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THE GEORGIA WEEKLY TELEGRAPH.
• wff
'« Mr-
frorgia gSlcckta <Ttltgrap^.
^ ' f wiirrs.—Gar gas hn?, been very Vn
I ’’ < ” f•? » 0,n0 n 'K ,lts - an ‘ 1 M PP lte I to
' r " mWff r« q«antitk«. Put nu the pres
, we target your name.
j.j, c Y. Post has conic to the con
. Kter profound stndy and delibera-
**' ."’lit in the few years the most urgent
, a protective or prohibitive «ya*
*^jll |m found »n Georgia, Tennessee,
f h Carolina and Virginia.”
f<ism>.v Illustrated Naves.—A tru
■J/at sheet, and a half dozen pictorial
• .s sre received by us from Havens*
w i» please accept our thanks.
^ -desiring instructing papers ot all kinds
' i . ivc H. Jb B. a call and get what they
‘ The New Tear number of the pjeton*
.i^crurw* Cultivator Aoioug the
. I jti,-s of tho Southern planter in com
■_ clD - new year, should lie a remittance
,, futMcriptioo ice to this valuable agri-
j mrt j monthly, publisiuni at Athens, Ga.,
IV S. White. The small pittance of two
;> .r, will command it for a year, and no
, r or liou-tekeeper can read it for that
-«i!»oftime without receiving hundreds of
ff orlh of information.
— >■■■■—"
^ jfnsaNCK.—As the proprietors of stores
CuituR Avenue, between Cherry and Pop-
to feel no interest, in the matter of
, i.-igiitfy red mire into which the side
" ,j. immediately in front ot their doors is
, irkc i up by every rain, we would suggest
, oar City Fathers that a few cart loads of
dor gravel dumped on tho spot would
-»»e a ureat convenience to the public.
.ynr’s the day and now’s the hour!”
v D i::vt, U*lo».—This old and wellk If
;rw l has just suffered a serious loss in luo
irtitwuent of Mr, J. H. Nisbet from its edito-
i4 j management, Uo lias been connected
tith it for tifteen years, and always conduct-
.1 it with respectable ability and earnest zeal
j brhilfof the party to whose interest it
m duly devoted in the past. Wo wish
'!r. Ni' ! »t muclt lisppiness and success in
*ii»tc*’«r vocation he may select for the
future.
Editorial Courtesies.—We are under
sipt ami profound obligations to our friends
f Ik- Quitman Banner and Thomasvillc En-
-cjpriie, tor their very kind notices of the
E Ttlvgnph, us well as their polite attentions
your agent. We can fully reciprocate the
®pliment, os the Banner and Enterprise
tretwu ot the best country papers in the
jtatr, ami we shall be most happy to return
:U more substantial kind offices whenever it
at; lie in our power.
Uijuso.- Our city has beep full of negroes
faring the holidays, and a few still mny he
md standing about tbc corners in searclt of
taploren for another year. The great body
hire readily found homes on the neighbor-
ing plantations and in Southwestern Geor
fit, it Air rates, the prices paid being $12
to $15 per hand, acaording to quality. With
cottas at a good price another year, the
pliatcn may get through at those rates.
We bear that tho negroes in Dougherty,
Lee, Baker, and some other counties of that
sectioa-or rather a considerable portion cf
them—eleciine to make contracts at present
biting taken up tbc idea that by waiting they
w-Iil find a greater demand for labor and
kttcr rates. A number of gentlemen from
that portion of tho State have been in the
site during tho week for the purpose of liir-
ig, and the probability is that the negroes
*bo decline to contract will, in the end, have
m-k homes elsewhere, nnd perhaps at low
« wages than have been offered them.
A Model Hotel.—A really good hotel
e of the "first class” in fact as well as in
atme, j* so scarce a tiling in the South, that
*t can not forego the pleasure of saying
*md tor tho Screven House, Savannah, and
Mr. .McGinly, its talented nnd obliging pro
prietor. We say talented, for there are natu
rai qualities that fit a man for the duties of
■Uadlonf, and without which he can never
“keep a hotel." Tho Screven nouse is the
lt*t planned and most elegantly furnished
public house in tho State, and its tabio is
»iaalin variety and daintiness to tboseofNew
Vork or New Orleans. This is saying much, but
*e are willing to risk it. Everything is new
trdthc machinery may work a little roughly in
•oma departments, MMkfWbolc i.- being
thoroughly lubricated under the tact and
good judgment of Mr. McGinly, and in a few
veeka it will run to perfection. The head
Stan of the dining room. Mr. Sumer, is a
tntmp, and both underatands liis business and
iiuot above it. We have aeen few men who
tould act off a table and bavo every guest
waited on to as good advantage. The Clerks
u* also polite and obliging, and on tbp
vbole, organized os it is, we shnll bo greatly
xtttaken if the Screven docs not soon rank
“the most popular hotel in the State.
THE PRESIDENT'S P081TI0N.
Wt copy elsewhere, from the New York
Ti ®«* (Radical ,) a statement of the views and
ttpec’ations of tho President in his war with
Radicals. It is fair and free from perver-
L0 °. and in this respect forms an exception
'’Ike recent course of the Times. The Frcsi-
^®t’» views should be tbc views nnd stead
1,1 policy of the whole Southern people, and
"**• it becomes important that we should
'“'. T understand them and the reason on which
rJ are founded. Both arc given by the
in perspicuous language, and we trust
f;r People will swear allegiance to the policy
"Seated by them, and persistently reject a'l
j^pta t 0 f orce
or seduce tkern into a dif-
•n.t path. Everything depends upon their
-uthfui maintenance by the Southern people
•Iternative is consolidation, the de
letion ot tho States, and the overthrow of
■qubliean Government, with all their
i* a *»quenco» of anarchy, bloodshed, and
-’tataahy, military despotism. The Presi-
' ®t'» course ia the only sftfc nnd right one,
J^iftho people of tho South will ouly ad-
, it religiously nnd without a shadow of
■’filing, it is obliged to triumph. The intcr-
^ of the North, if nothing else, willcventu-
compel Cong ress to abandon its vindic-
revolutionary schemes. There can
**°8*neral prosperity in times of political
^oortunty, and with ruin to capital «nd
ration to labor staring them in the face,
, * 0u hl-bo persecutors will fly from their
, •fcapicable policy as from a plague. The
i>M only to bo firm and steadfast,
the laws, rendering tributo to the
be whetherlawfully imposed or
rtijwcthtg tWe right of all classes, and
k* an *° lo every attempt to divest her from
r-.’i.jfce, and all will yet be well.
