor the District would
not be groat bnt wonld diminish and might in a
great measure be avoided by a local legislature,
and that Congress could not retrocede the inbabit-
an's without their consent. Continuing to live
substantially under the laws that existed at the
time 6t cession, such changes, only having beeD
made as were suggested by themselves to the
people of the District have not sought by a local
legislature that which has generally been willingly
conceded by the Cdngress of the nation as general
rule and sound policy require. That the legisla
ture should yield to the wi^ies of a people when
not Inconsistent with the Constitution and liws.
The measures suited to one community might
not be well adapted to the condition of another,
and tho persons best qualified to deterraiue such
questions are those whose Interests are to be direct
ly effected by any propojed law Iu Massachusetts,
for instance, male persons are allowed to vote
without regard to color, provided they possess a
certain degree of intelligence. In a population
in that Stato of 1,231,066, there were by census
of 1S60 only 9602 persons of color, snd of males
over twenty years of ago there were 339,066
white to 200 colored. By the same official enu
meration, there were in the District of Colombia
60,764 whites to 14,316 persons of the colored
race. Since then, however, the population of
tho District of Columbia has largely increased,
and it ia estimated that at the present time there
are nearly one hundred thousand whitos to thir
ty thousand negroes. The cause of the augmen
toil number of tha latter class needs uo explana
Uon. Contiguous to Maryland and Tirginia, the
District of Columbia daring the war became a
place of rofuge for those who escaped from
. ., .. . . . . . ni \* ,uak “' ::7 J •*, r, T ;: r , / tions of each to the other should be so strong that pendence of thought and untr.unmelled modes or dc-
Hardly yetcapablcof forming correct judgments ut.vo and judHal departments. It is remarked there shou , d be . mutua] fatef#s4 to SUJtain and pro - Te .opment that from -such a school came so brilliant
upon the Important questions thatoften make the by Chancellor Kent that to enact laws ts a tran- j teot each other Thcro jhoa , d not only be con3titu . ; and original a mister as Stauter
^, rof rro r **idenco within thr;state? In
, ° ***• S**tos named would the colored
**' *hen acting together, bo able to pro-
i social flC,Belil|es) luuiUt j yet in
r fill), * 0r ® can vote, the man of color
.*°®4lU°oa that are not required of
C In Fenn*jlv«um the elective
1 * e| lricted to white freemen, while in
f. ft r0f *«nd mulatto** *re expressly ex*
t!l * r ’ Kht It hardly
th the principles of rightand
■ * .'<■).rocntHii vcii of States where
1 " r denied the colored man, or
<1 ^ Iu ° n eonditious requiring intelli-
1 ' <!r!,i°^#*^’ *^O n ld c "'"pel the people of
( dunibia to try an experiment
servitude and is yet the abiding place of a
considerable proportion of those who sought
ithia itu limit* a shelter from bondage. Until
then held, in bondage and denied nil opportuni
ties for mental culture, their first knowledge of
government was acquired, wheu by conferring
upon them freedom it bceamo the benelactor of
their rate. The test of their capability for
mprovement began when, for th# first time,
tho caretr of free industry and the avenues to
telligeuce were opened to them. Possessing
hose, advantages but a limited time, the greater
number perhaps having entered the District of
Columbia during the later years of tho war or
since its termiaation, we may well pause to
nquire whether, after to brief a probation, they
re as t. class capable of an intelligent ex-
rcise of the right of suffrage and qualified to
li*charg« the duties of official position. Tho peo
ple w bo > re dally wit uesses of tbclr mode or living,
and who have become familiar with their habits of
thomrht, have expressed the conviction that they
re not yet competent to serve is electors, and
thus becc me eligible lor office in the localgovern-
under which they live. Clothed with tho
elective franchise, tlielr numbers already largely
excesi of th# demand, for labor would soon
be Increased by anlntlux from the adjoining States,
drawn form llelds where employment is shun*
dant, they would in vain seek it here and *o add
issues ot a political contest, they could readily be
made subservient to the purposes of designing
persons. While, ia Massachusetts, under the cen
sus of 1860, the proportion of wh to to colored men
over 20 year* was one hundred and thirty to one
here, the black race constitutes nearly one-»hird of
the entire population, whilst the came class sur-
rounde the District on all sides ready to change
their residence at a moments’ notice, and with all
the facilities of a nomadic people, in order to enjoy
here, after a abort residence, a privilege they find
nowhere else. It is within their power in oaeyearto
com* into the District in such numbers as to have
the supreme control of the white race and to gov*
ern them by their own officers, and by exercise of
all the municipal authority, among the rest of
the power of taxation over property, in which they
have no Interest In Massachusetts wnere they have
enjoyed the benefits of a thorough educational sys
tem, a qualification of Intelligence is required,
while here sufirage is extended to all withont dis
crimination, as well to the most Incapabl-, who
can prove a residence in the District of one year »s j
to those persons ol color who, comparatively few j
in number, are permanent innabitants; and, hav
ing given evidence of merit and qualification, are
recognized as useful and responsible members of
the community. Imposed uponan unwilling people
placed by the Constitution, under the exclusive j
legislation of Congress, it would be viewed a* an
arbitrary exercise of power and as an indication by
the country of a purpose of Congress te compel
the acceptance ol' negro suffrage by the States; it
would engender a feeling ol opposition and
hatred between the two races which, becom
ing deep rooted and ineradicable, would
prevent them from living together ia
a state of mutual friendliness. ' Carefully
avoiding every measure that might tend to
produce such a result, and following tho clear
and well ascertained popular will, wo should
assiduously endeavor to promote kindly rela
tions between them, and thus, when that popu
lar will leads the way, prepare for the gradual
and harmonious introduction of this new element
into the political power of ths country. It
cannot be urged that the proposed extension of
inffrage in tbo District of Columbia is necessary
to enable persons of color to protect either
their interests or their rights. They stand
here precisely as they stand iu Pennsylvania,
Ohio and Indiana. Here, as elsewhere, in
alt that pertains to civil rights, there is n thing
to distinguish this class of persons from citi
zens of the United States, for they possess tho
full and equal benefit of all laws and proceedings
for the security of person and property as is
enjoyed by white .pitmens, and are made subject
to like punishment, pains and penalties and to
none other—any law, statute, ordinance, regula
tion or custom to the contrary notwithstanding.
