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The Greougia, Weel<ly Telegraph,
C'rnnjin UMItj d'-rlrgniiiji.
THE HBfrUBUCVN Plt^SS AND THE
"NEW FLAN. - ’
Selections from a largo number of leading
Republican organs, touching the late propo
sition for political adjustment, trill be found
on our first page. They may or may not be
faithful exponents of tlieir representatives in
Congr.-s, or of the people of tbe North.—
Indeed, wc are inclined to the opinion of the
Chicago Tribune, thht'fthbultl President
Johnson enter the field for the Presidency
next year on such a platform, be will distance
any Radical competitor that may be entered
against him. Tho people have voted here
tofore under a delusion. They have been
specially deceived regarding the condition of
affairs and state of sentiment at the South,
and this practical proof of our willingness to
go back into the Union and quiet all strife
on fair, and even liberal, terms, will act the
seal’of condemnation on many a slander.—
The views expressed, however, commit the
Republican press in opposition to the scheme
of reconciliation. They, at least, have taken
the responsibility of declaring war against it.
Letus 3cc against what.
Wo contend that jthe plan in question com
pletely meets and answers every objection
that bus been urged against tbe rehabilita
tion of the Southern States, with & solitary
exception, and that is the loss of overwhelm
ing power to the Republican party. Let us
glance at the particulars.
1st It is alleged by the Republicans, l>otb
radical and conservative, that the South had
not yet given up her idea of secession. In
section 1st the plan declares that the Union
“shall lie perpetual.'' tlint"no State shall pass
any law or ordinance to secede or withdraw
front the Union, and any such htw- or ordi-
TIIi».
STKVKXV PL VX OF RE-
COXSTRUCTIOV
interesting Debate in tlic House.
House ok Representatives,
February 8, 1807.
Tlie House resumed tbe debate on the bill
reported by Mr. Stevens (Disunionist, Pa.)
front the Reconstruction Committee, to pro
vide for the more efficient government of the
insurrectionary Stales.
Mr. Slinnklin, (Dent., Ivy.,) addressed the
House in defence ot the Constitution and ot
tile republican principles of the government.
This bill was more dangerous to the civil
rights of the people than any measure that
hud ever• been presented to any deliberate
body in a republican form of government. It
such enormous outrages on the people were
attempted in this bill, in the Freedman s
Bureau, and in tlie Civil Rights MU. were
persisted in, it would not bo long until the
peoplo would hurl from tlieir places of power
the advocates of such measures, and put in
their places those who would appreciate more
highly the rights of citizens.
.Mr. Thayer (Disun., Pa..) followed in n
speech in support of the bid. He hailed it
as establishing an initial point from which
the nation could safely start in the adjust
ment of this great momentous question. He
regarded it as a bill which laid on that ques
tion tne grasp which waste hold it until its
final settlement. The people who were tri
umphant in tho late struggle would never
submit to be placed ou an equality in the ne
gotiation and settlement of tho terms end
conditions ot restoration with those who had
endeavored to destroy flic government. The
people would vindicate the right and power
of settling for themselves those terms and
conditions, in spite of the efforts ot tlieir
lato cremies, and in spite of the machinations
of those who had betrayed them. The atti-
tudo of the President liqd undergone a start
ling change from tho position which he had
laid down nt the close of the war, anil now
arrogated to hira9elf the right of negotiating
with tlie Governors and leading men ot the
late rebel States, the terms of accommodation
between the people of these States and the
nance shall be. void.” This objection is thus j pcopla of the loyal States. The President
, \ . • .j I frits not trying to carry out the wishes ot the
set-to rest, though it is too exacting to wit ]e as at the late elections, hot
us, for we would Imj glad to seo an opening concert sonic new scheme such as would
left through which tho whole of New Eng* square with his own prejudices, he would not
land might make their exit wlicncvcr it shall say with his own pledges. The people hail
. 8 , Dimed upon the legislation, Congress had
suit tuera to do so. given it their sanction, and expressed their
2nd. It has been alleged that if the South- dMermin*tio*i to sustain and enforce it. That
Southern territories under military control,
but be thought the law sufficiently covered
that matter at present, if the President had
not by his construction of the law defeated
it
Mr. Griswold (Disun. N. Y.) said that as
he shou'd l'cel constrained to vote against the
Lilt he felt it his duty to state the reasons
which occurred to his mind for that action,
lie should regret because he would be differ
ing with those whom he .believed had at
heart tbe best interests of the whole country.
He fully sympathized with the objects aimed
at by the bill and appreciated tlie condition
of things at the South, but it seemed to him
that the provisions of this bill led to greater
dangers than were justified by the evils sough t
to bo corrected. This was a tremendous
strife. It subjected 10,000,000 of the people
who had once been a part of tins common
country, and who were again to l>e united in
controlling its destinies to having all their
rights of life, liberty and property placed un
der the exclusive and unqualified control of
a mere military captain. He regarded that-
as a terrible danger, which nothing could
justify except a state of absolute and une
qualled war. With all due deference to tbe
learned gentleman who had discussed the
question, he submitted that the practical,
sense of tho civilized world would not bear
out tbe idea that the country was to-day in a
state of war. This bill ignored all the civil
tribunals in that section. Even the Chief
our history the army had born considered the
army of the government, its right hand, the
executive power catenating from the civil
power. Was there a neces-ity fff reversing
that state of things now i He knew of no
obstacle to the establishment of civil authori
ty in tlie Southern States, on sneli basis as
Congress deemed wise and just. I hat ci vil
authority would be entitled, in Case of resist
ance to ft, to the aid of the army to execute
it.
Mr. Hotchkiss inquired of Mr. Raymond
.whether it was not the universal testimony
of loyal iten of the South that, if the army
were withdrawn, tlieir lives would be sac
rificed j
Mr. Raymond replied that Clio question
would he more pertinent if he said one word
in favor of withdrawing' any portion of the
army noiv there. He was in favor of having
sufficient force in every Southern State to en
force such laws as might be made by the civil
authority for the protection of life and -pro
perty. Wliat he objected to was not the
presence of the army, not the protection
to be extended by tlie army over loyal
citizens, black, and white, but to cloth
ing a solitary officer of that army with power
to make laws os lie pleased, and make his
own definition of what his duties were.