(From tho Jf. V. Times.)
Tlio President’* political Position.
The President's position on the subject o'
reconstruction is still made the theme of
what seems tous very needless speculation.
It has been so clearly defined by what lie has
done and said, nnd by what he has not done
and said, ns to leave very little room for fur
ther doubt It could nat have becc. elpec-
ted that the result of the elections would
cause liny change in his opinions as to cither
the justice or the expedien-y of the policy he
had urged upon Congress; nnd it is now
equally certain that it has made no change
in his estimate of the feasibility of giving that I
policy practical effect. It may have led him
to change the grounds of his reliance. Before
the election he believed the people would
elect a Congress which would adopt that
policy and carry it out. This hope has failed.
He now believes that the Supreme Court will
annul any hostile policy which Congress tuny
adopt, nnd that the necessities of the country,
operating alike upon the interests and the
sentiments of tbc people, will compel a re
sort to the action he has recommended.
The President evidently thinks that things
cannot remain in their present position. The
country cannot stand still in its present atti
tude. The material interests involved,—the
vast commerce whose movements are suspend
ed,—the industries eager for development.—
the wants, necessities and demands of the
whole country unite to compel some action
looking toward relief from its present dislo
cation and paralysis. Congress must do some
thing. If it takes violent action,—if it annuls
the local governments which now exist in the
.Southern States, and which are the products
and representatives, regularly or irregularly,
ot the local popular will, and substitutes for
them Territorial governments of its own crea
tion, the President believes the Supreme
Court will pronouuce its action null and void.
Upon what this belief is based, except tli*-
gcnwal temper of the Court and its decision
in the Indiana case^-, wo are not aware; but
ho bolds it and acts upon it. He believes
that Court will bring the action of Congress
upon the status of the Sou hern States, to the
test of the Constitution,—and that it wi I
veto, by an adverse decision, every attempt
to impose upon those States universal suffrage
assent to Constitutional Amenduu ntsor other
conditions of tho kind proposed to their en
joyment of the right of representation in Con
gress and the Electoral College. The threat
ened action of Congress, therefore, he believes
is destined to prove abortive.
But even if this should not be so, he still
believes the policy of Congress must fail. A
bill stripping the Southern States of their
existing Government*, and imposingTerritor
ial Governments in their stead, will not exe
cute itself. It must be supported by force.
An arnty must be sent and kept iu every
Southern State. No law can lie enforced, no
tax can be collected, no allegiance can be
maintained, but by military power. This
may be possible, but it will be expensive,
and it will become odious and intolerable.
It will couverc the National Government in
to a centralized despotism, nnd the people
will not endure it. They will inevitably and
speedily expel from powe- any party that
may do it, and thus the country will b«-
brought to the neceadty of adopting ti.e policy
he has urged—which is the only one at once
sanctioned by the Constitution and adequate
to the reconstruction of the Union.
We believe these to be the views and opin
ions upon which the President is acting. It
is no part of our present purpose either to
approve or oppose them. We merely state
them as the probable, we think the certain,
basis of the Executive action during the re
•nuinder of President Johnson’s official term.
modifying—Wbat’a to be Done
With the Rebellions States ?
The New York Herald for several weeks
recommended the use of force to restore the
"defunct Snates” to their places in the Union,
provided they refused to ratify the proposed
amendment to the Constitution, but it bos
now changed its base somewhat. In its issue
of last Tuesday, in an editorial discussion of
the inquiry—“The unchanged rebellious
States—what shall we do with them.”? in
stead of proposing to send General Grant
with an army sufficient to compel the exclu
ded States to accept the amendment as the
basis of reconstruction, now thinks it best to.
let them severely alone. It says:
" Wliat, then, can we do with those people ?
They rebelled against tho Constitution, they
appealed to tbe sword, they lmve been de
feated and disabled, and now they fall back
apon their constitutional rights as they were
before the war. Taking tliu hint from Pres
ident Johnson’s greatest mistake they demand
their constitutional rights in their restora
tion just as they stand. They may be taken
in band from the Potomac to the Bio Grande,
as the people of a grent unorganized terri
tory, and cut up and recast into new territo
rial divisions; but this will be a troublesome
and costly process. We may establish the
constitutional amendment by threc-fonrths
of the loyal States, and then reorganize terri
torially each of tho outside States on this
basis; lint we shall gain little time by this
plan. The only course remaining, then’ is to
let these outsido States alone, on|y interfe
ring to prevent their whites and blacks from
cutting each others’ throats, and so give them
so much timo for reflection as they may re
quire. After being two or three years out in
the cold, or five, ten or twenty, reason and
common sense may prevail among them, and
they may come in on the terms ol the amend
ment. If there is no hops in the present
Southern generation we can wait for the
next. By that time there will be Northern
leaven among them sufficient to leaven the
whole lump. Time and emigration will set
tle the question.”
(Frointuo Cincinnati Enquirer.]
Tlic Latest Rules <m<l Experience
ill the most Successful Method of Rais
lng and Mannging Poultry.