Nor, as has been assumed, are tbeii suffrages
necessary to aid a loyal sentiment here, for local
governments already exist of undoubted fealty
to the Government, and are sustained by
communities which were among the first to
testify their devotion to the Union, and which,
during the struggle, furnished their full quotas of
men to the military service of the country. The
exercise of the elective franchise is the highest
attribute of an American citizen, and when
guided by virtue, intelligence, patriotism and
a proper appreciation of iur institutions, consti.
tutes the true basis of the Democratic form of
Government in which tho sovereign power is
pdged, in the body of the people. Its influence
for good necessarily depends upon the elevated
character and patriotism of the elector, for if
exereised by persons who do not justly estimate
i& value and who are indifferent as to its result,
it will only 6cnre as a means of placing power*
in tbo hands ef the unprincipled and ambitious,
and must eventuate in the complete destruction
of that liberty of which it should be the most
powerful conservator. Great danger ia therefore
to be apprehended from an untimely exten
sion of the elective franchise to any new
class in our country, especially when the
large majority of that class, In wielding the power
thus placed in their hand6, cannot be expected
correctly to ccmprehei d the duties and responsi
bilities which pertain to suffrage. Yestarday, a*
it were, four millions of pt rtens were beld in a
condition of s'avxry that bad existed for genera
tions; to-ray these are freemen and arc aebumed by
law to be ettistas.
It caDDOtbe presumed, from their pnvious «o»-
dilion of servitude, that as a class tbiy areas well
(■formed as to thena’nreof our Government as an
intelligent foreigner who makes our land the home
of Lis choice. In the case of the latter, either a
residence ol five jears and the knowledge of ottr
institutions which it gives, »or the attachment to
the principles of the Constitution, are the only con
ditions npon which be can be admitted to citizen
ship. ne must prove, ia addition, a good moral
character, and thus give reasonablcgroiindfor be
lief that* he will ba faithful to the obligations
which be assumes as a citizen of the republic,
where a people, the source of all political power,
peak by their eufirages tbrongh the instrumental
ity of the ballot box. It mnst be carefully guard
ed against the contxul ot those who are corrupt to
our political and social system—a sat* conductor
ot a healthy, popular sentiment, when kept free
from demoralizing influences controlled through
Iraud and usurpation by the designing anarchy and
despotism, mnst inevitably follow. In the hands of
the patriotic aad worthy our government will
be preserved upon the principles of tho Constitu
tion Inherited from our fathers. It follows, thero-
fore, that ia admiltlngto the ballot box anew class
orvoters not qualified for the exercise ot thedectiva
franchise, we weaken our system of government
instead of adding to its strength and durability.
In returning this bill to the Senate, I deeply re
gret that there shonld be any conflict of opinion
between the legislative and executive departments
of the government iu regatd io measure* that vi
tally atlect tht prorperity and peace of lliecountry.
Sincerely desiring to reconcile the States with one
another, and the whole people to the Government
of the United States, it hat been nty earnest wish
co-operate with Congress in all mea
sures, having for their object a proper
and a complete adjustment ot the questions
resulting from our late civil war. Harmony
between tho coordinate branches of (be govern-
ent. always necessary for the public welfare,
never more demanded than at the present
scendsnt power, and if the body that possesses
it be a full and equal representation of the
people, there is danger of its pressing with de
structive weight upon ail the other parts of the
machinery of the government. It has therefore
been thought necessary,, -..the most skillful and
most exper-enced w.u. . x .he science ef civil
policy, that strong barriers should be erected for
the protection and security of the othpr neces
sary powers of government. Nothing has been
deemed more fit and expedient for the purpose,
than the provision that the head of the executive
department should be so constituted as to secure
a requisite share of independence, and that he
should have a negative upon tho pustingof laws :
and that tho judiciary power, resting upon a
still more permanent basis, should have the
right ot determining upon the validity of laws
by the standard .of the Constitution.” Tho ne
cessity of some such check in the hanis of the
executive, it shown by reference to the most
eminent writers upon our system of govern
ment, who seem to concur in the opinion
encroachments are not to be apprehended
from the department in which ail legislative
powers are vested by the Constitution Mr.
Madison, in referring to the difficulty of provi
ding some practical security for each against the
invasion of the other, remarks “that the Legisla
tive Department is everywhere extending the
sphere of its activity and drawing all powers
into its impetuous vortex.” The founders ol our
republic seem never to have recollected tie
danger irom legislative usurpation?, which, by
assembling ail power in the same hands, matt
lead to the same tyranny as is threatened by
executive usurpations.