Mr. Hotchkiss asked Air. Raymond wheth
er the loyal people of the South did not now
say that the military protection there was
insufficient.
mit all governments into the hands of the the negative vote 08, against the affirmative
military. But his epuhtrv had what Rome j votc.GL*? .
tribunals in that section. Even tue ctnet i msutncient
Justice of the United States would not, under r- Mr. Raymond replied that that question
this bill, have the right to interfere, except had no more pertinacity than tho other one.
- - - 7 - -• - ’ —•* * on l«ii . In fn innrnoc/
trn States should get buck into Congress,
they would uniic with tlie “Copperheads” ot
the North to pay tho Confederate debt and
repudiate the Federal debt. Section 2nd. of
the plan distinctly repudiates the former and
declares “sacred and inviolate” (lielatter.—
Thisoltjvction, then, is fully answered.
, -3d.-It b.m been held that the Southern
States desire to witbold civil rights from the
negro race and keep them in a condition of
practical -slavery. By the 3d section of the
compromise we make every negro born on
American soil ..a “citizen,” and declare
that his '“privileges and immunities” ns such
“shall not bc s abridged.” Besides this, every
Southern Syite lew already passed laws
for securing the negro in all his rights of
person and property, in that respect placing
him on eeactly the snme footing with the
white man.
4tb. It bos been held that the Southern
States had no right to exclude from tlie bal
lot box any citizen “ on account of race or
color.” In tbe fourth section of tbe plan tbe
South pledgee licreelf that there shall be no
such exclusion, and in addition, is pledged
by an amendment to her own State Constitu
tions to place the black and white citizen on
the same ground as regards the elective fran
chise.
Here la what the South, proposes to do, and
these Republican prc«fc«w declare wnr.against
the scheme, and .would still, shut the door of
the Union in tar .faces. :]( e t the Northern
people look at the mutter ju>w as it stands,
and nay l if-they approve this factious course
of tlieir public journals.
Tho new -compromise is evid en t|y n hard
nut tor tbe Radical editors to crack, ” R com
pletely knocks every prop from Under their
party, and exposes tbe true revolutionary
and selfish character of their polf C y. No
wonder tltey are in bad temper, and threaten
ns with even hairier terras than those hereto
fore proposed. They arc nneasy .Jest the
people should sec them In their naked defor
mity, and hence their blaster and bra^ aa d
twaddle as if they really had some ah«« w Q f
ground to stand upon. > ■, - . > ... -
8o far as wc have seen.tbey have beenat,] e
to trump up, with all their devilish inge'm,.
it}’, hut one objection to it that has even tbe
color of plausibility. They «tay it does not
“punish tin leading traitor*, mor exclude them
from office." This objection involves no poli
cy, but it is puroly one of revenge, a senti
ment wholly incompatible with the idea of
friendly adjustment. There w no public in
terest to he subserved by punislioiont or dis.
francliisemcnt; to the contrary all sound
policy is opposed to such harsh exceptions,
even if they could be legally made. The class
to be disfranchised are the nblest and best
citizens of the Soutb, the reiy men upon
whom the country should lean in her efforts
nt recuperation. They, of all others, should
be made tho friends ot the Government and
not its enemies. To say that they arc not to ;
bo trusted equally with other citizens of the
South, i» to state what every Republican nt
tho North knows to he falsc,^
The South in the late war was a unit; wc
nil hang together still, and these men whom
tho fnctioni.su would proscribe are her most
cherished son*. Any hardship to them would
be felt ns hardship to all, and thus alienate
the whole peoplo instead of bringing them
back to the bonds of friendship and love.—
Ws had rather shore tlieir fate than make
fall a condition of our restoration .to power
unci influence. It is thus not only impolitic
in the Government to make discriminations,
but it is madness in view of her own best in
terests. She should seek to make friends of
nil her people, enemies of none. Bnt two
motives arc at the bottom of this demand of
the Radicals; first a mean spirit of tin forgive
ness, nnil red venge anthefear of the superior
genius and state.-uinnship of tho Southern lea
ders,in whose presence their own ignoble re
presentatives would become dwarfed and their
miserable schemes of corruption bo brought
to the light, ncrc is whore the shoe pinches,
and wo ask the Northern people if for no
better reasons than these, arc they resolved
to perpetuate division and strife with their
fellow-countrymen of the Soi’th I
Threaten as they may, wc now tell these
bloodthirsty ghouls of the North, that, conic
what may, tlie South ncrer trill consent toput
the brand of infamy and disgrace upon the
noble men who led her armies and controlled
her councils during the late war. She pre
fers rather to remain as she is, patiently
awaiting that slow title of public sentiment
1 bat will one day set in her l.ivor; or. like a
milV gallant people, consent to be ground to
powder rather than submit to dishonor.
* was tbe answer to the President’s charge ot
unconstitutional legislation against Congress.
Let the President show when he received au
thority to enter into conference, open or se
cret; with the leaders of the late rebellion,
the public armed enemies of the country.
Ho was in favor of the measure because it
was calculated to raise this great question out
of the sluggish slough into which it had
fallen on nccoant of the machination of the
President. If the question wen* ever to be
settled, it must start in its settlement from
the representatives of the people. The peo
ple who did not appreciate fine metaphysical
distinction as to States in nnd States out of
the Union, would insist that this great ques
tion should l»o settled, not by the President,
but by their own representatives, and on such
terms and conditions as should be imposed
upon tlieir defeated and beaten enemies, not
on such terms as they might _wring or beg
from the President of -the United States. It
was of no consequence what the President of
thei United States might think on this ques
tion. lie had nothing to do with it. It was
above and beyond him. It was a qnestion to
be settled not by the President, but by the
immediate representatives of tbe people. The
bill proposed to erect in the South an appel
late power to which the down-trodden Union
men of the South might appeal from the out
with the consent of a lieutenant of the navy.
This was progressing in a wrong direction.
For more than two years they had been en
deavoring to provide civil governments for
that territory, and now they turned their
backs on that policy, ami at one stride pro
posed to place the ten millions of people in
the South under an exclusively military gov
ernment. He preferred to stand by the over
tures which Congress had made in the consti
tutional amendment.