To begin with houses for fowls. Large
farm-yards, barns nnd other shelters, do not
render poultry-houses especially necessary
yet love of order, dread of thieves, foxes or
skunks, will usually make them desirable,
houses are built for the purpose, they should
be lofty, being less liable to disease and bad
taint; also for good currents of pure air. But
there should nut be strong draughts of wind
running through. Fowls love good shelter
from cold winds. Their houses should nat
be open to tho west and north-west. The
perches should not lie more than twenty-four
inches from the ground. They should all be
on tho same level. Fir or sassafras poles are
as good as any, sawed in half in the centre
They should be supported on ledges, fastened
to-each side of the house. They can thus be
easily moved out for tho purpose of being
cleaned. High perches are objectionable on
account of poultry being too apt to leap from
tbeir perches, nnd thus lame themselves. Let
the windows or ventilators be made above
tbe perches, nnd in severe weather closed. The
bonse should be often cleaned out and white
washed. The floor should be of earth, well
rammed down and several with loose gravel,
two inches deep. This can lie lightly swept
continually, and may be raked to keep it
even and fresh,
The opening for egress and regress should
be, in our climate, cast or south, and should
be opened just licforc daylight. No other
poultry but towl should roost here. Neither
should they be too crowded. There should
be three compartments—one, the longest for
roosting, another for laying, and another tor
sitting. The boxes should he placed against
the side of the house, on tbe floor; fasten up
boards against the side, each being twenty
inches high the same length, and eighteen
inches apart This for privacy. About eigh
teen inches from the wall a wooden perch
Should be put, just high enough to prevent
the eggs from rolling out. No lien should
be allowed to lay where the others are sitting
and difficulty may lie experienced with some
from their almost' unconquerable repugnance
to sit anywhere but where they have been
laying. To cure it move the hen and her eggs
at night into tbe sitting house, an over her
until morning by hanging sacks or matting
&c., over the boards forming her silting
place, and she will remain quiet and satisfied.
Keep tbe door of the sitting room shut.
Have a covered run for chickens in wet
weather, it is very advantageous; any sort
ot roof will do. it should run the length of
the yard, open to the sun, and pioject six to
twelve feet from the wall. The floor of it
should lie raised above the yard, and cov
ered with sand and wood ashes some inches
deep. The pens and coops with their young
chickens, may be placed here in wet weather.
The flooring should be higher at the back
than the front.
There is nothing better for the bottom of
a nest than a sod of grass. On this should
be placed straw. This will be free of vermin,
as it will be ventilated. Keep the doors of
poultry houses open for air. Slant the floor
every way toward the door, to facilitate the
cleaning. and to avoid everything like wet,
which is the grand bane of fowls. Above
all, be scrupulously clean with poultry.
' As to feeding: if there is no farm-yard
with scattered grain, &c., they must be fed
by hand. A full-grown fowl will consume,
weekly, two thirds of a gallon of corn or
wheat*. In wet weather they can pick up,
themselves, some food; hut in frosty, and,
above all, in snowy weather, they require
generous feeding. Do not spare good food
for chickens. Those who are obliged to
keep fowls in confinement should have large,
rather heavy sods of grass ent, to tear off the
grass. Of course all family remnants, such
as brcad-crnmbs, scraps of all kinds, are to
be used; when they ere, their regular food
may be diminished. lam not an advocate
fur cooked vegetables, -except potatoes -
Boiled cabbage is a poor, worthless thing tor
them. Corn, whole or cracked, is the staple
food. Do not give fowls meat, but throw
out bones to pick. Do not give them raw
meat; it makes them savage and quarrel
some, and gives them a propensity to pick
eeacli other, especially in moulting time. Too
high feeiling, and making them too fat, in
capacitates them for breeding, and diseases
them.
coliar breathing. The most common cause is
cold, damp weather, aucl north-easte ly or
westerly winds. It is vere difficulty to keep
poultry health, in confinement, in large
cities. In ronp, feed twice a day with stale
crust? of bread soaked in srong ale—this on
the first symptoms of the cold which pro
ceeds it. Then there must be warmth pro
vided. Give some tincture of iron in the
water pans, and 3ome stimulants. The ailing
chickens should be seperated from the rest.
It is easier to cure it, of course, in the first
stage. It is contagious in a high degree. The
next complaint is the gapes. These are
caused by numerous small worms ifl the
throat. The best way to get rid of them Is to
take a hen’s tail feather, strip it within an
inch of the end, put it down the chicken’s
wind pipe, twist it around sharply several
time3 and draw it quickly out—the worms
Will be found entangled in the feathers.—
When this is not effectual in removing them,
if the tip of the feather be dipped in turpen
tine it will kill them; bui it must be put down
tbe windpipe, not the gullet. Camphor is
perhaps the best cure for gapes, and if some
is kept constantly in the water they drink,
they take it readily. This has been most
successful. There is sometimes, in your chick
ens, a hard substance on the tip of the tongue;
in this case, remove it sharply with the thumb
nail, and let it bleed freely.
Lice can be got rid of by supplying their
houses and haunts with plenty of ashes, espe
cially wood ashes, in which they may dust
themselves; and the dust-bath is rendered
more effectual by adding some sulphur to the
dust.
The principal breeds of the best fowls are
the Brahma Pootra, Dorking, black Spanish,
game, Malay, Cochin China, Hamburg, Po
land, Leghorn and French br> eds.
Newport, Ky. E. J. II.
Tlic Decadence of the Republic
Nothing marks the decadence of the Re
public aiore than the degeneracy of the men
whom the people elect their rulers and place
in high public station. How mighty is the
descent from statesmen of the Washington
and Jefferson era—and we may make the
comparison much later— down to those who
are playing at present their remarkable
pranks upon tbe theatre of politics! action.
The contrast is nearly as great as it was be
tween the Borne of Cato aud Cicero and
Caesar and Augustus, and the Rome when a
drunknn and idiotic Emperor installed his
horse as Consul, and when the Empire was
struck off to the highest bidder, and when
tbe Praetorian Guards were really the rulers
of the State. Once in our annals the chief
controllers of public affairs were gentlemen
possessed ot learning and refinement, versed
in history, acquainted with philosophy—
who had' studied politics and government
as a science, and who had knowledge even
ot tho polita arts. What are they now?
Look at Washington and our State Legisla
tures, and we sec men in important executive
and legislative positions who know no more
ot the volumes of ancient or modern learning
than they do about the lost arts, or of the
building* of the Egyptian pyramids—to
whom history is a sealed book and philoso
phy an unheard of word. Once the affairs
of the country were directed with skill, and
national troublesand convulsions were a void
ed by smoothing down the asperities between
conflicting sections and parties, and by mu
tual compromises of feeling and interest.
