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The Greorgia ^W'eekly Telegraph.
jitofjia ®Url;li) f flnivapl)
. l0 ^s oP THR Georgia Press.—Wc
, ■ *Her will not overlook a series of
W*! . articles t»B the proposition to radi-
^sodlh, which WC have copied on
«•** pace horn the leading journals of
• tf directed more particularly to
** * t letter of Ex-Governor Brown. The
* considerate views of the Columbus
■ ,yr iK r are particularly worthy of attention,
WU ., #s those from the Montgomery (Ala)
wh ich latter will be found on this
f» r but thm) prtper8 in tlie st! * tc havc
L.„! the policy of Governor Brown: the
. ;otl) 0 f Atlanta, which Sandy Murray
'L.ls as a “Union” organ ot his own stripe,
i which ha* not been denied; the 8a-
' „ lh Republican, notorious for its radical-
* under Jt8 present Boston manager; and,
J , re t to irdd, our very clever neighbor in
* ?things, the editor of the Journal and
J^enger, who, however, has never recovered
the Wilson raid, has been looking over
.1 shoulder ever since, and is ready at nny
. t0 take to a hollow before the hounds
like on his trail. Though subject to norv
,osn«». * ,c bfts ,uucb R°°d sense, and wo have
Lpes o! him yet, especially should the tide
Ninths right direction.
^ •• Rew Constitution.”—It is with in-
, pi,, that we read such concessions as
lollow in a Southern paper. They are all
thlt t |,e Radicals ask or require for their
medication in their war of hardship upon the
jjjth, and will, no doubt, bo duly npprccia-
Woquotc from the Atlanta “Opinion :
Cherishing tho fondest affection for the
. -jicjples avowed in the Federal • Constitu
te, and mindful of our dignity ns a people,
ithsve committed two great errors: <Ve
shut our eyes to the fact that that con-
tuition exist* but in name; and the wnr.t of
-jjaatuiuity * n conqueror, occasioned
,,uufortuuate feuds, we have overlooked.
'••A now constitution exists—a constitution
•hit accommodates itself to tho new order
3 things. It is not ail written, but never
•aeless it is tb« supremo law. of the land.
ff) un the element* tliat uow exist have
reached their conclusion; when they shall
hm assumed shape, und shall have adjusted
tbeffliebra* each to tho other, We will have a
ewerumvat at widely different from that
which was framed by our fathers, as is black
fwra white. Written constitutions are volu
ble only when they are adapted to the pecu-
litr condition of n people—when revolution
sweeps over the laud tho people change, then
the old written form of government is put
off like a worn and unfashionable garment.
Such are the sentiments of a revolutionary
party *t the North, accepted by a Southern
press under the idea that we are powerless
longer to resist wrong and contend for the
light.
On the other hand, we have our noble und
iinterriticd President, who still holds aloft
[be Constitution and the government of our
father.**, declaring that he. will yet triumph,
,u 1 calling upon his .countrymen to rally
count! the flag of the Republic. Reader,
Mtnan of tho South, under whose banner
rill you enlist l
How it Looks Anno ad.—The Louisville
■wrier says :
Ex-Gov. Joe Brown, of Georgia, has writ-
«i a letter advising the people of his State to
icccpt the Congreasioual plan of reconstruc-
j 4n> We wonder when and where lie cx-
-ts to get his pay for this inexcusable piece
f treachery to the South ?
Without endorsing the chargeof * treach
ery," those who ltavo read tit* letter of Gov.
Brown can very readily sec where his “ pay”
is to come from. Some of our contempora
ries Imre spoken of his “ magnanimity ” in
.on-enting to be disfrarichised for the public
goal, and the cx-Governor touches upon the
> abj*ct himself; but the matter takes in a dif
ferent aspect when we reflect thnt in this
rery letter he can “read his title clear” to
mytliing he wants at the hands of the Radi-
nh, even to the complete retuoval of all dis-
ibility. As he proposes to join them, accept
uul endorse all' their measures now existing
ind those to come, lor fear of getting worse,
whatever may be the motive,) pray tell us
that possible- objection can the Radicals
are to Gov. Brown? What object can
hey havc for keeping him under disabilities
admit of office! Clearly, none whatever.—
Vbatercrbar Iships others may endure, there
re certainly none in reserve for him.