Mr. Raymond (Disun., N. Y.) opposed the
bill. He admitted that there was no senti
ment more deeply rooted in the public mind
at this time than that of the duty and the
necessity of Extending lull, ample, just pro
tection to those men in the South who had
stood by the flag when it was ia peril, what
ever their race or color. He feared that it
was all lamentably true that there existed a
necessity for some interposition on tho part
of the general governnie.it to secure to the
loyal people of the South the protection to
which they liad a rightful claim. It was
clear that life, liberty and property were
not safe throughout the Southern States.—
They were not properly protected by the
courts and tribunals of thbse States, or by
the civil authorities there. Much of that was
traceable directly to the prevalence of a tem
per in the South not friendly to tire govern
ment of the United States. It was undoubt
edly true that there was a lingering of the
rebellious temper in the South, and out of
that temper grew the necessity for probation
which the Home was now called upon to
consider. Admitting that necessity, the next
qnestion was. how could such protection be
best afforded. If this bill were a proper
measure for such an emergency, did the bill
provide the means for protecting those classes
in the South most in harmony with the spirit
of our institutions, and best calculated to
attain the object sought, and whether it was
wise for Congress to adopt it. The bill was
a simple abrogation of all attempts to pro
tect the people of the South by the ordinary
exercise of dvil authority. It handed over
afi authority in those States to officers of the
army, clothing them with complete, absolute,
unrestrained power to administer the affairs
of those States at their sovereign will and
pleasure. What laws were those officers to
enforce? Not the laws of the Southern
States, for.those States were discarded, and
their authority to make laws expressly repu
diated. Not the laws of the United States,
for those laws did not touch the subject con-
The bill did not propose simply to increase
the army there.
Mr. BhelUbaayer thought there was some
misapprebqpsinit in Mr. Raymond's mind ns
to what he (SheMabarger) had said touching
the duty of tho government to suspend the
habeas corpus, f he Constitution provided
that the privilege o’f the writ of habeas cor
pus should not bj; suspended except in cases
ot rebeliiou ${>r fMOsten* when the public
safety required it. This, was' equivalent to
saying that when tho public safety did re
quire it it was the duty of the government to
suspend it. He asked his friend from New
York what the military could do in the way
ot securing the safety of the citizens if they
had uot the right to interfere? Mr. Raymond
thought it needless to remind such an intelli
gent and well-read gentleman as the gentle
man from Ohio, that the functions ot the
army had always hitherto been considered to
bo the execution of the decrees, laws nnd
statutes of the civil authority. He held there
fore, that the proper functionary of the mili
tary authority in the Southwest to execute
the authority of tbe civil'tribunals of the
civil government, and also to aid when called
upon in conformity to law, the tribunals crea
ted by the United States government under
tire Freedmeu’s Bureau bill ami the Civil
Rights bill. He believed that under these
laws the military might bo called upon to
protect life, liberty, and property in the South.
It might he answered to him that the civil
rages of their oppressors. It proposed to es-1 corning which the inhabitants of those States
tabliali the paramount authority of the gov- needed protection. There was no law of the
emuicnt in that section nf coantry, aud to | United States to punish larceny, felony, bur-
protect there the rights of all American citi
zens. That was the only oppression that this
bill contemplated. The bill, ho doubted not,
when enforced would he followed by terms
of reconstruction, which would recognize
the perfectly equal rights of all citizens, se
cure uniform liberty, uniform happiness, and
uniform prosperity throughout the length
and breadth of the whole country.
Mr. Harding (Disun., Ill.) expressed liis
hearty accord and agreement with the senti
ments expressing the objects of the bill. He
represented a constituency which was deter
mined, at any cost, to protect the citizens of
the United States against lawlessness nnd
crime. That was'tho main object of the bill.
Its practical effect would he to place the
country where it was at the departure from
the policy of President Lincoln, when the
national government controlled Southern
States by military power. This bill content
plated nothing more, nothing less and if
military occupation was not fatal to the
rights of the people then, how coakl it he so
fatal now ?■■■
Mr. Shcllnberger (Disun., III.) next took
the floor, to explain the reason why he
siionld vote for this measure. If lie agreed
with the other side of the House os to the
state of facts and ns to the state of law re
sulting therefrom, in which the country found
itselt, lie would ngree with them that the
Mil was a monstrous proposition. Their state
°f facts was that the country was at peace,
»>,:1 that civil laws were in operation all over
it- If that were the case, then he would say
to bis friends on his own side of tho House
tha; they should not pass this law. Tire
Constitution indicates what their rights and
duty i n the circumstances were, for it requir
ed th a t when the public safety demanded
that tl. e wr jt of hotel* corpus should be sus-
pended Krause tlie laws could not be enforc
ed the privileges of that writ should be sus
pended. Timt state of things he held was
now upon tlie country, a state of war cestant
in which, although the rebellion was crushed,
Jhe spirit Of rebellion was still rampant and
interfering w jth the regular execution of the
laws; and t> m t was what this hill did. It
recognized ti. e country as being in a state of
war cessant, a. u j. therefore it suspended the
privileges of t| JC writ of habeas corpus. He
denied that ths B bill was an improper or un
usual intcrfere nco with tho rights of the
President oa Uommrendcr-in-Chief of the
army and navy, i, n d referred to acta of legis
lation in tho past bistory of the country in
which the President W8S directed by Congress
to detail portions or tbe army and navy for
special purposes. It these instances wero not
encroachments on tjh e jurisdiction of the
President as comn-lmder-in-chicf neither
was this an encourage ment upon it. Suppose
the President did orq cr upon other duties the
officers that .were. Mi be assigned to duties
under this bill he w ou ld do so on responsi
bility for the conse^ uen ccs, nnd if he did so
wantonly tho Constitution provided a reme
dy. The iHHmifiig power of the country
controlled not oi,]y the President but tho ob-
IH7
very s-
fcevcnii
Account.' fepres. II
v i • at the North
feet deep.
weather
, w ith snow |
jeets nnd (NKPkaai of war; this measure
standing alone c 0 uld not receive his support;
if it were not t 0 i, 0 followed by measures to
establish civil governments based upon loyal
suffrages, he w ou ld not vote for a military
measure of thi s kind.