Now the only agent and instrumentality ol
power relied upon is the force of the brute
and the malignancy of the demon. Once the
political questions of the country were dis
cussed and examined with good temper aud
spirit, and with the desire to elicit the tiuth
involved in them. Once, in our high de
bates, a lood of light was let upon all con
troverted topics of public light.
Now, in general, our so-called debates are as
unworthy of the name as our so-called legis
lators are ot the designation ot statesmen.
They are characterized by a vehemence ol
passion, by expletives of wratli, by expres
sions of prejudice, by a display ot ignorance
and by "sound and fury,” signifying but
little more than the froth ot the idiot. As
in the turbulent and disgraceful periods of
the French Revolution, when such mighty
questions as the abolishment of tbe monarchy
and tlie establishment of the republic—the
overthrow of the Catholic religion tbrough-
[From the Detroit Free Pres*.
A Strange Story.
The I.anstn" Democrat mentions some cir
cumstances ot a most remarkable nature in
respect to the recovery of a large sum of
money Which had been fo-t for five vears. The ' v J
strange and almost incredible story i3 told as j nounced b} tjie J
follows
tbrou
the purpose
the bank
Jlilitary Commissions.
DECISION OK THE SUPREME COURT IN.THE
CASE OK M1LLIOAN.
AY asiiington, Dec. 81.—Tbe opinions pro-
trained to tl
!-ion ot
gentlemen
the law.
Chief Justice Chase, in delivering thedis-
senting opinion, says that the third question,
namely, "Had the military commission in
s of the Supreme Court Indiana, under the fact., stated, jurisdiction
be ’
On the Gtb of December, 18G1, Mr. 8 ,
who then lived ou the Grand River road near
this city, came to market with a load of
wheat, accompanied.by his son, the narrator
of these circumstances. The load of wheat,
with a span ot horses, was sold for the sum of
$378,50, and the man returned home, where,
soon after their arrival, the father was taken
with the cholera morbus, and died just at
daylight next morning.
After his funeral search was made for the
money—which until this the family had been
too soreaflicted to think of—but to their as
tonishment only the $78 50 could be found.
What had become of the remainder was u
question which could not l»e satisfactorily
solyed. The whole house was thoroughly
searched and at length it was concluded that
tbc money mast have been lost on the way
home; yet after advertising extensively.
through the columns of the Free Press, am
offering a reward of $50, to the finder for the
recovery of the money no trace of it could tie
discovered, and the event gradually passed
out of mind. But now comes the sequel, un
looked for and singular, in which the money
recovered through a dream. The
young man, who, with the family, noiV
resides in Ingham county, has been
recently suffering with a painful felon,
which tortured him so with loss of sleep that
on Thursday night of the week before last
he took a dose of opium, under the influence
of which, after retiring to bed, he tel) into
profound slumber. In the midst of his sleep
he dreamed over the trip made to this city
with his father, every circumstance of which
was repeated minutely, with the incidents of
time and place of sale, both of the wheat an.l
the horses, the counting of the money, etc.,
in addition to which ho saw, in his dream,
that two men were closely watching his fat It
er while receiving the money; that they af
terward went away, when his father took off
his hat and placed nearly all the money
inside the lining of oil-skin This
dream, several times repeated, finally
awoke Mr. S. who related it to his wife,
who had not yet retired, when she went to
an old chest, long unused, and brought out
the hat which the old man had last worn.—
It was old and moth-eaten, seemingly any
thing but a money bag ; yet, on turning back
the lining, $500 in Canada bank bills were
found in a tolerable state of preservation.—
This strange but "ower true tale,” us Well as
the respectability and trustworthiness of the
relator, are vouched for by responsible par
ties, beside the “pile,” the most tangible and
satisfactory result of the vagaries of tbe ex
hausted mind, working upon the “unreal
stuffs that dreams are made of,” remains to
testify to the truth of tbe unusual occurrence.
sion in Indiana, and, in effect, ordering his
discharge from prison, be having been con
victed nnd condemned to death, have been
printed and published. The case, it will be
remembered, was brought before the United
States Supreme Court, on a certificate of di
vision of opinion of the two judges of tbe
United States Circnit Court of Indiana.
There are two opinions of tho Court. The
one read by Associate Justice Davis - is elabo
rate in its defense of the constitution and the
have juri.-diction to try nnd sentence Milli
gan it he could not be detained in prison
under his original arrest or sentenoo, after the
close of a session of the erand jury without
indictment or other proceeding against
him.
He also says emphatically: “Wc think that
Congress lmd power, though not exercised,
to authorize the military commission which
was held iu Indiana, but we do not put our
opinion, that Congress might authorize such
rights of citizens, and'their protection in .a military commission as was held in Indi
person and property. As has been stated, ana, upon the power to provide for the gov-
all the members of the Supreme Court agree eminent of the national forces. YVe by no
upon the point relating to habeas corpus, and means assert that Congress can establish and
to the question, •‘ Ought the Court to issue a 1 apply the laws of war where no war has been
out the country, and the installation of new
deities in its place, were put through almost
No plan is worse than to throw down great j in a single sitting of the Convention, and
heaps of food continually. It should be j with but little debate; so now are the im
More Plunder of tiib South and AVest
—The telegraph informs ns of a new tariff
bill reported to Congress, the leading features
of which are more protection to the iron
mongers and wool manufacturers, those al
ready bounty-fattened interests not being
content with their present measure of pros
perity. AA’hat is a little remarkable—if any
thing could be so considered at this day—
the 8peoker of the House, a representative of
the agricultural West, which is to be still
more ruthlessly plundered by the measure,
volunteered to say that it met with his ap
proval. The f'outh has no vote in the mat
ter, and can only look on while her people
are being flayed for the benefit of tho miners
and spinners of Pennsylvania and New Eng
land. Her ouly remedy is to put her own
capital in manufactures, and thus get her
share of the plunder whilst robbery has the
sanction of law.
f^T On the occasion of the royal visit to
Wolverhampton, Queen Victoria andtho cor
tege with her passed under six triumphal
arches on their way through tho principal
streets of the town. The first arch was com
posed of iron and coal, and for this the Earl
of Dudley scat twenty-five tons of “tliesplen
did ten yard scam," some of it hewn into
blocks of two tons each. There was also a
trade arch composed of . hardware and japan
goods.