In a representative republic where the executive
magistracy is careJully limited both in tho extent
and the duration of its power, and wh re the legis
lative power is exercised by an assembly which is
inspired by a supposed influence over the people
with an intrepid cnntidei'ce in its own strength;
which is sufficiently numerous to feel all the pas
slons which actuate a multitude, yet not so unm
erous as to be incapable of pursuing the objects of
its passions by means which reason prescribes,
is against the enterprising ambition of this Depart
ment, that the people ought to indulge all their
jealousy and exhaust all their precaution. The
Legislat.ve Department derives a superiority in
our goTernuieu. Irom other circumstances. Its
constitutional p«wcrs being at once more extensive
and tue less susceptible ol precise limits. It can
with tbe greater f-ieiiity, mask under complicated
and indirect measures the encroachments which it
makes on the co-ordinate Departments.—
On the other side the executive power being restrain
cd within a narrow compass and being more simple in
its nature and the Judiciary being described by land
marks still less uncertain pro. ets of usurpation by
either of these departments wonld immediately be
tray and defeat themselves. Nor is this all—as tho
legislative department alone has access to tho pocket g
of the people, and has iu some constitutions full dis
cretion and in all a prevailing influence over the pe'
caniary rewards of those who fill the other depart-
meats a dependence is (h as created in the latter which
gives greater facility to encroachments of the former.
We have seen that tendency of Republican Govern
ments is loan aggrandizement ofthe legislation at tho
expense of other departments. Mr. Jefferson, in re
ferring to tbe early Constitution of Virginia, ohjocted
that “by the United States provisions all powers of
government, exeoutive and judicial, resulted to legis
lative bodie.*: holding that the concentrating of theso
in the same bands is precisely the deinition of a des
potio government. It will be no alleviation that
theso powers will be exercised by a plurality of hands,
and not by a single one: one hundred and seventy
three despots would surely be as oppressive as one—
as little will it avail us that they are chosen by our
selves. An elective despotism was not the govern
ment wo fought for, bat one which should not only be
founded on free principles, hut in which the powers of
government should bo so divided and balanced among
several bodies of magistracy os that no ono could
transend legal limits without being effectually checked
and restrained by tho others,"for this reason; that the
convention which passed tho ordinance of Govern
ment. laid its foundation on this basis, that the leg
islative, executive and jndiciary departments should
be separate and distinct, so that no person should
exercise the powers of more than ono of them at tho
same time. But no barrier was provided botween
these several powers. The judiciary and executive
members were left dependent on the legislative for
their subsistence in office, and some of them for their
continuance in it. If, therefore, the legislature as
sumes tbe executive and judiciary powers, no opposi
tion is likely to be made; nor if made, can be effectual,
because, in that case they may Jput their proceedings
into tbe form of an act of assembly, which will render
them obligatory on the other branches. They have,
accordingly, in uiauy instances, decided rights which
should have been left to tee judieiary controversy,
and tho direction of the executive during the wholo
time of thoir session, is becoming habitual and famil
iar.” Mr. Justice tt >ry in hi) commentaries on 0 insti
tution, reviews the same subject, and say* : ‘‘The truth
is, the legislative power is tho groat anil
overruling power in every free government.
Tho representatives of the! people will watch
with jealousy every encroachment of the executive
magistrate for its trenches upon their own authority
but who shall watch tho encroachment of these repre
sentatives themselves. Will they be as jealous ofthe
exercise of power by themselves as by others. There
are many reasons which may be assignod for tho en
grossing influence of tne legislative department, fn
the first place its constitutional powers are more ex
tensive and less capable of being brought within pre
cise limits than those of cither of the other depart
ments. The bounds of tho executive authoritv aro
easily marked out and defined. .It readies few (objects
and those are known, it cannot transcend them with
ont being brought in coutaot with the other depart
ments, laws may gbeck ami restrain and bound its ex
ercise. Tbe same remark* apply with.still greater
force to the judiciary. Thejurisdiction Dor may bo
confined to few objects or persons or however general
or unlimited its operations arc necessarily confined to
tbe mere administration of private and public justice.
It cannot punish without law. It cannot create con
troversies to act Upon. It can decide only upon rights
and cases a< they arc bronght by others before it. It
can do nothing of itself. It mnst obey the laws and if
it corruptly administers them it is subjected to the
power of impeachment. On tbe other hand tho legis-
tive power except in the few eases of Constitutional
prohibition ia unlimited. It is forever varying its
means and its ends. It governs the institutions end
laws and publie policy of the country. It regulates
all its va»t intereiL-'. It disposes • all its property.—
Look but at tbe exercise of two or threw branches of
its ordinary power. It levies nil taxes, it directs and
appropriates all supplies, it gives the rules for the de
scent distribution and devisef of all property held by
individuals. It controls tbeHiurces and resources
of wealth. It changes at its will tbo whole
tiqnai means, but persona! motives to resist encroach" !
.meats of ono or cither of the others. Thus ambi
tion would be made to counteract ambition, and tho
desires of power to cheek power, and the prossuro of
interests to balance an opposing interest. The judi
ciary is naturally tho most neaessary, as has been al
ready said, the weakest department. It can hare no
means of influence by patronage. Its powers can i
never bo wielded for itself. It has no command over
tho purse or the sword of the nation. It can neither 1
lay taxes nor appropriate money nor command armies ’
nor appoint to office. It is never brought into con- j
tact with the peoplo by constant appeals and solicita- >
tions and private intercourse which belong to all the
other departments of Government. It is seen only in -
controversies or in trials and punishment*. Its rigid
justice and impartiality give it no claims to favor,
however, they may to respect. It stands solitary and
unsupported, except by that portion of publie Opin*
ion which is interested only in the strict administra
tion of justice. It can rarely securo ths sympathy or
zealous support of either the executive or lcgisla.
tivo. If they are not as is not unfrequentiy the caso.