Mr. Dawes (Diiun. Mass.) understood that
this bill was framed because of the confidence
which Cong rcss reposed in the General of tho
Army; but, j le asked, what was there in the
bill to hinder tho President of the Uoited
States liom removing the officer who might
be selected by the General commanding the
Army *0“ Appoint in bis place another offi
cer who nu^t defeat the very objects of this
Mr. ScireJiabcrger admitted that the Pres
ident could jo so, but he called attention to
the fact thgj CongrC'.s again and again had
passed sucl, Wislation, and to the fact that,
it the President wantonly abused his power,
he would L liable to impeachment.
Mr. HoHbkiss, (Disun. N. Y.) complained
that this Qbngress bad taken no step in ad
vance, in relation to the protection of the
people of t| 10 Southern States, nor hnd obey
ed the mm^datos of tlie people at best; and
if Congres i adjourned without doing £o, all
glary, or such crimes, to enforce contracts or
to regulate the relations of individuals to
the community or to society. What laws,
then, were these officers to enforce ? Simply
such laws ns they, themselves, might deem
proper to enad? in the States Aver which their
jurisdiction was made sovereign. The third
section of the bill made it the officers’ duty to
protect all persons in the right of person and
property, to suppress disorder, insurrection
Olid violence, and to punish, or cause to be
punished, all disturbers of tire public peace
and criminals, according to tlieir own judg
ment. The latter words were not in the law,
hut tiiey were the nece9*ery inference from
it. A brigadier-general was to be sent into
each of the military districts to Ire the abso
lute sovereign arbiter in all disputes, and to
prescribe law for tlie government ol the peo
ple. All gentlemen would admit that that
was an extreme measure—the most extreme
measure that coaid possibly Ire enacted by
Congress, a mV by any legislative liody. No
legislative body could act in tlie exercise of a
higher sovereignty than to clothe an indi
vidual with absolute power—authority and
control over millions of men, and to give
him an army to enforce that will and that au
thority.
He asked the House whether there was a
necessity for this measure. Was the emer
gency sp absolute that Congress must enact
such a law ? The able and learned gentlemnn
(Shcllarberger) had insisted that it was tlie
duty of Congress by tho Constitution to sus
pend tbe writ of habeas corpus, and had said
that that was all the law’ contemplated. He
did not think that it was all that this law
contemplated. It extended much beyond
that. The gentleman (Mr. Shcllarberger)
had referred to tlicclauscof the Constitution,
reciting it as if.it read that the government
should suspend the habeas corpus in case of
invasion or rebellion. It was with great re
luctance that he attempted to correct so learn
ed a gentleman, and so ablo a lawyer, but
certainly in a matter of plain quotation he
might venture on it. Tho Constitution im-
|iom\1 mi ('.muiv.vi the duty of Miqreniling tin-
habeas corpus. It forbade the suspension of
the habeas corpus except in a certain contin
gency, when it might be suspended. That
was a very different thing from imposing an
absolute duty to suspend it. And what was
that contingency ? The gentleman (Mr. Sbel-
laberger) said it was when war prevailed, and
had insisted that war did now prevail; not
flagrant war, hut war in the legal sense of tho
word. He (Mr. Raymond) held that war in
every legal sense of the word, in the sense of
the 'Constitution, in tbe sense of the law, in
the sense in which it was used by every wri
ter on law, had ceased in the South. It had
ceased by proclamation authorized by law,
and a state of peace bad succeeded to it It
conkl not be, therefore, on tho ground that
war existed there that Congress bad a right
to suspend the habeas corpus. Tire caso was
mode specific by tho language of tho Consti
tution. Tho writ of habeas corpus may be
suspended when, in cases of rebellion or i'nva-
If that were so, then the proper remedy was
for Congress to create such a government
there as would protect those classes of citi
zens. Tire military had been used during tho
Kansas trouble in enforcing the civil law and
without the suspension of the writ of habeas
corpus. He would prefer to have territorial
government established in the South although
be should have doubts as to tire propriety of
that measure and as to the power of Congress
to resort to it; that it would be more prefer
able to that now proposed. He should pre
fer that Congress would appoint civil com
missioners for each State, naming them in the
bill, if it was not willing to trust their selec
tion to the President, ami let those com
missioners oigpmzc a government of some
sort, and let the military support tlieir de
crees unless they were to abandon all pre
tccce of self-government and republican in
stitutions. He insisted that they should not
clothe a subaltern officer of the army with
absolute authority over the lives, liberty, and
property of their fellow-citizens. The bill
was not in harmony with tlieir institutions.
It was not a precedent which they should lie
willing to set. It was not so much a prece
dent as would secure respect tor the nation
and for its government anywhere on the face
of the earth. JVouId it aid the cause of Dem
ocratic government to say that this model
democratic republic was abandoning nil the
principles of civil government, abrogating all
civil authority over one-third of its domain,
and one-third of its people and that it was
from mere inbccility and inability to agree
on any measure handing over the control of
tbe government to the absolute and sovereign
will of a brigadier-generaf in the army. It
was the last resort ot a decayed and dying re
public, and if it was adopted they might as
well do at once, bnt this seemed but a pre
liminary step towards doing—invite the reg
ular army to take control of the whole coun
try, and administer tluf law as it saw fit.—
The measure would do more evil than good.
There w’os nothing in it tending in the slight
est degree to the restoration of peace, har
mony, or to the strengthening of public con
fidence among the people that they shall ever
again have a quiet, peaceable; liberty-loving
and liberty protecting government. He ran
no hazard in saying that the enactment of
such a law, and the establishment of such a
military goverament would disturb business
confidence every where—the con fidence of men
who were looking forward to engage in their
ordinary pursuits. It would keep capital and
emigration from the Southern States. Where
there was one occasion for difference and dis
sension now, a dozen would then arise. Con
gress seem determined under its absolute in
ability to do anything, to fly to the most nb l
solute measure*that the ingeuuity of man
could invent. That bad been the history of
popular governments everywhere, and tlie
reason of their downfall, their decadence,
tlieir decay, and their death.
and no other nation ever find—a people who
were able to tear down tlieir idols. However
much cherished a man might be, however
much beloved nnd honored by. tlieni, if he
ever became untrue to liberty, they would
pluck him from tlieir hearts and trample him
under tlieir feet indignantly. This republic
was not a dying republic. It was in the very
fullness of its strength, that it felt able to
delegate such power as tills. The republic
was not in extremis. It was merely commis
sioning its public servants to do' work lor it
down in the South. In the interest of liber
ty, he said, let that be done.