Some people uro verdanl enough to
ask, can Congress do so and so ? Why, cer
tainly they can. A rail load conductor once
accosted Lola Mon tea thus: “Madame, you
cannot smoko in the cars.” “But you see I
can," replied Lola, “for I am doingit.” This
is congressional logic.—-St. Paul Pioneer
|r«F"The ladies of the First Baptist Afri
can Church realized $91.60 at their supper,
Inst, evening, at Powell’s Hall. This amount
will go to the repairing of their church on
Cotton Avenue.
J5?" The Atlanta papers report another
: heavy fall of snow in that city on Thursday. ron F -
scattered far and wide. For this reason every
8 >rt of feeder or hopper is bad. It may save
I abor, but it is better for fowls to have much
exercise in seeking their food. They should
take only a grain at a time. They should not
eat by mouthfuls, as they thus overfill their
crops, and seek relief in excessive draughts of
water.
High feeding of any sort will make bens
lay, such as giving them hemp seed, greaves,
liver, or any meal chopped fine. Greaves,
after being chopped, should be covered with
boiling water—the bncket being covered with
a dooble cloth to completely exclude air.—
Give them when cold. AH this will make
them lay, but it is only for a time; premature
decrepitude comes on, and disease in many
forms appear. The most common is dropsy,
and of an incurable character. By only
proper and moderate natural feeding fowls
will lay reasonably for years.
The most common error with keeping
poultry is to keep too many, and to crowd
them. In order to begin in an ordinary
small farm orplace, with advantage, get only
twelve hens nnd two cocks. The latter
should agree well together. Choose young
fowls for breeding. Select early pullets every
year for stock the following season, and put
with two year old cocks.
It is wall to introduce fresh cocks of pure
breed every second year. This prevents de
generacy, and no cocks should be kept more
than three seasons, nor bens more than four.
An ordinary sized hen will cover thirteen
eggs. A11 nests should be on the ground.—
Eggs for hatching should not be purchased
till a hen is ready to sit. For seven or eight
days before hatching tbe eggs should be
sprinkled with cold water while tho hen is
off This will prevent the frequent complaint
that the chicken was dead in the shell.
Coops should be twenty-four inches high
in front, eighteen wide in front, and twenty
four in depth. It should bo close everywhere
but in the front. That should be made of
bars or slats, and the three center ones should
lift up by means of cross pieces on the top
and bottom of the slat-door. It must not
have a bottom. Tlie hen should be kept un
der it at least six weeks, and in winter the
longer she is under it the better. The coops
should be often moved, as it prevents the
ground from being tainted. AVhen they
leave the coop the chickens should be fed
regularly. For chickens give, for the first
week after hatching, a liard-boiled egg,
chopped fine, at least twice a day; wheat
steeped in milk, and coarse Indian meal,
bread crumbs, canary and millet seed, «fca,
&c. A change of food is necessary. Cracked
corn may be changed sometimes for wheat.
It is best they have some access to grass and
other herbs. " Their water must bo particu
larly clean, and its vessel rinsed out every
day, with a little gravel at the bottom.
Fowls may be fattened in coops for the
purpose, with troughs, or by cramming. The
first process will suffice for a good, useful
fowl. The coops should be made in all parts
of bars, and kept under a shelter. A wedged-
shaped trough should bo in front. All mnst
be kept scrupulously clean, and the trough
movable. This trough must be filled three
times a day with food. Food: coarso meal,
mixed slack, but not quito liquid, so as not
to rua on a board. Milk mixed with it is
better than water. There must be plenty of
fresh water in pans. There should be some
gravel put in boxes for them, to assist diges-
i tion. 1 A lot ot grass should be sometimes
placed before them.
Fowls are sometimes bard and stringy in
their flesh, because they are eaten too fresh.--
It is best to keep them forty-eight hours in
common, moderate temperature. In winter
they rnav, of course, be kept much longer.—
They should not be killed when full of food.
Tho most fatal disease amoDg fowls is the
There is, as the first symptom, a pe-
portant and radical changes in our Govern
ment decreed literally without discussion or
examination, save such as had been given in
some midnight cabal or council of concealed
partisans. Political moderation was once the
passport to public honor. It is now frenzied
violence and passion. Once it was a merit to
calm the waves of political excitement. Now
tlie encomium is upon those who can increase
their violence and momentum by adding to
the fanatical fury of the sea of’comtnotion.
Once we had public and individual honor,
but now tlure is everywhere prevailing the
taint of immorality and vice. In our early
days the restraints of the Constitution were
regarded, and the oath to support it consid
ered sacred. Now no more attention is paid
to it by those who are sworn to obey it than
there is to the last year’s almanac. It has
become honorable to seek to fold it up and
lay it cheerfully away in some pigcon-hele of
a department. Now no more restriction is
placed upon the objects ot party or personal
desire than the want of physical power to ob
tain it, either by force or fraud. Once the
Nation was considered in legislation; it is
now only a party or a faction who are count
ed at all, or whose sentiments arc in tke least
regarded. Once we had a republic, but now
we have a thing called by that name, but
which is really a conglomeration of the worst
elements of all governments, without any of
their merits or virtues.— Cin. Enq.
Boundary Line of Georgia and Flori
da.—Under date of Jan. 1st, Gov. Jenkins,
of this State, has issued the following procla
mation in final settlement of the boundary
between the States of Georgia and Florida,
While we regret the transfer of many good
citizens to another jurisdiction, Georgia was
bound in honor to acquiesce in tbe loss:
Whereas, By conventional arrangement be
tween the States of Florida and Georgia,
line has been run and marked by W. Whit-
ner, Commissioner of the former, and G. J.