At about eighteen he fought and won his celebrated
match with the mighty Staunton, receiving the odds of
Pawn and two moves. This spread his lame, even at
that early age, wherever Chess was known, and stamped
A* the most r sing young player of the day. Mr,
Staunton himself bestowed liberal and just ecomituua
upon him.
Armed with ail this power, and heralded by so bril
liant a reputation, our her came to this country. He
played several matches with the' brilliant, too biil innt,
t-chulten, and won them all but one; won matches
of Turner and Hammond—in short, beat everybody
for a long serie.i of years. His most celebrated te
match wns.with Eugene Rousseau in New Orleans, in
Dee. 1S45 This was a triumphant victory. Mr. Rou-
seau was a player of Europoau reputation, and some o
the games won on either tide are become parts oi stan
dard Chess literature. Mr. Stauioi collefcd snd edited
these games in a small pamphlet, and happy is he who
now possesses a copy of this scarce brochure.
In 1650 ocurred the grant match at Washington, be
tween the Champion and J. H. Turner Esq..- of Louis
villo, Ky.. the first American player, proper, we be
jealous of its prerogatives, tho constant necessity of j | ieve> that> relyjDg on hi* ak'il, had the hardihood to
scrutinizing the acts ol each . npon the application of j throw down so bold a glairs. Mr. Turner made'a very
any private person or painful duty of pronouncing
judgment that the acts are a departure from the law
or constitution can have.no tendency to conciliate
kindness or nourish influence. It would seem, there
fore, that some additional guards would, under such
circumstances, be necessary to protcett in this depart
ment, from the absolute dominion of the others. Yet
rarely have any such guards been applied, and every
attempt to introduce them has been resisted with a
pertinacity which demonstrates how slow popular
leaders are to.introduce checks upon their power, and
how slow the peoplo are to believe that the judiciary
is the real bulwark of their liberties. If any depart
ment of the Government has undue influence or ab
sorbing power, it certainly has not been either the
Executive or Judiciary.” In addition to what has bee»
said by these distinguished writers, it may also be
urged that the dominant party in each House may
by expulsion ofa sufficient number of members, or by
gallant fight, but the balance shows Mr. Stanley largely
a victor. He was now, withou i doubt, at the top of his
force. He had f.r years pitched his flag at the On lton
House Club, N Y.. as king of 'American 'Chess, as un.
inistakably a-cver McDonnell wielded the English scep
tre Caissannt the od Westminister. Of his genius for the
game, W. J. A. Fuller, six months later, male the fo*
lowing just ami discrimmwmg remarks: “He wields a
graceful, witty and powerful |>eii t aad has pos tivo ge
nius ps a Chess player. W* do not use this terra unad
visedly. Many men hare an aptitude for the game
many also possess decided talent fo; it, but Mr. Stanley
is certainly the only playor; we follow not quite so far
1S66J in this oonntry to whom the word “genius” can be
properly applied.” , ,
And this forms a very proper introduction to an enu
meration of his literary labors, in Caissa’s American
vineyard, now of the very richest Mr. Stanley was the
first to inaogurate hebdomabai Chase articles, the col-
exclusion from representation, of a roouisito number i unm originally opened beiug in the New York Spirit of
of States, reduce the minority to less than one-third.
Congress by these means might be enabled to pass a
law tho objection of the President to the ontrary, not
withstanding, which would render impotent to the
other two departments of tbo Govemmeat. I make
an allusion to the wholesome and restraining
-power which it was intended by the framers
of the Constitution should be exerted by them.
This would be a practical demonstration of all power
in Congress of tho United States, this in the language'
of the author of the Declaration of Independence
would bo precisely the definition of Despotic Govern
ment, 1,'haTc prefered to reproduce these teachings of
the great statesmen and constitutional lawyers ofthe
early and later days of Republic rather than to rely
simply upon an expression of my own opinions. Wo
eannot too often recur to them especially at a con
juncture like the present; Their application to our
actual condition is so apparent that they now come to'
ns as a living voice to bo listened'to with more atten
tion than at any previous period of our history. We
have been and are yet in the midst of popular commo
tion. The passions aroused by a great civil war are
still dominant. It is not a time favorable to that
calm and deliberate judgment whioh is the only safe
guide when Radical changes in ourinstitntions arc to
be made. Tbe measure now before mo is one of those
changes it initiates an untried experiment for a peo
ple who have said with one voice that it is not for
their good. This alone should make us pause, but it is
not all. The experiment has not been tried or so
much as demanded by the peoplo of theseveral States
for themselves. In but few of the States has such an
invocation been allowed as giving ballot to colored
population withont any other qualification than a re
sidence ono year and in most of them tlje denial of
ballott to this raco is absolute and by fundamental
law placed beyond the domain of ordinary legislature,
In most af these Stuteatbe evil of such suffrage would
be partial but small as it would be it. i$ : guarded by
Constitutional barriers. Here the innovation assumes
formidable proportions which may easily grow to
such an extent as to mnke white population a subor
dinate element in the body politic, after full delibera
tion upont his measure I cannot bring myself to ap
prove it oven upon local consideration nor yet as the
beginning of an experiment on a larger scale. I yield
to no pne in attachment to that rule of general suifer-
age which distinguishes our policy ns a nation. But
there is a limit wisely observedhitherto which makes
the ballot a privilege and a trust, and which requires
of some classes a time suitable fir probation and
preparation
To give it indiscriminately to a new class wholly
unprepared by previous habits and opportunities to
perform the trust which it demands is to degrade it
and finally to destroy its power, for it may bo safely
assumed that no political truth is better established
than that such indiscriminate and all-embracing ex'
tension of popular suffrage must end at last in its de
struction.