Mr. Davis.—Radical Stories of his
Health and Luxubt,—Tho following letter
row Norfolk to the Philadelphia Inquirer is
ne of a class of articles that arc cou.-tantly
icing published by Radical journals, for the
urposo of keeping up and inflaming the ha
red of the Northern people against Mr. Davis
nd the South: •• HM
I have been to Fortress Monroe to gaze
•pon the “sternstatesman.” Mr. Davislooks
rcry well, which is not difficult to account
or, as be Is in a place proverbial for its salu
brity, is free from all restrictions within a
tut enclosure, enjoying- tho most expensive
stories, and making money by doing nothing
is ter than he could do it by any amount of
ibor. Formerly the letters to him were cx-
toined, and, when Gen. Miles was relieved
Bom the command of the fort, over twenty-
ire thousand dollars had been received iu
: >stributious from tho laithful to tho false
of their idolatry. • e
These evidences were hot, nt the tune of
k*ir receipt, handed over to Mr. Davis, but
without doubt, held as his property, even
if the greater leniency since exhibited in all
>ther respects may not already have occasion-
d them to be handed over. But however
in is, for a long time past the illustrious
kutmer has received all letters andpacku-
w without examination, mid as their num-
■er sod bulk has not diminished, it is proba
te that he is at this moment etyoying as
■"•d an income as the President of thef United
W. On ChristlM* day thcro arrived an
•Count of pi i sjnts which nearly broko down
'--resources of two express companies. It
•U curious fact tliat many of these presents
from Boston.
Hr. Davis, being only bound by parole, is
/“rtered in a part of tho fort so obviously
ijfcure that lie could at any time escape.—
*«»suggests the idea that some authorities,
^pcrly estimating the value of sccesli pa-
:as shown by manv late examples, havc
1)1 D pon that expedient, L e. escape, as a
**wj of getting rid of thc-“wliite elephant;'
7 Jeff will not be likely to leave a position
'here he is so well off, besides undergoing
!n ^*meot from the throne of a very cheap
easy martyrdom.
^ Good Sion.—The newspapers of Co-
•mbusand Ilawkinsvillc are complaining of
stench of guano in their respective
Wc would be glnd to know that a
-liiar odor was going up from every plan*
’ 4 -ioii in Georgia.
The change going on in Southern
{“Nation is illustrated by the fact that on
*'"&t'uy olln-t week, as the brig Derby was
'"it to sail from New Orleans to Rio Janei-
r , i with ili-iiiin ted Southerners as emigrants
*® Brazil, tlie hurk Sonora Irom Bremen, was
ciiog op the river with a company of Ger-
emigrants.
UNSEEMLY HASTE—A REASONABLE
PROPOSITION.
tVe observe that a party of gentlemen fa
vorable to the course recommended by ex-
Governur Brown, have called a meeting of
citizens of Atlanta-, Monday next. We also ob
serve that Wbl K. DeGratlenried, Esq., of this
city, in an article over his own signature, in
yesterday's Journal & Mess-mgcr, endorses
the policy of Gov. Brown and urges the peo
ple of Bibb also to come together iu public
meeting. NVc presume no one will be sur
prised to find tho Colonel following his cld
file-leader, nor that he should rehash the raw
head and bloody hones of the latter gentle
man in order to get up a “ big scare,” and
thus drive the people into n stupendous folly.
We havc no idea how many adherents this
extraordinary hallucination can command in
this city or the State, but be they few or
many, we trust they will at least delay all
public action on the subject until the military
bill becomes a law—which it may never do—
provided they are not anxious for its passage.
To gravely call out the people to accept a
measure tliat hns not yet passed, is simply
ridiculous, and may do infinite harm to tbe
South. We regard Gov. Brown’s letter as
most ill judged and pernicious, coming nt the
time it did and recommending immediate
action, even were he right in all he seeks to
accomplish. Then let -his friends, for the
reason stated, pay the tribute we ask to good
sense and decorum. As is very correctly re
marked by a Virginia contemporary, the time
has not yet arrived, and no one who has tho
honor, dignity and safety of our people at
heart should desire any action whatever, un
til the fate of the monstrous and devilish bill
which lias just passed the two Houses ot
Congress is finally decided. The lives, lib
erty, honor and fortunes of our people all
depend upon the calm, deliberate and pru
dent action of the State governments, and
precipitancy, panic and unseemly haste can
result in nothing but dishonor, demoraliza
tion and injury to our best interests.
The appearance of the President’s veto,
and the consultation of able statesmen may
change the whole aspect of affairs. Indeed,
there are some reasons to hope that the bill
will yet be materially modified, if not dfe’
feated altogether. On this point the At
lanta Intelligencer of yesterday, says: “ Pri
vate advices from Washington to this office
represent that great excitement exists there
in regard to the final disposition of tho bill,
and that influential efforts arc being made to
sustain the President’s veto of it when it
shall be sent to Congress, with, our inform
ant states, some prospects of success, as these
efforts come from a class of men at the North,
deeply interested in maintaining the financial
credit of the nation, anti commanding large
capital.”
As nothing, therefore, can be lost, and a
great deal gained by a cautious delay, wc trust
there will be no further action here or else
where in the South until the matter is finally
determined at Washington. We can then
proceed like wise men to the grave delibera
tion before us, and not like crazy fanatics
strike wildly in the dark.
FROM WHAT SOURCE THE SOUTH HAS
MOST TO FEAR.