Orr, Commissioner of the latter, for the pur
pose of clearly defining tho boundary be
tween said States, AVest of the 8t. Mary’s
River.
And whereas, Tlie said line has, by enact
ment of the Legislature of each, been adopt
ed and confirmed as the boundary between
them:
Now, therefore, I, Charles J. Jenkins, Gov
ernor of the State of Georgia, in pursuance
of a request of tlie General Assembly, by a
resolution, approved 14th Dec., 1866, do issue
this my proclamation, making known to all
whom it may concern, that the line run and
marked by Commissioners Whitner and Orr,
as atoresaid, is tho established permanent
boundary between the States of Florida and
Georgia, lrom its initial point on the West
ern boundary of the latter, at or near the
confluence of the Flint and Chattahoochee
Rivers, to its terminal point, at or near Elli-
cott’s Mound on the St. Mary’s River; from
which point said boundary proceeds down
the middle of said river to the Atlantic
Ocean. All citizens and officers, judicial,
ministerial, and military, will govern them
selves accordingly.
Given under my hand and the Seal of the
Executive Department, this the first day
of January, A. D. 1867.
Charles J. Jenkins,
Governor.
Tliu Late I}islio}» Llliott.
Prentice, of the LouisviUe Journal, pays
the following tribute to the late Bishop El
liott, of Georgia, and at the same time gives
some interesting incidents in his career:
The death of Bishop Elliott, who died a
few days ago of heart disease, at Savannah,
Georgia, will be deeply and extensively re
gretted. He was and had long been a noble
pillar of tbe Episcopal Church. He was
learned, able, eloquent, aud devoted to the
promotion of the sublime objects of his koly
profession. He was, moreover, one of the
most thorough and accomplished gentlemen,
in the world’s sense of the term, that we have
ever seen. His personal bearing was almost
majestic.
AVe met Bishop Elliott a few years ago at
an intellectual and brilliant dinner party at
Savannah. It was at a time when the Union
was beginning to be considered very hateful
in the South. The Bishop wasevidently well
informed and zealous, though perhaps not an
excited politician. lie was evidently with
his sectio . AY’e were considerably surprised
to hear him say upon that occasion, that, at
the commencement of the agitation of the
subject of nullification in South Carolina, he
himself at the time being a resident of Char
leston, Mr. Calhoun was decidedly and even
strongly opposed to it. He stated that it re
quired a good deal of persevering effort on
the part of himself and certain other po
litical leaders whom he named to induce Mr,
Calhoun to ratify the movement and to go in
to it
Bishop Elliott lias left a name that will be
long and deservedly remembered and honor
ed. He had all the noble qualities of a man
and every quality of a Christian.
Irf?” Said a young lady who had been
dancing the “Gerihan,” to a gentleman friend
“did you see my ankle?” “No, madam, far
from it!”
A Maine paper says it is so hilly in some
parts of Neiv Hampshire that the people
look up their chimneys to see if the cows are
coming home.
The Ocean Yacht Race.—Tbe ocean
yacht race for $90,000, was won by James
Gordon Bennett, Jr.’s yacht, Henrietta
which arrived at Cowes, Isle of Wight, at
5:45, on Christmas afternoon. The Fleet
wing arrived at 2 o’clock, and the Vesta
3:30, next morning. The Henrietta made the
trip, calculating the difference between Lon
don and New York time, in thirteen days,
twenty-three hours and fifty-eight minutes,
beating the Fleetwing eight hours and fif
teen minutes, and the Vesta nine hours and
forty-five minutes. The best run the Henri
etta made in one day was two hundred and
eighty miles, and the least run in one day
was one hundred andthirtoen miles. She
made the entire passage across the ocean with
but one tack, and did not lose even a rope.
TkcFleetwing lost six men and her jibboom
on the 29th. The Vesta got in nil right, and
would have been within two hours ot the
winner but for an error in b«r pilot. The
Royal yacht squadron invited the American
yachtsmen to a banquet, which came off on
Friday evening. ,-
85?” There is a point in what follows,
from the New York AVorld, which blustering
Yankees would do well if they would only
put it in their pipes and smoke it:
“ We of the North discredit our own valor
when we disparage or belittle that of the
South. Our endless muster-roll*, ourcolossal
debt, our summoning the negroes to our aid
are a satire upon our manhood, unless the
enemy who so long withstood us—an enemy
so inferior in numbers and every military
resource—was endowed with great qual
ities.”
Elegant New Store HocsEs.--The South
east corner of Randolph and Broad streets
(burnt before the “raid,’’) has been rebuilt by
Mr. H. H.Epping, and is now the handsomest
corner in the city. The row embraces two
stores on Broad and four on Randolph street
all very haudsome buildings of two and three
stories, bnilt with an eye to architectural
beauty and to all tho modern conveniences.
AVe noticed new goods going into one or two
of them yesterday, and we suppose that this
eligible part of the business city will soon
again be tho locality of an active trade.—
Coin mbus Sun.
Boundary Line Between Georgia and
Florida.—By the proclamation of the Gov
ernor of tlie State, printed elsewhere, it will
be seen that the long pending controversy be
tween Fleridaand her sister State ot Georgia,
relative to the boundary line between the two
States, has at last been settled. The line
agreed upon is that run by Messrs. AVhitner
and Orr. Florida gains a small slico of ter
ritory, some very clever people and a little
additional wealth, by this settlement. AVe
congratulate the new coiners on their admis
sion into the “white settlements.”—Flor
idian.
writ of habeas corpus and order his release?”