(Signed) ANDREW JOHNSON.
Washingtoc January oth. 1367.
OUR CHESS DEPARTMENT.
All those interested! in this column should sub-
aeribe to the “ Weekly Telegraph,” Macon, Ga Terms
$4 per annum.
Communications on matters pertaining to Chess
are solicited, and shonld be addressed to “ Chess Edi
tor” of the Telegraph.
NOTICE.
Eif Will our Chess exchanges please nn-
nouncc that those wishing to secure this en
tire anti very valuable and interesting series
can do so by addressing Chess Editor of the
Macon Weekly Telegraph, Macon, Gn„ en
closing $2 for six months, or $4 lor one year.
Editor.
PROBLEM NO. 23.
time and it will therefore be my constant aim to ; fabric of the law. It moulds at its pleasure almost all
promote, a? far as possible, concert nf action be- *'" 1
tween theua. The differsners ot opinion that
ave already occurred have rendered me oaly
tbe more cautious, lest tha Executive shall sn-
roach upon any of the prerogatives of Congreoa,
by exceeding in any manner the constitutional
lit of hia duties, destroy th* equilibrium which * reluctance the wishes and the will of the majority for
should exist between the eeveral coordinate de- i the time being-the path to public favor lies open by
rtments, and which i> ao essential to the har- ! ?uch Ufi»{b» »«'; »»* im-
i pumty. in whatever ateaiaits the majority advises;
monious working of the government. I know even thuugli they transcend the constitutional limits,
it
the institutions which give strength and comfort and
dignity to society. In tbe next place it is the direct
visible representative of the will of' the people in all
the changes of times and circumstances. It has the
pride as well as '.he power of numbers. It is easily
moved and steadily moved by the strong impulse of
popular feeliDg and popular odium. It obeys without
has been urged that the executive dspartmtni
more liksly to •■large the sphere of ita action
than either of the other t<ro branches of ih*
government, and especially in th# exercise of
the veto power eouferred upon it by the Ceneti-
tution. It should be remembered, however, that
thie powei is wholly negative and conservative
in its character, and waa to operate as a check
It has no motive, therefore, to be jealous or scrupu
lous ia its own use of power, and it find* its ambition
stimulated, and its aria strengthened by the counte
nance and the courage of numbers. These views are
■ot alone those of men who look with apprehension
upon the fate of republics, but they arc also freely
admitted by soino of thestrongast advocates forpopu-
Isr right? and the permanency of republican institu
tions, . Each dopartmbnt should have a will of its
f
a
tJ
WHITE.
-ftftHJ
^ f
&
— —B
the Tim»s. AH honor to that glorious paper, now no
more! Mr. S. also contributed Chess articles to The
Albion. But his oldest literary efforts culminated in
that brilliaut periodical of 1849, Tho American Chess
Magaxitie. Here he shines as tha genial gentlemen
tho accomplished scholar, and the master of Chess.
| It brought out numerous aul able contribufoUH;
but its soul, ita energy, its exquisite taste and glowing
' enthusiasm were all from itsMaguus Apollo, its editor.
; The enterpri-e was, financially, uhssccesstbl, and
• abandoned at the close of o< e year. .
L Aftftr this Mr Sum ey’s Chess spirit seemed to Idi
out. ne got involved in pursuits that seemed to weau
him from the delights of the chequered fie ld, and foF
several years he almost wholly absent'd himself. There
was one oaris. When M. St. Ainant passed through
New York our hero couched bis lauce, ru^ty os it was,
with the French paladin, himself in scarcely better
trim, and each player gaintd equal honors from eight
a-saults. We then find him described as -‘desiring not
to be identified with Chess” In vain ! Involved as the
British Consulate aV New York was, iu the unhappy
“enlistment embrogiio” of the Crimean War, misfor
tunes, bitter and tleep, come. Er»n his high soul »»>
shaken toils depths; worldly posse-sions lied; friends
(pretended) cooled and fled; office and power’
proved but delusive Lomire—and then, with
what a genial glow upon his stricken prospects came
the beams of mild-eyed Chess! Site demands ' no con
trition of her recreant son; only to continue her ad
mirer as though that admiration had never been broken
off. Easy service!
In 1156, or ’57. lie began occasionally to revisit the
club. At this time be used jocosely to remark that “he
was the man who neglected rather than conducted the
Chets department of the Albion” In its diagrams ho
took the singular fancy of placing the Black pieces on
their heads, giving the.problems a confused and ludi
crou* appearance
It was hot till Paul- Morphy’s-arrirat in New York
that Mr. Stanley really came.out, though t e bad played
some at odd times with Mr. Lichtenhein, W. W. Mont
giunery, and others. He entered the first American Na
tional Chess Congress, and tho record et bis defeat there
by Mr. Lichtenhein, and his subsequent disastrous
match, receiving pawn and move of Mr. Morphy, are
matters of well known history. Tho writer oi ce heard
him say to Mr. Marphy: *-Ah! there ts the great differ
ence between you and me—you forget nothing uad I re
member nothing.”