Some two weeks ago, when all was silent
at thc South, and the manhood of our peo
ple seemed to tho superficial observer unim
paired, wo indited tho article referred to iu
tho annexed extract from a letter just
received from a Southern gentleman of high
position and respectability in Washington.
SVhilc wc saw the event in the distance, we
little dreamed that it was so near, or that it
wonld break upon us in a form so startling.
The prophecy has been fulfilled, and our cor
respondent will pardon the liberty wc take
iu giving to tbe public his highly valued
opinion, which we do from no motive of van
ity, for wc have long since outlived such
paltry considerations, but to strengthen a
position taken solely for the country’s glory
and good, by showing that it has received
the approval of the wise and patriotic imme
diately on the theatre of political action and
watching with anxious solicitude for the best
interests of our people:
t “ Washington, Feb. 23, 1867.
“Editors Telegraph: I received your
paper oi the 15th instant, and immediately
turned to the article on the “ Enemies of the
South,” and read it carefully and attentively,
and with feelings of unalloyed delight and
pleasure. This done, I read it again, and
then again and again. I cannot express to
you how much admiration I feel for that ar
ticle. I hope it will be read by every man,
woman and youtb, in the South; and if it
produces upon their minds the impression it
has upon mine, the South is safe, and may
bid defiance to all her enemies, North and
South. *
“ You express in that article what I have
long feared and dreaded, but what I have not
dared to express, that wbat the South has
most to fear is, not the malignity of her en
emies at the North, but tbe apathy and ex
haustion of some of the Southern people
themselves, and tho insidious appeals to these
feelings, made by the foreign journalists to
whom you allude.
“ What the South is now called upon to
endure, at the hands of their merciless North
ern conquerors, is, indeed, enough to appal
the stoutest heart, and it will not be sur
prising if many will be found who will coun
sel submission. But, as I love the South and
the Southern peoplt, I fervently hope, and
pray to God, that your noble appeals to
them will be seconded by those of other ed
itors, and that the cUizens of the South may
act in this crisis in a manner worthy of their
revolutionary sires.”
k£T" Ex-Admiral Raphael Scmrncs has
become principal editor of the Memphis
Bulletin. The Memphis press is peculiarly
favored with distinguished personages, Gen.
Albert Pike being editor of the Appeal.
Distinguished warriors nud poets do not al
ways make .successful editors, hut we hope
the public will have no reason to enter such
a verdict in either of these cases.
Sad Casualty.—We arc sorry to state that
an altercation occurred yesterday (Thursday)
about 12 o’clock between Mr. Jacob Davis
and Air. G. D. Smith, Express Agent at this
place in which the former was shot in the
breast. At the hour of going to press Mr.
Davis is considered in a critical conditoiu.
We forbear comment.—Cuthlert Api>eat, l*f.
Is it a Compliment ?—The New York
Tribune contains a statement that the ‘-Hon.
\ndrew Hunter, elected United States Sena-
tor from Arkansas, declines, on the ground
that lie cannot accept\mhoub injurytOthe
church of which he is a member. Mr. nun-
tcr may or may not intend by tins a left
handed compliment to Congres*.
THE SHERti t\ BILE.
It* Adoption l>y the South.
OPINIONS OF THE GEORGIA PRESS.
Tnn PRICE OF REPRESENTATION.
From tho Augusta Ckroniole.]
We will not insult the people of Georgia
by asking them to open their mouths and
take into their bowels the abomination con
tained in tbe last pill compounded by the
political quacks at Washington. If our peo
ple were mean enough to bid for representa
tion on such debasing conditions, they have
no guarantee that additional degrading terms
will not be exacted. We are called on to
deliver up to outlawry and political martyr
dom the best and purest men in the South,
and to send to Congress creatures who can
take the test oath, and swear that they set
their faces agaTnst oilr people in the day of
trial. This would be placing the brand of
infamy on our own brotvs. Military despot
ism, or any other rule, would be preferable
to such an alternative as that presented in the
Sherman bill. If degradation and torture
are in store for us, let not our people volun
tarily aid in the infliction, but let the shame
of such a monstrous iniquity fall upon its in
stigators and authors.-
Dirt, dirt, and when we have swallowed it
all, and ostracized t ie representative men of
the South, what will it avail us ? Who are
to supply the places of tlie representative
menot this generation? What character of
men are to occupy the Executive, legislative
and judicial positions in our State ? Who are
to represent us ia Congress ? These inter
rogatories arise in leading over the provis
ions of this last wicked and desperate enact
ment of Congress, and we hut express the
opinion of our people when we say that
Georgia cannot purchase representation on
the term3 proposwL It is a larce and mock
ery upon the States, and our peoplo cannot
fill the bill. Thank Heaven, Georgians will
never voluntarily consent to be insulted and
debased by a Brownlow, a Mors?, or a Bry
ant. Military despotism is lar preferable to
representatives of this stripe, and it is ouly
creatures of this character who are eligible to
offices of honor and trust under the proposed
amendment. Save us from the affliction.