On these two questions there was no differ
ence ot opinion. Tbe third question, “ Had
the military eotnmissien th : right to try Mil
ligan?” produced the dissenting opinion,
which was read by Chief Justice Chase for
himself, and Associates Wayne, Swayne and
Miller, a majority of the Court. In addition
to the- points already given of Mr. Justice
Divis’s opinion, the following extracts are
made touching tiiecontrollingquestion in the
case, of the jurisdiction of the military com
mission to try him and legally punish him,
he being a citizen of Indiana, and never a
soldier or sailor, Judge Davis says:
No g'taver question was ever considered by
this court, nor one which more nearly con
cents (he rights of tbe whole people lor it is
the birth right - >f every American citizen,
when charged with crime, to be tried ami
punished according to law. The power of
punishment is. alone through tke mean*
which the laws have provided for that pur
pose, and if they are ineffectual, there is an
immunity from punishment, no matter how
great an offender the individual may be, or
how inuco bis crimes may have shocked the
s- nse of justice of the country, or endanger
ed its safety. By tho protection of the law
human rights are secured; withdraw that
protection, and they are at the mercy of the
wicked rulers or the clamor ot an excited
people. It there was law to justify this mili
tary trial, it is not our province to interfere;
it there was not, it is our .duty to declare the.
nullity of tiie whole proceedings. Tlie de
cision of this question does not depend on
argument or judicial precedents, numerous
and highly illustrative as they are. These
precedents inform us of the extent rif the
truggle to preserve liberty and to relieve
those in civil life from military trials.
The founders of our government were
familiar with the history ot that struggle
nnd secured in a written constitution every
right, which the people had wrested from
power during a contest of ages. By that con
stitution and the laws authorized by it, this
question must be - determined. The provi
sions of that instrument on the administra
tion of criminal justice are too plain and
direct to leave room for misconstruction or
doubt of their true meaning. Those applic
able to this {case are found in that clause
of the original constitution, which says •• that
the trial of all crimes, except in cases of im
peachment, shall be by jury;” and in the
fourth, fifth and sixth articles of the amend
ments. The fourth proclaims the right
to be secure in person and effects against un
reasonable search and seizure; and directs
that ajudicial warrant shall not issue “with
out proof of probable cause, supported by
oath or affirmation.” The fifth declares
“that no person shall be held to answer fora
capital or otherwise infamous crime unless
on presentment by a grand jury, except in
cases arising in the laud or naval farce, or in
the militia, when in actual service in time of
war or public danger, nor bo deprived of
life, liberty, or property without due process
of law.” And the sixth guarantees the right
of trial by jury in such manner and with
such regulations that with upright judge?,
impartial juries, and an able bar, the inno
cent will be saved and the guilty punished.
It is in these words: “In all criminal prose
cutions the accused shall enjoy the right to a
speedy and public trial by an impartial jury
of the State and district wherein the crime
shall have been committed, which district
shall have been previously ascertained by
law, and to be informed of the nature and
cause of the accusation, to bo confronted
with the witnesses against him, to have com
pulsory process for obtaining witnesses in his
favor, and to have the assistance of counsel
for his defense.”
The constitution of the United States is a
law for rulers and people, equally in war and
in peace, and covers with the shield of its
protection all classes of men, at all times, and
under all circumstances. No doctrine, in
volving more pernicious consequences, was
ever invented by the wit of niau than that
any of its provisions can be suspended dur
ing any of the creat exigencies of govern
ment. ' Such a doctrine leads directly to an
archy or despotism, but tbe theory of neces
sitv on which it is based is false; for the gov
eminent, within the constitution, lias all the
powers granted to it, which are necessary to
preserve its existence, as has been happily
proved by the result of the great effort to
throw off its just authority.
A guarantee was broken when Milligan
■was denied a trial by jury. The great minds
ot the country have differed on tne correct
interpretation to be given to various provis
ions of the Federal Constitution; and judi
cial decision has been invoked to settle their
true meaning; but until recently no one ever
doubted that the right of trial by jury was
fortified in the organic law against the power
of attack. It is now assailed; but if ideas
can be expressed in words, and language lias
any meaning, this right—one of the most val
uable in a free country—is preserved to every
one accused of crime who is not attached to
the army or navy or militia in actual service.
It is claimed that martial law covers with
its broad mantle the proceedings of this mili
tary commission. The proposition is this:
That in a time of war the commander of an
armed force (it in his opinion the exigencies
of the country demand it, and of which he is
tho judge,) has the power, within tlie lines of
his military district, to suspend all civil
rights and their remedies, and subject citi
zens as well as soldiers to the rule of his will;
and in the exercise of his lawful authority
cannot be restrained, except by his superior
officer or the President of the United States.
If this position is sound to the extent claim
ed, then when war exists, foreign or domes
tic, and the country is subdivided into mili
tary departments for mere convenience, the
commander of one of them can, if he chooses,
within liis limits, on the plea of necessity,
with the approval of the Executive, substi
tute military force for and to the exclusion
of the laws, and punish all persons as he
thinks right and proper, without fixed or
certain rules.
The statement of this proposition shows its
importance: for, if true, republican govern
ment is a failure, and there is an end of liber
ty regulated by law. Martial law, established
on such basis, destroys every guarantee of the
constitution, and effectually renders the “mili-
Where are you going so fast, Mr.
Smith f ”, demanded Mr. Jones. " Home, sir,
home; don’t detain me. I have just bought
my wife a new bonnet, and I must deliver it
before the fashion changes.”
AATliiskey is still-born. Whiskey-drink
era ought to have been.—[Prentice.
declared or exists.
Where peace exists, the laws of pence must
prevail. What we do maintain is, that when
the nation is involved in war, and some por
tions of tlic country arc invaded, and all are
exposed tq invasion, it is within the power
of Congress to determine in what States or
districts such great and imminent public
danger exists as justifies the authorization of
military tribunals, for the trial of crimes and
offenses ngainst tlie discipline or security ot
the army, or against the public safety.
In Indiana, for example, at the timo of the
arrest of Milligan and liis co conspirators, it
is established by the papers in the record that
the State was a military district, was the the
atre of military operations, had been actually
invaded, and was constantly threatened with
invusion. It appears, also, that a powerful
secret association, composed of citizens and
others, existed within the State, under mill- •
tary organization, conspiring against the
draft and plotting insurrection, the liberation
of the prisoners of war at various depots, tbc
seizure of the State and national arsenals,
armed co-operation with the enemy, and war
against the national government.