In lS59he wrote “The Chess Player’s Instructor.” *n
elegant little elementary treatise, brought out by De-
Witt. But it was coustructedon ideas of years gone by,
was not up to the requirements of Chess students of
these days, and wits not -i permanent success. Later
in same year he compiled for the same publisher a
.mall collection ot “Morphy’ Hatch Games.” This little
book is lortunate in having tbe finest small portrait of
Mr. Vorphy that ha* ever been given to the Chefs
world For some mozths Mr. Stanley returned to his
first lore, and edited a column in tbe'plritof the Times.
He also gave us a department in Harper's Weekly, and
one, for a time, in Porter’s Spirit. Bat with It all, and
with what piny he treated the amateurs to, he never at
tained the pitch of spirit and force of tho conqueror of
Schulten, Rousseau and Tarner.
But Mr. Stanley’s best recent work, hi« most accepts
ble offering on Cairsa’s altar, is his very valuable Chess
column in the Manchester (Hi g.) Express and Guard,
ian, in 1660-1. During this period his play in England
was highly creditable. Ho was a ewitestmt in the
British Chess Association’s Tourney at Bristol,
Ho returned to this country, and what he wishes, and
what American Chess requires,if a liberally given space
;n an infinentlat paper; whare, in perfect independ
ence, his wit can have play, his generosity scope and
his eminent talents and immense experience full oppor.
tunify to display themselves. Theu, indeed, should we
look for great fruits, and to see correspondents flock to
his standard.
In person, our subject is honored with more than the
usual share of manly beauty. Not fail, but well propor
tioned, at once muscular aud lithe. His brow bears the
impress and carries a suggestion ol his intellectual
might to an extent rarely equalled. The vivacity of his
mind communicates itself on all occa-Ions to his mo
tions. His eye k indies, and fairly emits electric sparks
of enthusiastic sympathy which mma may resist. In
his position in tbe British Consulate, money liberally
flowed in upon him almost without effort, and be natur-
Ily enough acquired expensive habits. HD vivacity
ot spirits, his sparkling repartee and his society, so
much courted'and flattered, sometimes gave a point of
pungent sarcasm to his wit that made him feared even
by hisfriends. He was a man who “would hnv« his
joke, even tf he lost his friend ” He was the prince o?
bonritfinfi, as well as of the eight times eight squared
field.
Mr. Stanley is a most pleasant antagonist, prompt
h'mvelf and forbearing towiirffothets. Tli* equanimity!
nay his joviality in defeat is prove:!rial, but vroe to the
luckless wight who, presuming upon his good nature,
crows over a victory or two ; he speedily ge's'impaled
a'ike on the lanro of Hr. Stanley's wit and Chess. Aa
io his wit on such occasions, Mr. Fuller jnstly says:
“Ho has a sunny countenance, a polished address, a
jwn-gent tongue (sometimas wickedly sharp), and
as treasures. For th# rest, we have seen several at
tempts represent him on wood; but of all of them, not
one, oddly emtigh, is barely good. The frontispiece of
“B evity nnd Brilliancy in Chess" is in every respect
fiffe-ftke and excellent—ail the rest are worthless. Tho
artists who produce ! this picture tin Messrs Kinners-
ley and Jshoson, New York.
Our sketch is done. We have no apologies to offer for
;ts length-Or its brevity—as different eyes or different
interests nay look at it. The writer recommends Mr.
Boykin to reproduce thefir.-t and nineteenth parties of
the match with Mr. Rousseau, and enelor s two with
Mr. Turner, ,Mr. Stanley always, and ju-riy, prided
bltnse f upon tha announced mste given in “Brevity
aud BriJhaaoy,” p. itl. It is the frontispiece to “Stan
ley’s Mags line,” row so extremely scarce We close
by giving, what we b-lieve no oue else could, a remark
abe skirmish between 4:r. S. nnd Hr. Lichtl-nltcin.
- Sicilian Defence,
STANLEY.
LICHTENHEIN.
1 F to Q B 4
•2 l’- k a
5 r.n “ 3
4 P Q Kt 4
6 a .v 3
6 Q B-Kt 2
7 It takss K P
8 Q K-Kt 2
9 Q Kt-B 5
10 K Kt-B sq
11 P-K B 3
12 K-hi»2
13 K Kt takes Qj
1 P to K 4
* K R-U 4
3 K Kl-Ii B 3
4 Castles
6 K B-K 2
6 P-Q 4
7 Q P takes P
8 Kt—bia &
9 K B-hi*3
10 K Kt-Iv 4
11 Q B-Kt o
13 K B-K 5 ch
18 Q-ber 6 ch
14 P takes Kt, mate.
A strange denouement to como from such an opening ;
as startling as ix Morphy rs. Ander.ssen.^“We l, welll”
exclaimed ' : r. L. “I hZTe bean accustomed to ; ook to
(he-Sicilian’as furnishing some protection against suolt
onslaught? as these.” In hi9 hey-day he must have
had transcendent skill, polished by frequent use,
spurred by active powers and guided by clfar eight
who qou’d with an . opening have withstood the on
slaughts of Cats. H. Staslet.
WHITE %
PAtUlE.