GOVERNOR brown’s LETTER. f
From the AuRu.-ta Constitutionalist.]
It would be a matter of comparative ease to
turn Governor Brown into ridicule. To man
age this, nothing further may be necessary
tiian to pit Brown against Brown— the man
of ’G1 versus the man of ’67. Great; however,
as the temptation is, and great tho provoca
tion, we. postpone any wholesale criticism of
his extraordinary letter, and positively refuse
to fly into a passion or display the properties
of satire. • u “ '
We confine ourselves to Governor Brown’s
advice to the people. Let it be observed, in
the first place, that Gov. B. counsels mas3
meetings and a Legislative call for the adop
tion of the Constitutional Amendment, be
fore the Military Bill has become a law. We
do not pretend to say that it will not become
a law; but for the State of Georgia to pre
cipitate lier consent in this wise, is a proposi
tion worthy of the man who rushed her into
revolution anterior to a passage of the seces
sion ordinance, forcing her to plunge into war
or deliver him over to the hangman. The
same undignified haste is exhibited in an ig
noble cause. If Brown was blind in ’61, liow-
can we bespeak tbe integrity of his optics in
’67. If political somersaulting is a test pf
skill, tbe Hanlon Brothers may as well sur
render at discretion. - ,
There is, as far as the North is concerned,
no question of consent at all. Demands are
made and no option is given worthy of in
dependent minds. We can acquiesce, silently,
because powerless to defy; but to stultify
ourselves by organizing affirmation of dis
grace, is nt once a folly and a crime. Because
we have cheated ourselves once, it is no ar
gument to repeat, the deception. On the
contrary, it is the very studiest reason why
we should stand aloof from self-betrayal
which can bring us no honor and, depending
on a string of Congressional “ifs,” may bring
us no profit. Many men to s»ve property
will peril their souls. Governor Brown, of
course, is not in this category: for we pre
sume that bis property lias gone the way of
nearly every great patriot's estate; if not,
how could Congress have the heart to confis
cate the worldly possessions ot one who dares
utter unwholesome “facts” to the people of
Georgia ?
If the bill pass, as pass we fear it will, let
tbe intel’igent whites instruct the freedmen
honestly and kindly as to the singular privi
leges it may confer upon them. With the
exhibition of a proper spirit, colored men
will hesitate to exercise the duties of fran
chise so as to damage their best friends. The
better class of them infinitely prefer the
Southerner to the Yankee. If the one fail to
propitiate, the other will infallibly do so, to
the detriment of white and black alike and
the immediate profit of none but themselves.
Thus, without consenting to the impositions
ot Congress, we can righteously extract some
virtue from their vindictiveness.
In any event, avoiding all indecent haste,
let us patiently await events and deal with
them as they present themselves. In this
connection, we quote the words of Andrew
Johnson, recently uttered, the body ot whose
remarks may be found in tiiis day’s paper,
extracted from the New York Citizen.—
Verily, these arc noble words, and when con
trasted with those of Gov. Brown, are as the
song of Apollo to the screams of Mercury.—
The President said:
“What Congress in its wisdom may see
fit to do I cannot say; but my own course is
clear. I shall exercise every function of my
office in the defense of the people and their
rights, according to tho best judgment that
Heaven has endowed me with. But fer all
such legislation Congress must bear tbe undi
vided responsibility ; and the day cannot be
far distant in which the terrible logic of events
will force the peoplo to ask themselves seri
ously, and not in passion: On which side lay
the tendency to usurpation t”
Shame upon us, if we who havc a thousand
times more at stake as a nation than this
man has as an individual, shame upon us if
we come not up to the great argument of
honor which is here advanced!
letter of ex-governor brown.
From the Columbus Sun.]
We publish in full this morning the very
remarkable and ill-timed letter of ex-Gov-
ernor Brown, of tbe preparation of which the
country was duly notified by telegraph.
Upon n careful perusal of its contents, we
find no new arguments or facts in it which
have not again and again been brought for
ward in Congressional debates, and in the
columns of Northern newspapers. The main
and practical recommendation in it is, that
the people of Georgia shall linsten to become
participators in the degradation and humili
ation which is sought to be imposed upon
them bv tbe Radical legislation of the pres
ent Congress. That they shall fly to embrace
the terms ot tbeir own dishonor, from fear
that the malignity of their oppressors may
in the future impose npon them harsher
terms, and despoil them of the little which
has been left them from the ravages of war,
and the rapacity of Treasury Agents. That
they shall coolly and deliberately disfran
chise and disgrace the men who spent blood
nnd treasure in defence of their rights and
liberties and endow a mass of ignorant and
irresponsible negroes with the highest priv
ileges ol'citizenship. That they shall become
aiders and abettors to the revolutionary fac
tion now in power, in an attempt to further
mutilate the Constitution, under which we
3 all heuceforth to live.