Mr. Stevens rose at 3 1-2 o’clock, to second
the previous question. He said that there
were but eight days for legislation this side
of a veto, and, therefore, be deemed it his
duty to move the previous question.
Mr. Banks asked Mr. Stevens for nermis- _
sion to makoia remark, while Mr. Eldrulgc i
was appealing to hint from the Democratic
side of the House.
At this moment tlie members were mani
festing intense interest, and were gathering
around in the neighborhood of Banks and
Stevens, nnd the excitement seemed to bo j
shared by the spectators in the crowded gal- Ljat 0 » m an( j make a report to suit, on the
leriM. Stevens replied to B inks, who said: ^ C \v Orleans riot of last summer, encountered
Mr. Speaker, I would not oppose a vote by . evidence during tlieir visit to New Or-
thc House on this question nt tins time if 11 j eana ■which was notdowu in the procrammc.
did not think there was an opportunity to j j t pmves. as wc all along suspected, that the
do more toward the settlement ot tlie-<lifli- gmjieais in Congress egged on the revolu-
rulty in which the country is involved than 1 t ; on ;- ls .
we are doing at this time. 1 believe that a | , ial Dispatch to the Boston
day or two devoted to the subject of the re- 1 . . r
construction of the government will bring us j ^ q{ ^
to a solution in which wc shall agree on j tJlc N e w Orleans riot will not bo introduced
which tho two Houses shall agree, _ in winch j f or a fortnight, and may be even deferred
The r.sult seemed to give more than usual
satisfaction to the winning side. The effect
of the vote was simply to leave tho bill open
to discussion.
Air. Kj$soo denying the right of Congress
to pas- a bill to establish military rr overn-
ments in the South, offered as a substitute for
the mil a proposition to establish an article
of war authorizing the military officer com
manding n district in the South to declare,
when necessary, martial law over all or any
portion.
The amendment, with the others offered
| yesterday, was ordered to be printed.
A movement ivns made fora recess; but the
House, on a vote by tellers signified its wil
lingness to have an evening session and then
Air. Banks intimated that he did not desire,
and was not prepared to address the House
this evening.
Tho. House, at 4 12 o’clock, adjourned.
Educitlion
OT SndrgctH
Soldiers.
Alt
BilQtd
been issued U
Unexpected Disclosures to tlie “New
Orleans Riot Investigation’’Com
mittee.
The Congressional committee to “investi-
the people of the country will sustain ua, aucl
in which tlie President will give us his sup
port. If we shall agree cn a measure satis
factory to ourselves, and on which wc shall
be sustained by the people, and if the Presi
until near the close of tlie session. The re
port by Messrs. Elliott and Shcllabarger will
include most of the evidence taken by tire
committee, and that of Air. Boyer will intro
duce the features both of testimony and ob-
dent sbaH resist it, then lye shall be justified ; nervation which the majority report can hut
in dropping the subject of reconstruction anil j jg, lorc t 0 maintain the consistency of itsar-
considtjing the condition ol the government , g Ulllent Sevqfal parties who appeared be-
in u different sense. (Sensation.) I ask tlie J f oru the committee in New Orleans as wito
gentlemau from Pennsylvania to devote a nesses, are now in'this city, and tlreyuni-
day or two to the question of reconstruction j f orm \y speak in terms of reproachat the in
ol this government, leaving tlie admmistra- ; dignities that were gratuitously offered par
tion questiou go for a little time. We will , ties w ho did not testify in the Radical inter-
giye bim time to Consider them all. Let us | ^t. For instance; Afoses Greeley, apromi-
bring tliis subject to an issue before the peo- : nen t resident of New Orleans, and one es-
ple ot the country, as to whether wo can act ! , )ec j a py marked and persecuted for his un-
with the President in the ni“asures necessary jailing Unionism during tho war, deposed
for the restoration of peace and prosperity to that he considered the riot a free fight be-
tlie country, or whether we shall be com- j twceQ the negroes and Irish,' such as might
pulled to consider the condition of the gov- occnr ; n a hy city. Hereupon lie was told to
eminent m a different sense, and in a differ- [ s j ftn( j down, Mr. Elliott remarking, that that
eat war? I hope that the gentleman will V(l ,i- . . ..
*4 r . ! 10 P e l kat *be gentleman win j Wilg « a q yo U could expect from a secessionist.”
allow that debate; or, if he docs not, that ttio ^mong the number called to testify was a
House will'not sustain the previous quest ion. c ij; zwl at NeW Orleans, who deposed that
Air. Eldrulgc made an appeal on Irehalt ol t j lc nc g roes drew on the riot. Hereupon Air.
tire members on the Democrats side, who jjujojt wanted to know what occupation' he
wished to place on record their protests-! fou ovv(( ]
against this measure, knowing that the decree t rpj, c deponent claimed no immediate occu-
u • .i a'a , . had gone forth lor the passage ot the bill. ■ , p at ; 9n i n ,t nonplussed' bis interrogator bv
authorities there did not want to protect life Me. Stevens referring to Air. Banks, said thslt hc F had commanded a Federal
and property of loyal men and freedmen. _ sneenngly: Afr. Speaker, I know not the ad-; rc „ im ° nt in the rebellion for five years. Upon
vantage watch the distinguished gent.eman : this statement tbe committee wanted to know
from Alassachusctts has ot the recent nego-* 1 w j t jj considerable acerbity of manner, what
Rations from which he expects such perfect hu knevv about lbc cal1iog 0 f the Convention
harmony between the I resident and the Con- rp 0 Jjjjg ^hc Colonel made tlie unexpected and
8 reS3 of the L lilted states within a tew days. . un weIcomc response, that previous to the
: I had Unit advantage I do not know wliftj cft )l G f tho Convention he had seen a letter
effect it might have upon me. Not having i gi^ed by two of tho members of the Recon-
it I cannot of course act upon it. I should be ’ 9 jr U ction Committee, (Tbad Steven3 for one,)
very glad to afford tune to give the gentle- . addressed to Alichael Hahn, Durant and
man irom Wisconsin, Air. Eldridgc, and oth- j a t i R . r?i proceeded to remark that the
great distance of Louisiana from this Capital
precluded the idea of that committee exer
cising any immediate supervision over the
Convention, but instructed those addressed
to go ahead as best they coukl, and call a
convention for the reformation of the State
Government. The same deponent also stated
ers mi opportunity lor discussion; bnt the
question ot reconstruction has been already
discussed. The gentleman from Wisconsin
says that the decree has gone forth that the
bill is to pass. I do uot know that, sir.