In the Match Turner vs. Stanley.
GIUOCO PIANO.
J. H TURNER.
1 P to K 4
2 K K -B 3
3 K U-B 4
4 P-y B 3
5 Castle,
8 P-O 4
7 l*-K R!
S K K-K ?q
9 y B-Kt5
It) y B-K 4
ii y Kt-ya
13 y Lt-Kl3
B 8 P takes P
14 P-K 5
16 K Kt takes P
16 Q Kt—1 3
17 -y 5
:SQI?t-Q2
19 y Ki-K 4
at y-K B 3
tt y tskejyB
2! y-K B 6
it y h-
C. H. STANLEY.
1 P to K 4
2 y Kt-B 3
3 K B-B 4
4 y-K 2
O K B-Kt 3
7 K Kt-B 3
8 Castles
9 Q K-Q sq
10 P-K K3
11 K-hi; K so
IS A P takes P
13 K Kt-K 2
11 y P takes f
15 y-K Rt 4
16 (J-K B.T
17 K Un* 4
18 Q B-B 4
19 y-her Kt 3
20 y B takes Kt
21 y B-Kt 3(b)
25 P-K K 4
26 Kt lakes Kt P
27 y takes K Kt ch
33 y-K B 3
24 K B-y 3
:0 Q IUK 5ch
31 y P takes P
32 y-he ~ ‘
Whits to mov« first, and to eonipel Black to check
mate in four moves.
al
together a cultivated gentleman." When his antagonist
is moribund, he pours in the oil of agreeable speeches,
nnd employs the probe of pleasantry so defllj that, you
forget the -mart—rather like it, in fact—and only mildly
venture to suggest your rn-nnehr. This, however, gen
erally mesas another charming defeat, which lie get-
more brifliant in ?tyle and mor* in manner than
j Its predecessor. When ho get* reatty pushed, however
—and sometimes evea Stanley does and did get pushed
— he bends his great power# te the one taek before him,
and taxes his intellectual energies, bis active imagine
tion. snd facility of inver.tif n as IVw men could do.
His great brow, in fact hi* whole physical nature an
swers in sympathy to the mental call. sn»l beads of per
spiration start prominently forth, or even roll down*
him«elf the while unconcion* of their existence.
That prosperity may yet again atlerd him; that his
■gingom prero.-lty is not tobedeubted, great i atural power.* snd brilliant aeccmpliahmeate
for lie learned Chese while yet very young. It is Chess may yet again resume their wonted I sway ; that his
Intor, a man to whom lie always looked up with th* | CheǤ skill and enthusissm may again reach their old
greates'. respect, was the celebrated German master high point and find an ample aad remunerative field
Pepert. Bnt yonug Stanley must have had a rezoarka- for their exertion mutt t>e the fervent wish »{ every
ble genius for th# game, and a great deal of active ong- friend of L'heas, of every admirer of genius,
inality of character iu other direction* than Chess. And * «»••<»•*• s«nni™fcit—.....—
21 K Kt-B 3
22 K-lit *q
21 P-K Kt 4 (a)
24 K Kt 2
25 P-K Kt 5
2t' K Kt takes Kt
27 li-K Kt 3
23 P-Q B 8
29 P-gj I! 4
30 K-Kt sq
31 K: takes B P
33 K-his R 3
33 takes K B, aud ultimately won.
(a) Desperate temerity, in the face of such a position
as hie antagonist how has.
(b) The prominent defect in this gentleman's play D
that, when he gained an advantage, whether of situa
tion or material, he never clinched it. VV'liy this pu
sillanimous retreat, when a few bold steps mad lead to
victory? Let us suppose, instead of retreat, the follow*
ing:
24 K It to Q 3 2t K to Kt 2 (»)
takes Kt P 25 HP takes B
26 Q tnk“s Kt clt 26 Iv-his R sq
27 Q-K It 6 ch 27 “-Ktsq
23 Kt-Q 7 Most lose.
(•(Thie appears to be as good a moTe as he can make
toavert the fiiUlc#A*eqnencesofthcattacks threatened
move of Kt to Q 7th or to K Kt 4Lh.
Another Partie of the same Match.
King’s Knight’s Defence.
C. IT. 8TANLEY. J. IT. TCTRNBlt.
1 PtoK4 * • -
3 K Kt-B 3
8 K B-B 4
1 P to K 4
2 K B-B 4
3 Q Kt-B 3
4 P-Q3
5 K K-B 3
6 Q B-K 3
7 <J K'-K 3
8 k B-Kt 3
9 Q Kt-Kt 3
10 P-Q B3
11 T-ti4
12 P-K R -1(a)
13 K B- * 4 ch
14 thistles
15 K B-B 2
18 Q-lier2
17 Q Kt-B 5
IS K P take- B
19 K Kt-K 2 •
23 K Kt-Kt 4
.’I tt P taxes Kt
23 P-K 113
23 P-K B 6 fdt
tt K B taken Kt
26 K R takes I
(a) Threatening to win a piece at the vary next more.
(b) Had he interp°sed the Kt, Mr. S. wcofd have won
Q U; if Q B to Q 2d. he would have planted q Kt at K
B 5th, with n fine attacking petition: and if, lastly, he
had plnycd P th Q B 3d, the attack, by P to Q 6th mnet
have gained an adrantagein sitnation immediately.
In) Bad enough, but it i* hard to.find a better re
source -
(d) Tbe terminating moves aro rapitalty played by Sir-
tan ley.