We have no desire or disposition to in
quire into the motives which impelled Gov
ernor Brown to throw this fire-brand into the
midst of a united people at this juncture, or
to comment upon such as may suggest them
selves to tliose familiar with tUe peculianties
of his political career. Giving him full credi t
for all of the disinterested patriotism which
he claims for himself, we beg leave to dissent
from his conclusions, and to proiess our pro
found regret that he should have *cen prop-1
er to inaugurate a movement which will but
add to the embarrassment of our position,
nnd which, if follow'd to its legitimate con
summation, promises no relief to us from the
troubles by which we are surrounded. We
are clearly of the opinion that it is moral sui
cide in the people of the South to change
front at this time. While it is true that the
military hill proposes to impose upon us tho
humiliation which Governor Brown advises
us to impose upon ourselves, :c is yet a ques
tion if the outrage can be successfully perpe
trated. The fight is not yet over, and it is
rank treason in us to desert the President be
fore he has had a chance to promulgate his
veto, and before all legal and constitutional
remedies have been exhausted to avert from
us the destruction with which we are threat
ened.
We are deeply grieved that a man of the
prominence and influence of Gov. Brown,
should attempt to persuade the people of the
South to deseri that attitude of passive re
sistance, which has been almost Uuanimously
endorsed by the representations of tlie people
in every State Legislature, and which has re
ceived thesanction of the most eminent men
of different political antecedents in the exclud
ed States. We are sorry thaUhe first note of
surrender has been sounded in Georgia, and
in such a way as is likely to.be re-echoed to
some extent in the States which aided her in
a struggle to perpetuate the principles of free
government.
Governor Brown himself is but just emer
ged from tho presence of the Supreme Court
of the land, to which he was admitted in de
fiance of an unconstitutional law, passed by
the Congress to exclude him and other men
of the South. So long as that ffflbailal stands
with open doors, and a President holds his
seat, who is resolved to uphold the Constitu
tion and the laws passed in pufsuance of its
provisions, so long at least sby*»M men hold
out in a struggle of simple ^durance, which
must ultimately win. d
There are many points in th"t^©er of Gov.
Brown provocative of comment, many posi
tions subject to assault and overthrow. To
these we may hereafter refer. For the pres
ent we would counsel and ad use the people
of Georgia, in the language o' an esteemed
coteraporary, to bear yet patieitly the slings
and arrows of outrageous fortune, until the
coming of that inevitable biiglter day, when
justice shall reassert her suprenacy, and her
ministers of retribution shall gqfortli to smite
the oppressor, hip and thigh.
A*VICE. . j
From the Griffin Herald.]
Some men give advice front habit, and
some from a disposition to benefit their
neighbors, while others were torn to advise
and they do so as a matter of duty and ne
cessity. When one of this cl its advises he
does so “as one having authority and not as
the scribes.” He iuiuiagines that the whole
I world is waidng to hear wbat le will say.—
1 He h»s no idea that , the people are smart
f enough to think and act for ; r liemselves in
tronblons times like the present;
We are not much inclined to take the ad
vice of those, the proof of wlose qualifica
tions for giving it is based solely upon tlie
fret that they proclaim it themselves; wc are
inclined to scrutinize the men who give it
and the m itives which actuated them. For
instance, if persons who claim to have been
behind the curtain with tbe Radicals advise
the people of the South to adopt and carry
out the entire Radical programme, what bet
ter are they than the Radicals ? Suppose
they have been behind the curtain with the
Radicals, and suppose they tell us that Old
Nick is behind there, and the Radicals will
turn him loose directly, if we don't mind;
shall we get alarmed and try to to appease
the wrath of the Radicals and tlie aforesaid
Nicholas by making ourselves jtarticeps
eriminis to all tbe wickedness they may wish
to do ? We say let them turn him loose, and
we will not attempt to “agree with him quick
ly while we are in the way." When Jesus
Christ said “agree with thine adversary quick
ly whilst thou art in the way,” he did not
allude to the adversary of all mankind, nor
his emissaries or followers, nor did he mean
that we should become a party to crime.
We look upon universal suffrage as one of
the greatest calamities that could htffall our
country, and for the sake of all that is good,
we trust the Southern poople will not be par
takers in tbe crime of bringing it .tbOv.r. Let
us have clean hands, even if a iat LitA' prbp-
erty we have left should be eqnfiseated. Wc
can then feel that we are innocent of the
crime, and that the Great Ruler of the Uni
verse will not visit the punishment upon our
heads. Let the Radicals do their worst, wc
have not got much to loose r nd-wo'tliink the
measure of their iniquity must be very nearly
full. As to confiscation, we have never been
much afraid of it, because wc do not think
it could be done without violating every prin
ciple of law; and here perhaps is the secret
of some persons showing so great a desire to
make peace with the Radicals; they, per
haps, fear confiscation. Those t who grew
rich while their country was bleeding at every
pore may feel more solicitude on the subject
of confiscation than they do in regard to their
own and their country’s dishonor, but we
M ould not advise the people to go to such for
advice. If we were' seeking some man to
look to for advice, we would prefer to go to
some man who had been the friend of the
South during the war—one who had not
made the reputation of doing more than nny
other man in breaking down tlia cause. Let
us not disgrace and degrade ourselves, what
ever "of wrong, of crime, and demoralization
wc may be compelled to endure; let us not
be responsible for bringing for it on, but
rather let the wicked hands that now rule
perform the act.