Air. Eklri.lge—I only supposed so.
Air. Stevens—I have seen of ..this House,
and, as I have heretofore noticed, it is de- i that in a drunken brawl, ot which he was a
moralized so far (laughter) that there is not } witness, he heard one of the prominent inscep
enough of the spirit that sent us here to carry ; tors ot the Convention boaslingly exclaim to
out the will of the people, and perfect the j the parties present, which was of mixed pro-
legislation which tho people expect. I have, j divides, “That they,” meaning the Southern
therefore, no sauguine hope that tlm bill be j loyalists, so-called, “had received their orders
forced upon tbe country or upon gentlemen. I Irom Congress, and in less than thirty days
There are words and letters in the bill (alfud-[ would roust the prevailing Government of
ing to Air. Bingham’s criticisms of it) from j Louisiana.” Several of the so-called loyalists
the first letter through the whole alphabet, were present at this juncture, and immediate-
which some Iriends object to, and carp at and ! Jy checked further utterance. This, it was
make an excuse for their attacking it. I was ] testified, occurred eariy in Ju'y, and the
quite sure, when the last bill ot reconstruction Convention convened on the 31st of that
was before the House that its commitment to month. It is probable that a copy of tire
the committee to which it was sent would be letter referred to will be presented to Air.
its death. That was a civil hill, proposing j Boyer in tlie course ot a day or two, and may
civil government for the South. It was ob- j be incorporated in that gentleman’s minority
jectiouable. I know not why it was ob-| report. As it is a documeut that has not yet
jectionable to a very large number of gentle-; seed the light of publication, it will be a most
men. and it went to tbe “tomb ol‘ the Capu- ; interesting feature of the report,
lets.” We have attempted in tins bill to give
protection as a police master to the Southern
States, and to prevent robberies, exiles, and
slavery there until we can have time to form
civil institutions more in conformity with the
genius of the government. I know not
whether it is the desire ot the House to pass
any such bill; to disperse; go home, and leave
the President to triumph.
I am quite sure that much of the opposition i
on both Sides of the house comes from a
modification of views coinciding with the]
President’s views, and that his arguments i
have caused many gentlemen to believe that i
he is the true one. Great excitement among :
members, most of whom were standing in or- !
der the better to hear and witness what was !
Connecticut
Democratic
tion.
Convcn-
goingon. ,
I am unable to leara to what extent that has i
mit to the power that has conquered, us, and
allow the Southern people to remain in their
present condition. I hope the previous qUes
tion will be sustained, and I now move it.
Air. Banks rose and said that the allusion
should be 'one. He advocated placing the
sion, the public safety may require it There
was here no invasion of the Soutb, no rebel
lion in tho South, in the sense which threat
ened the public safety. Private rights were
jeopardized at the South, nnd the safety of
life and property was at hazard; but it would
have to be by a strained and forced constitu
tion that it could be said that tho public
safety wn3 so far endangered as either to con
stitute a state of war, or to authorize the sus
pension of the writ of habeas corpus. 11c
mentioned this to show that ho did not think
there had occurred an emergency justifying
a resort to thnt extreme remedy of the Con
stitution. The gentleman from Pennsylvania
(Mr. Thayer) had said that the people had
decided that the government of the Southern
States was to be regulated by the representa
tives of the people. He admitted that, but
he asked whether army officers were the pro
per representatives of tho people in that
sense. Was there no other way in which the
people of the country, represented in Con
gress, onld enforce their will except by dele
gating absolute and unrestricted power to an
officer of the army? Certainly it had never
been thought so until recently. The army
had not been considered tho fountain aud
origin of authority. Until quite recently in
reference to tbe President having secret ne
gotiations with public men ot the South, Air.
Raymond said that hc wns quite sure the
President had attempted Nothing in the form
of a negotiation—nothing more than the use
of his personal influence with men of the
Southern States in favor of a programme
which was substantially the constitutional
amenndment, except that tlredisablingclause
was to bo omitted and impartial suffrage
substituted.
Air. Thayer asked Air. Raymond whether
he thought tbe President had any constitu
tional authority to interpose his official influ
ence to prevent the effective operatiolfbf the
legislation of Congress.
Air. Raymond replied, certainly not.
Mr. Thayer then said that Air. Raymond
must agreo with him that in so doing the
President would violate his official duty.
Mr. Raymond said that before pronouncing
a decisive assent or dissent to that he should
Iiavo more authoritive evidence than he had
yet seen. The President might have ex
pressed his personal opinion that it would be
wise for the Southern States to accept that
programme, but was that nn impeachment
offense i Ho supposed tho President was not
deprived by the Constitution of the right to
express an opinion ns an individual citizen on
any subject. As to his exercising his power
to defeat the legislation ot Congress, he, of
course, had no such authority.
Air. Garfield took the floor in support of
the bill—referring to tlie proposed constitu
tional amendment. He declared that so
magnanimous a proposition had never bedn
submitted by sovereignty to rebels since the
day when God saved sinners through His
Son. That metciful proposition had been
spurned by each of the rebel States, and flung
back in the teeth of Congress with contumely
and contempt for them. So far as he was
concerned the door of mercy was now closed
forever, locked, and tho koy thrown away,
and now ho was for striking for higher terms!
He knew that this was a stringent measure,
and he must say he endorsed it with ominous
misgivings. The gentleman from New York
(Raymond) lias described it as tho last throb
Qf a decayed and dying republic; ho (Gar
field) remembered that on the walls of the
prmtorian cauip at Rome a pnetorian conort
had announced that tho world was for sale
The Democrats of Connecticut met ip State
Convention on the Gth instant, at Hartford,
and nominated the following
STATE TICKET:
For Governor,
JAMES E. ENGLISH, of New Haven.
For I.lent-Governor,
EPHRAIM II. HYDE, of Stafford.
For Secretary of State,
LEVERET E. PEASE, ot Somere.
For Treasurer,
EDWARD S. MOSELEY, of Hampton.