4 P-Q3
5 P-K U a
« K B-Kt &
7 U B-K 3
6 Q Kt-B 3
9 Q-her 2
10 Q Kt-K 2
It q Kt-Kt 3
« o-K 3
13 K-hi- B sq (hy
14 P-O B 3
15 Q-RCi sq-
16 q-her2
17 Q B takes Kt
IS P-K 5 (?)
19QK-K2
20 K Kt takos Kt
vi p-q4
22 K P takes P
23 Kt-K Kt3
24 It P lakes B
ofence shortly resigned.
Executor’s Safe.
YTTILL be sold on the first Tuesday in February
V v next, between the legal hours of sale, before
tiie Court House door in Macon, Bibb. County, a
plantation in said county, containing TOO acre*,
more or le<s; about dOfraeres in the woods, lying
on Echeconiiec- creek, about 12 miles front Mxcen,
adjoining lands of Saunder.-, Barfield, Douglass,
and others.
On the same day, jn Butler, Taylor-Couaty, Ga.,
two improved lots aad cue wild lot ia Taylor
Comitv, Ga.
Bold as the property of 'VTUliam H-ickaby. de
ceased.
Terms en day of sale.
GEO. W. HUCKABY,
Executor, Ac., UTra. Huekaby, dec’d.
dec20-lawfiw)
SKETCHES
Of American Chess Men, Chess .’Sal
ter*, ami Chess PaMicHtton*.
No. X;
C. II. STANLEY
Charles H** y Stanley, uooia* r«MtoAQ ft clarion
was born ia Enff.and in 1612. That he va* poa?#saed
of bright part-4
ereri this ?g proren bjr the Cheaa record, if we had ao
other. Popert’e ia uinxiaginatiro, hard and cold;
he won by the potideriMis awoop ■ of t h* club of Heroa-
rather than tiie tlcctric, glanciftg thniat ef the
Spanish rapier. Now yu ordinary student. 9 rnero
A* to •'ir* Sta»iej*a ‘’Counterfeit presentment*.” thero
wore t*o taken, we preaume in ]£5Q, in Ja^ucrreotype
not alika, of himself, Mr. Turner and Kerr Lviwenthef
inn gr*up. One of the«e is in po*5*s>i(B of Mr. F*
Perrin, the other, of Ur. Ha settlor, Tiie latter had hia
CPgr.wed tor his 1%-t new hoo^s, ?;u* b\ * xye esteemed rmm tto mm****" {
Dongtterty County $bcriif Sale,
KOIIGIA.' DOKGHRRTY • COrSTY—Vi* be
guldbofore-The-CojiTt Houeo door of Dougherty
Coontr, on the First*Tuesday in March next, between
the Icful hours loti of land numbers <>ntt hun
dred and ten, one hundred and eftven. one hundred
and thirty, ninety-one ami.owe-fourth of oft* hun
dred and twenty-nine in the Second District of .Dough
erty County, as the property of Kdwin T. Jones :lcr-
iod on by Yirteo of a luortgivget* tifa from iKsogherty
Superior Court in favar of’LeonfJas A. Jordan. Ad
ministrator r* Edwin T.Jgvctu Property'pointedout
in said tifa. Also, at name time and plate will be *
old lot of lurid umniMcr uiociy i» the Second Ihstriet.
of I>ougherty Count* ; sold as.the proper tv of fcdwia
T. Jones, levied on by virile-ef * fifiifr«>» I>oughe»jy
Superior Court, in faroc of Nicholas Cmger,\va LM-
w»n T. .Jose*.. iT-perty «ut-by defcndaL*,
JAM bb >\ . K KM 1,
Sheriff.
January 4. 1*>7. ian 6 1 aw
TEN REASONS WHY
JiOSTETTJER’S STOMACH BITTiCIUk
tohould h*.ve at place in Erery Hojif*,
BECAUSE hv iovi^orHiiny th* rooatiiutioG* aud th*
frame they at:ti t $1ehuis,
BECAUSE (cepeem/ly) their n-t present* cbe slmo*
pheric poison which produce* ejtidsmic* taking
edect upon the system.
BECAUSE they cure mdigtstma, and impart un wonted
vigor to the «<o«4itd.
BECAUSE they ere the bo.-t mtdicr.it nt
present known*
BECAUSE th^y are theenly preparation upon wlro.a
person* of a bilious habit can sa eh rel^ u> keep tA+kror
m good ojdmr.
iiti'ALaK they tent and rtgulatf. \ho, boweKaed in^
▼nriftl lv relieve them when cousupujed, without caus
ing undu»* relaxation.
BECAUSE they strong then rht •>#/*•«*, el out the brain,
and cheer the animal spirits.
BECAUSE incase of an attack of rpaw* t>r bjfcoUf*
eoliethey sre the best thing rhat c.nn ha a dim metered
on the instant.
BECAUSE they combine ih* threw prop*rhea of a
tonic, an rth*-rnn*T« *nd anom'nc a their utmost pu
rity and perfection.
BECAUSE they are a •peeifir ajje:u-i Acne and Ferer
and all intermittent* j*nd wuh ml their potency ns a
preservative and a remedy, arc 4ar**U** a#
.11, A. BEIT) & Co.,]
V |.;\V SERIES,!
A Family Journal for the Dissemination of General Intelligence, Miscellany, Agricultural, Commercial, Political and Religious Information.
MACON, GA., MONDAY, JANUARY 7, 1867.