GOVERNOR BROWN’S LETTER.
From the Coiambus Enquirer.]
Whatever may have been the unmentioned
promptings received by ex-Gov. Brown in his
promiscuous political association during his
late visit to Washington, he presents no new
views of tho situation in the letter which we
copy on our first page. Every man who has
calmly considered possible political contin
gencies is aware of the great peril that envi
rons us, and of the difficulty of finding any
present help in the hour of our calamity. But
why is the ex-Governor so hasty in urging
unhesitating and prompt compliance with the
demands of Congress ? Can we, as a people,
lose anything by waiting to see whether the
bill upon which ho bases his proposed action
is to become a law ? Is the President of the
United States entitled to so little respect and
consideration—our respect nnd consideration
—that we cannot wait to see the arguments
he has to use, and what grounds be has to
take, in his hourly expected veto message?—
Are we so soon to take it for gmritpcl that thp
bill is a law, and that neither the Uiecutive
nor the Judicial branch of tho Government
has any power to re assert the supremacy of
the Constitution, if (as wc all believe) that
instrument has been disregarded ic the pro
gramme tor the destruction of our State in
stitutions and political organization l
Why should we yet despair of a favorable
reaction in Northern sentiment, when no
popular indications whatever have yet been
given of the acceptability of the harsh meas
ures proposed for our government—when
elections are just about to come off that will
afford a better understanding of tho feeling
of the Northern people ? Why not continue
in the unmolested enjoyment, vouchsafed to
us for a brief period, of the State (or “pro
visional”) Government of our own choosing ?
Is the limit of its existence too long, that we
must hurry up the processor its overthrow
provided by the Congressional bill—that wc
must begin to hurry them along even before
the bill has become a law ! Is this unseemly
haste reconcilable with our attachment to
our old State institutions, and with the de
cent respect of their memory that should^ at
least restrain unnecessary haste in burying
them out of sight ? Nay, should we not,
though they may appear already dead, wait
the customary time to sec whether the last
spark of iife is hopelessly extinguished ?
It is not our custom to question the mo
tives of public men. But these reflections
lead to the irreprinible inquiry, may not
Governor Brown's impatience bo prompted
by a paramount desire to place himself at
least above the reach ot the tide, which he
sees sweeping on towards us? Is there no
selfish resolve that, though the mass of the
people who have so often honored and fol
lowed him should be overtaken by the surg
ing waves, he nt least will in time reacli a
place of safety ? To be sure, he carries a
weight that would seem to render such an
achievement difficult; but we know not all
tlie undercurrents that flow even with tlie
mighty wave of a great revolution. The mi
litia captain who started first in a retreat, be
cause lie was a little lame, was a fair speci
men of a certain class of politicians, as well
as military heroes. If it is the “big scare”
for No. 1 that now makes Governor Brown
so hasty in “changing his base,” we can only
express regret that he did not take it before
lie took Fort Jackson.
If tlie legislation of Congress had left it to
onrselves to tear down our old State flag, we
should at least do it with dignity and becom
ing respect; but it raises up and commissions
other agents to do tlie deed. We are, as Gov.
Brown argues, powerless to prevent it, but
tliat is no reason why we should anticipate
their action and hasten the vandal deed. Let
those who claim anti exercise complete power
over us destroy our institutions and organize
their new political elements. To us is left
the privilege of passive endurance, without
the approving participation that must involve
us in responsibility for the ruthless destruc
tion of a social and political organization,
which we believe to be the only one thnt can
maintain order or restore prosperity to our
unhappy country.
EX-GOVERNOR BROWN’S LETTER.
From the Rome Courier.]
Wo publish to-day the concluding portion
of a very remarkable letter from Ex-Governor
Brown, embracing his views in regard to the
action that Georgia ought to take in regard
to the recent action of Congress, assuming
that the Sherman Amendment Bill will be
come a law. If this bill shall be, ns it is pro
bable, passed over the President’s veto, it will
present a very grave question to the people of
the South, and one that should be considered
calmly and dispassionately, and decided in a
manner that shall be best for the permanent
welfare of our now distracted section.