For Comptroller,
JESSE OLNEY, ot Stratford.
prevailed, but after the previous question shall; Among the resolutions adopted by the
l> .ve been voted upon I shall be better satis- Convention, are the following on Federal
f ed as to whether it is worth while to pro- affaire:
cecd farther in any attempt by Congress to iiesolot'ioss.
resent the power of the President, or whether nesolvrd, That those lately in Insurrection
it is our duty like humble Christians to sub- against the Federal Government having laid down
their arms, and Inlly returned their duties as citi
zens ot the United States, there is no obstacle in
tho way of the harmonious working of our repub
lican institutions, save the factious course of a
mutilated Congress, v.ho hare inaugurated a new
revolution, aud arc determined to rule the cous-
try, in violation of the Constitution, and to estab
lish their wild and fauatUal will, as a substitute
fer the Union framed by the Fathers of the Re
public.
Resolved, That the only way in which pence and
concord can here-established, Is by conforming to
the requirements of the Constitution, and defeat
ing the Radical party, who spurn it6 provisions,
and imperil the Union by their mad aud seditious
course.
Resolved, That to effect this object we solemnly
pledge our best and most untiring efforts; that the
accomplishment of this cud is tho one grand ques
tion now pending, transcending all others in im
portance, and that the present imminent perils of
the country demand the union of all conservative
hearts and hands, irrespective of former or pres
ent party names, in a vigorous effort to maintain
the Federal Constitution la its integrity, and secure
its operation according to the spirit and intent of
its founders.
Resolved, That the Radical plan of reducing a
portion ot the United States to Territories, ol tak
ing from them those rights always possessed by
them since the days of 1770, and of disfranchising
their people, is so absolutely opposed uot only to
the dearest provisions of the Federal Constitution,
bnt to every sound idea of practical statesmanship,
is so thoroughly antagonistic to those principals
of reserved rights, and of municipal governments,
regulating their own dome.lie affairs that under
lie our republican system, that it is the dirty of
the people of Counectieut, regardless of past po
litical divisions, to pronounce tlieir condemnation
of the Radical party by electing men who love and
are determined to preserve the American Constitu
tion and the American Union.
Resolved, That while that portion of tho Repre
sentatives of the States of this Union who exclude
from tlie legislative halls tlie Representatives ot
ten States are laboring to subvert ; our Government,
we rejoice In the iact that the Supreme Court of
the United States, by its recent decisions in favor
of the rights of American citizens, has proved that
that august tribunal will perform, without iear or
favor, its high and solemn duties.
Resolved, That our cordial thanks are due, aud
are hereby tendered, to President Johnson lor his
manlv course in resisting unauthorized legislation
and advocating the rights of all tlie States to their
Congressional representation, and tkatjwc; will
unitedly sustain him in these, his just and patriotic
acts.
Referring to the remarks of Air. Thavcr, in the gentleman made to him justified him in
- “u.n....j j '— asking a moment’s time.
Air. Stevens signified tiiat Air. Banks might
go on.
Air. Banks—In the remarks which I made,
Air. Speaker, I made no allusions to any ne
gotiations with the President. Tho gentle
man from Pennsylvania, Air. Stevens, knows
more of liis opinions than I do, and will
yield to his policy much sooner than I shall.
(Expressions of encouragement to Banks, and
of satisfaction with his last remark.) I spoke
in good faith to the House, asking for time
to debate this question. Aly reason for it is
not based on the simple idea which every
member can understand that the measures
which we propose and one of which is now
before the House, depend for their effeacy
on being enacted by two-thirds of the two
Houses against tho Executive branch of tho
government. AIv belief is that we cannot
carry on the government of the United States
in that way. That wc must have laws in
which the Executive will co-opornto in order
to have these laws effective. If after we the
representatives of the peoplo have agreed as
to what laws are necessary to secure the peace
of the country and to maintain the existence
of the government, and after the people have
sustained us in those laws, the President re
fuses co-operation, it is our duty to the coun
try to drop this question of reconstruction
aild to proceed to the consideration of the
position and purposes ol the President him
self.
I repent my expression of belief that we
can, before this session closes come to such
conclusion as will compel the President of the
United States to sustain us in our nction, or
as will justify us in adopting another course
if hc refuses. I have no negotiations with
the President, nor do I know liis opinion;
and in the vote which I shall give on this
question, neither the g utleman from Penn
sylvania, nor any other man has a right to as
sume that I accept the President’s policy in
the slightest degree. I hoped for a change
of his position, and I think that is not impos
sible and is worth trying for.
At tho suggestion of Mr. Schenck, Mr. Sie
vens consented to strike out the word “regu
lar” before the word "army" in the bill, as
there was only one United States army.
The House proceeded to vote by tellers on
seconding the previous question, the Demo-
The following circular has
his Excellency, Governor Jenk
Execoutb D ki’aktm knt
AuHedgOviUe, Ga., Jan. 22,1807
To the University of the State ol Georei,
to Alercer University, to Oglethorpe lf n ; ’
vereity, to Emory College, and to Bowden
College, Explanatory of “An Act to Edn"
cate the indigent maimed soldiers of Gtor
gia, and to provide means for the same”
Approved 18th December, 18t>li.
While tho said Act is not considered ob
ligatory on tho Universities and ColW e -
named in it, compliance with its provision
will _l>c regarded as an honorable uanlejp, 3
tion in ft noble charity, nnd a gracejui
j of gratitude lor patriotic services rendered
I at the cost of irreparable sacrifices.
In response to the numerous inquiries
touching tho construction given to this tet
and the manner in which u will be executed’
the following regulations'are adopted sub!
I ject to such mortifications as experience snpr
suggest:
L The Act is held applicable to per*™,
who, by wounds received in the late war, l la v
lost such use of ti limb cr limbs, as is ess *
tial to the performance of physical iabor n
well as to those who have suffered ainpnV
tion. 1
It All soldiers thus maimed in the to*
war, who entered the service from this State
or permanently resided therein at the thne re
entering it and now’ reside therein, undw
thirty years of age at the time of application
who are unable to defray the expensesof tbe;-
education, and who arc prepared to cm,'-
upon the lowest course of instruction i E
parted in said Universities and Collc-es, or
in preparatory schools appurtenant thereto
will be proper beneficiaries.