AVe cannot doubt, that, in such a time of
public danger, Cougress had power, nnder
the constitution, to provide for (he organiza
tion of a military commission, and for trial
bv that commission of persons engaged in this
conspiracy. The fact that the Federal co irts
were open was regarded by Congress as a
sufficient reason for not exercising the power,
but that fact could not deprive Congress of
the right to exercise it. Those courts might
tie open and undisturbed in the execution of
thdir functions, and yet wholly incompetent
to avert threatened danger, or to pnnish,
with adequate promptitude and certainty,
the guilty conspirators.-
Iu Indiana the judges and officers of tho
courts were loyal to the government. But it
might have been otherw ise. In times of re
bellion and civil war it may often happen,
indeed, that judges and marshals will be in
active sympathy with the rebels, and courts
their most efficient allies.
AVe have confined ourselves to the question
of power. It was tor Congress to determine
the question of expediency. And Congress
did determine it. That body did not see fit
to authorize trials by military commission in
Indiana, but r>y the strongest implication
prohibited them. AVith that prohibition wc
are satisfied, and should have remained silent
if the answers to the questions certified had »
been put on that ground, without denial of
the existence of a power which we believe to
be constitutional and important to the pub
lic safety— a denial which, as we have already
suggested, seems to draw in question the
power of Congress to protect from prosecu
tion the members cf military commissions
who acted in obedience to their superior offi
cers, and whose action, whether warranted
by law or uot, was approved by that upright
and patriotic President under whose adminis
tration the republic was rescued from threat
ened destruction.
AVe think that the power of Congress, in
such times and in such localities, to author
ize trials for crim is against the security and
safety of the national forces, may be derived,
from its constitutional authority to raise nnd
support armies and to declare war, if not
from its constitutional authority to provide
for governing the national forces.
AY'e have no apprehension that this power,
under our American system of government, in
which all official authority is derived from
tbe people, aud exercised under direct respon- ,
sibility to the people, is more likely to be
abused that tho power to regulate commerce
or the power to borrow money. And we are
unwilling to give our assent by silence to ex
pressions of opinion which seem to us calcu
lated, though not intended, to cripple the
constitutional powers of the government, and
to augment the public dangers in times of
invasion and rebellion.
Mr. Justice AVayne, 31r. Justice Swayne
and Mr. Justice Miller concur with me in
these views.
A New Year’s Story for Young Men.—
As an incentive to save, and an evidence how
rapidly capital, judiciously invested, will in
crease, we mny mention a little incident that
has just come to our knowledge. A lew days
ago, the circle of active business men was
shocked by the announcement of the sqddcn,
death of Edward C. Dale. Esq., President of
tho Norristown Railroad Company, and Vico
President of the Franklin Fire Insurance
Company* In 1850, sixteen yews atro, Mr.
Dale retired from tbe office of protbonotary
of the District Court of this city, with $14,
900 as the nett proceeds'of his tenure in of
fice, and as be at the time avowed, about all
of his earthly pnsssssinns. This sum he
placed in the hands of Amos Phillips, u per
sonal friend and shrewd manager of money,
without written acknowledgment, to be used *
as liis own, and to make return to him or to
his heirs when called on. The fact of this
deposit, thus made sixteen years n^o, wus
known in Mr.D.’s life-time only to the par
ties immediately connected with it, and
Mr. Dale having died suddenly, leaving
no will or other record ot this 'particular
investment, from which he had never drawn
anything, and which had steadily increased,
his heirs, a son and daughter, on Friday last,
were not a little surprised to receive from Mr.
Phillips, in first-class securities and cash, the
handsome sumof$50,41G. Though Mr. Dale
had subsequently made and saved since his
deposit of $14,900 with Mr. Phillips, in 1850,
a very handsome estate, these unknown se
curities passed over by Mr. Phillips was a per
fect windfall. The growth of tho deposit
was mainly in interest—the securities invest
ed being entirely of a reliable character. At
six per cent, the sum would double in about
eleven years, making, sr.y, $30,000, and in
seven years since, about two-fifths more
would be added to the $30,000, making, with
out speculative ventures, the sum paid over
to the heirs. This simple transaction de
monstrates the important fact that fifteen <
thousand dollars saved and invested at thirty
years of age, is worth &3 much as sixty thou-
send at fifty-two years. Thus let the young
remember the important fact of beginning to
lay up eariy.—Philadelphia Ledger.
Mrs. Jeff. Davis say?, concerning her
tary independent ol’and superior to the civil ; fiances, that she can .-.ee her way clear for
power”—the attempt to tlo which by the
King of Great Britain was deemed bv our
the next three months—beyond that “all is
dark.” Having to maintain two households,
her mother and children in Canada, aud her
husband and othcrchildren at Fortress Mon
roe, her expenses are necessarily very largo.
Mrs. Davis says her husband is .veil taken
care of, but it is the Southern people alone
who keep him'lrom starving, as he would in
evitably, if, in his delicate health, he bail,
only the food provided ferhim by tbc author
ities.
father such an offence, that they assigned it
to the world as one of the causes which im
pelled them to declare their independence.—
Civil liberty and thfe kind of martial law
cannot endure together; tiie antagonism is
irreconcilable; and in the conflict, one or the
other must perish,
It is difficult to see how the safety of the j
country required martial law in Indiana. If f
any of her citizens were plotting treason, the Burned to Death.—Miss Pauline Ash-
power of arrest could secure them, until the moR . daughter of Hon. John 1). Ashmore,
government was prepared tor tneir ,rial when formerly a member of Gonen ess from South
the courts were open and ready to try them. I Carolina, whs burned to death a few nights
It was as easy to protect witnesses before a , , .
civil as a military tribunal; and as there j by her clothes taking fire.
could be no wish to convict except on s-uilic- j **
ient legal evidence^ surely an ordained and I The total debt of North Carolina,
established ceurt was better able to judge of I up to tbe 1st of October, including interest,
this than a military tribunal composed of 1 amounts to $13,000,000.