If the victors demand nothing more than
they havda right to claim, or the subdued
can honorably yield, then comply with good
grace and promptly. But if it is wrong for
the South to accept this proposition—then
let her not voluntarily disgrace herself under
the threat that her property will be pillaged
unless she does it. It may be better that
the commercial interests of the South should
suffer a little longer rather than that her peo
ple should endure a shameful mortification
through All coming time—by their owr. act
But as we said above'-it ii a grave question,
and the people should lay aside all prejudice,
and give tlie subject a thorough investigation
arid deliberate decision, in all candor and
honesty.
ARE THINGS MADE WORSE BY OPPOSITION.
From the Montgomery Mail.]
The Revolutionists now in power tell the
Conservatives—
“The more yon oppose, the worse we will
act.”
This is what Gov. Brown tells us in his
letter—nothing ‘ more, nothing less. To
which we say, we should not the less oppose
—especially as the President controls the
military provisions of the Sherman Bill, as
the Supreme Court will decMe it to be un
constitutional, as the few recent local elec
tions in the North have indicated a reaction
against the Jacobins, as prominent men like
tlie Lieut. Governor ot Connecticut have
wheeled around to the Constitution, and as
the impending financial crisis of the country
is opening the eyes of men to the effects of
the Congressional policy. Opposition and
remonstrance may not avert temporary vio
lence, but still it isThe duty of honorable
men, as we are being driven towards the
Dead Sea of despotism, to keep on remon
strating. The remonstrance and opposition
of the Presbyterians did not prevent the rise
of Cromwell, indeed rendered the Round
Heads more bitter, but it nevertheless secur
ed liis downfall!. The Girondists, stapding
in the way of the French Jacobins, inflamed
the zeal of tlie Red Republicans, but never
theless effected their utter overthrow in the
end.
As the Presbyterians and Girondists stood
firm upon the true platform of Republican
liberty, against tbe violence of disloyalists,
and restored constitutional government to its
legitimate channels, so should the true loy
alists of the South stand firm against tempo
rary violence; and while they remonstrate
with and oppose the measures of the Robes-
pierres and Praise-God-Barebones, should at
the same time beseech her sons, like Gov.
Brown and others, to stand aloof from such
unholy alliance. Opposition may result iD a
military despotism under a Cromwell, or a
Napoleon, but a Cromwell is worth a thou
sand Praise-God-Barebones, and one Napo
leon is worth a whole regiment of Robes-
pierres.
Remonstrance and opposition will, however,
be useless unless the people remain united.
In this connection we cannot do better than
to quote from the New York World:
“We do npt doubt that in the end the
Southern people could baffle the Radicals by
simple, steady persistance. But for this pol
icy to prevail, they must be substantially
unanimous. Merc perseverance without unity
will profit nothing. If the Southern people
split on this question, the dissenting minor
ity will unite with the negroes and, with
them, soon become a majority, reorganize the
State, and get admitted to Congress. Wheth
er this can be permanently prevented we are
no judges, aud our Southern fellow-citizens
are. It all depends upon whether the whole
Southern people are eound to tbe core and
inflexibly resolute. If enough of them final
ly yield to make, with the negroes, a ma
jority, all the intermediate opposition will
be a loss of time, temper, quiet and mate
rial prosperity, without any compensating
advantage. They ought either to stand firm
and stand together, or else take time by
tbe forelock and make the best of what
cannot be helped. If they are going to
bluster now and yield by-and-by, they will
draw upon themselves the evils of both
lines ot policy, and secure the advantages
of neither.”
Destructive Fire.
A little after ten o’clock last night the
alarm of fire was sounded by the Exchange
bell, when flames were discovered issuing
from the building on Bay street, between
Jefferson and Montgomery streets, owned by
Mrs. Hodgson and Mrs. Telfair, and oc
cupied by Messrs. Miller & Brother as a cot
ton warehouse, by Messrs. Grady & Tully ns
a lath and lime warehouse, and by Mr. B.
White as a junk store The fire originated
in the junk store, and the goods being of au
inflammable nature the flames spread with
remarkable rapidity. In a very short time
the store occupied by Miller jb Brother, in
which was stored about one hundred bales of
cotton, was in flames, the fire extending rap
idly to the adjoining store of Messrs. Grady
& Tully.
The firemen with their steamers and hand
engines were promptly on the spot, but owing
to the combustible nature of the storage, the
fire had made considerable headway before
their combined and well-directed ettorts suc
ceeded in arresting its progess and confining
it to tbe already burning buildings.
It was very fortunate that there was scarce
ly any wind at the time, a3 it would have
been next- to impossible to have saved the
immense amount of cotton stored in the ad
joining warehouses, as the lane prevented the
tire from spreading to the framed buildings
in the immediate vicinity.
We arc not able at this time to obtain any
reliable estimate of the amount of loss by |
the fire. We understand that the Messrs. :
Miller were insured, but to wbat amount,
we did not learn. Messrs. Grady & Tully lost
between eight and nine hundred barrels of
lime, and some 73,000 laths, insured to the
amount of $3,000. The building was also j
insured. Tlie building was very nearly des- !
troyed, tlie upper Wall, with the roof, having
fallen during the fire.—Sac. Herald.
jggf When is a young man’s arm like the
Gospel ? When it makes glad the waist I
places. '
Our Washington Correspondence.