III. Certificates from respectable phva
cians, ot inability to perform physical later
occasioned by wounding (where such inabil'
ity is not patent); nnd from Ordinaries Court
Judges, or Justices ot the Iaferior Court
upon other points, plainly stating the tsets
showing applicants to be within the nurrietr'
of the Act, wiH be proper vouchers under the-
second section.
IV. Each University and College, naiIed
m the Act, will be required to make serf
annual reports to this Dcparlmen', certite,'
by the President or Chief Kxecutire Officer
setting forth the names of ItcHelinarks tair-te
during the six months immediate?*' preced
ing, when, each was receired, Hie amount
charged against each for tuition, for hoard
for books, nnd for clothing. ShouU an\
beneficiary voluntarily clothe himself, fui!
rates of tuition and board, sad the cost of
books, will nevertheless be allowed the Insti"
tutfon, provided they do not exceed the sum
limited in the 3d section.
V. Upon the coming in of these sc-mi-a^.
nual reports, each Institution will receivetb;
sum total ot its certified account (not deed
ing $150 for each beneficiary)in bondsoltkt
State, bearing seven per cent, interest at the: -
par value; that being the only mode of pi- I
ment provided by the General Assembly.
VI. None of Said Institntions will be n
peeled to vary the established curriculum
studies, either in tlieir collegiate or prepare
tory departments, but applicants must h
prepared for these, unless voluntarily ch#n; i
for their benefit.
VIL Should any beneficiary commenceh
courso in a preparatory school attached t>
any of said Institutions, the time spent thm
in, as well as in the college, must beoompuv
in bis written obligation to each, after
pleting his course; and the obligation to i
will not be removed by his stopping slu
a full course, but will cover so much times]
actually remained and no more.
VIII. Beneficiaries under this Act will
subject to all disciplinary process applii
to other student?, and if suspended or
pelled from the Institution, tuition fori
term upon which they may have entered i
actual cost of clothing and books furnid'
and board to the time of suspension on
pulsion, will be paid.
IX. Board in vacation is not requirede
furnished. ,
Let this circular be entered on the Ek
tive Journal, and be printed, and a copta
to each of said Universities and Colic***
Ciiviu.es J. JenkTNi,
Goi rat
Dow the “ Compromise” is Recdrs]
at Washington.
Special Dispatch to tho New York Timc*.l
■Washington, Feb. 5,1S6'-1
The Southern Governors and other repi
sentative men of the South who are here,«
who prepared the plan of reconstruction -
in tbe dispatches last night, sad wlw tol
been in conference with Republiem memberj
of the House, it appears were under the inn
pression that their proposed plan would I
acceptable to Congress. In this *
much mistaken, for there is no confident-
number of members who are willing to**?
any modification ot the Constitutional Amec
ment adopted by Congress. Tbe proj>
tion of the Southern men has, however,.
a modifying effect upon the temper of Kepi
lican members, in so far as the people of-
South have thus demonstrated ibeir
ness to give suffrage to tbe freedmen. i-'jl
ccpt all the terms of the Amendment ■*
the third section.
Beyond this the plan ol the Souther”;
ernors amounts to nothing. The frio»|
the measure, nevertheless, will snbn»! i-
tlie Reconstruction Committee, whi®J|
to-morrow. All .hopes ol the adopt! 1 -1
that Committee of the measure
suggested last week are at an end. '
is no encouragement to believe that t«
bers can agreo upon a report to be w®
to tlie House to-mpfrow. The
publicans here, as was to be erpy* 0, j
violent in their opposition to tbe pi*M
addition to \nli it was telegraphed»!!l
on this subject, I may add that J 1
tion lias been sent to all of the fi (
Southern States, aefcomnanied t'. r
signed by Gov. Orr, Gov. gharkey-y® jJ
sons, Gov. Worth, and others, whit" J
recommends the adoption of thepropj
is decidedly non-committal and ve
In about ten lines of newspaper P r “'J
say, in effect, that tbe accep 4 ^ '
proposition would virtually effect":
mise between the President and i
which they consider desirable. .
It is known that the Presi,
thipged to the Legislatures
of
J-fT" On a trial for an asrault, at tho assi
zes, some years since, a medical witness, in
giving in his evidence, informed the court
that ou examining the prosecutor) lie found
him suffering from a severe contusion of the
integuments under the left orbit, with great
extravasion of blood and cccliymosis in the
surrounding cellular tessue, which was in a
tumefied state. There was also considerable
.•'.brnsioji of ttij. chIIcIc .To A < u mean
South Carolina, Alabama, '
iana and Arkansas, which are now - ^
and to prominent men in 0 . r Jl l 1
States, urging them to adopt th'sP' P
These telegrams he has sent witu
standing that they sliall be o 50 !"'^
from him, not in his official ca P: 1c !^ t 1
private citizen. It is expected
Carolina will act first in the PJf '-jj
several men of prominence froci« I
other Southern States,
positions have been aubmfttto*
promptly refused to render an} 1 1 ■
garding the matte; until alter tW ^ |
the action of that body. So
from, the Southern Press
proposition as they understand
a- (her h :ve not Ivv’i aid _
in ifo full details, they may
minds. It will be telegraphed
the South to-night.
Hon to TitoroM.-.—A p.ir'.r ■ ■
men were laughing over the s-'t; ^v S i:
ue.-., attending a deelarat:-':!''*
man remarke d tbit if ever ! >e .. |
would do it iu a collected aad bn.
Instance,” he continued,
, “Miss Smith, I have becJ, 7 I
a wife. 1 am in receipt ■
hundred dollars a year, whichjs^^ jgjl
aud 1
“For
present,
in" for a wife.
_ _ , , ^ I v»pp<w<\ that r'i* : ‘ t-pi ii Muck eye?—
tho hitfhaftt bidder, snd'bid offtlie Empire’ ‘ crate voting solidly ngaW' it. v.b<> a sufficient «V V. .1 ;• : T..e-> why no, ,<ay
of Rome. He knew ft wrs rot sale to com support from the Republican ranks to make so at once?
tlie most; Indeed, X love you
make you roy wile.” _..vrflX
“You llatter me by your j ‘,.70
humoredly replied Miss tnnt-i.
all present; “i refer yon to
“t'.r .!” exclaimed the c
“Well, 1 declare!” ,h
The lady mid "uati.-mf:
married eoou alter.
“cominff to the point,
taking 11 m <n at his word.
1 iuv L
entl'i
e ledii
. 1