LETTER FROM “WARWICK.”
John II. Surratt in Court—Talk of removina the Cap
ital—Reasons Ailvaanced—It* Insecurity in case of
War—Some Thinfrs that arc Needed, to Render it
Impregnable—Improvements in the City---Car-
pentor’s Picture of Lincoln's Cabinet.
Washington, Feb. 20, 1807.
The appearance of John H. Surratt in
court, and liis demeanor there, has created a
marked sensation in bis favor. People who
expected to see a rough, rowdy-looking per
son, were greatly disappointed. He is nearly
six feet high, of rather slim and well-
proportioned figure, and has the manners
and appearance of a gentleman. He was
dressed in a suit of fine black clothes,
which fitted hint perfectly. His features,
and the express'd! of his face, indicate
intelligence, firmness and decision of charac
ter. His demeanor was quiet and self-pos
sessed. He looks at times like a young
preacher, and like anything but a conspirator.
His counsel, Mr. t'raoley, stands at the bead
of the bar in this city, and he is confident of
his acquittal. In prisoD, his demeanor is
quiet, reserved and confident. He manifests
no uneasiness, and scarcely any concern, about
liis trial. He spends most of the time in
reading, in consultation with his counsel, and
in conversation with liis sister. No other per
sons are allowed to see him. He eats hearti
ly and sleeps soundly.
Some of the Western members of Congress
profess to believe that the capital of the
United States will be removed from Wash
ington before many years, to some point
further West. The question of the removal of
the capital was discussed during the war, and
although pride prevented any steps being
taken then in the matter, it was urged with
much force that Washington wiil always le
liable to capture. Incredible sums were spent
in fortifying the city during the war; but,
after all was done, thecity was not one-teht'n
as strongly fortified as Richmond during the
same period. Washington was never ren
dered inaccessible by water, as ltichiopnd
was. However, to the forts that were erected
around the capital,- Washington owes (ter
safety from capture—to tuose and to the
gallant conduct and admirable dispositions
made at Monocacy, near Baltimore, by Getv.
Lew Wallace, I am sorry to say that tiiis
officer is now a lieutenant under the brigand
and usurper Juarez, iu Mexico. The lortifi-
cations around Washington still remain, arid
will long exist as monuments ot the engineer*
ing skill of Gen-McClellan. Had it not heen
for them, Gen. Early would certainly have
captured Washington on the4th of July, 18C4
in spite of the delay, which Gen. Wallace
caused him at Monocacy. But the force
under Gen, Early was very small. Besiege
■ by a large army of, say, 50,000 disciplined
troops, and this army supported by an
adequate uaval force, Washington would
have to surrender. It has .two vulnerable
points, one open to naval operations nod one
susceptible of easy seizure by an enterprising
military commander; and with an enemy once
in possession of either one of these two key
points, Washington is lost.
Washington could be made comparatively
impregnable, and it will have to be made so
if it is retained as the capital. But to do
this will involve enormous expense. Io the
first place, two new lines of railroad will have
to be constructed, one leading direct to the
North by way of Harrisburg; one leading
direct to Cincinnati by a route altogether
south of the Potomac river, and crossing the
Ohio at a point considerably below Parkers
burg on a railroad bridge; and probably a
third, direct to Richmond by way of Freder
icksburg, and crossing the Potomac on a
railroad bridge of iron, resting upon stone
piers. Such a bridge over the Potomac, to
take the place of the rickety and tumble-
down LoDg Bridge, must at all events be
made, and no doubt will be built sometime
during the next ten years. The recent freshet
has entirely swept away the greater part of
the Long Bridge, and all tho money that is
spent in repairing it, or in erecting a cheap
structure, will bo worse than thrown away.
But the construction of these railroads and
bridges will be only the beginning of the ex
pense that necessity will require. To say
nothing of the ordinary fortifications, means
will have to be devised to render tho city
inaccessable from the sea.
Such ore some of the considerations that
present themselves to the minds of tho more
thoughtful oftlic Western members when new
appropriations are asked for to continue the
work on the extension of the Capitol, on the
extension of the Treasury building, on the
new buildings for a State Department, on the
Interior Department building, &c. These
appropriations, however, are always made,
although it is noticeable that they are made
more grudgingly since tbe end of the war.—
Upon the whole, there is no prospect at pres
ent that the capital will be removed, and tlie
various improvements upon it will be un
questionably carried forward.
The city has greatly improved, in many re
spects, during the last fonr years. Many cf
the streets have been paved with stone, and
wherever this has been done, it has been done
in tho most durable manner. Hundreds of
new houses have been put up, many of them
very elegant and costly structures, containing
every modern convenience and improvement/
But tho population of tlie city has increased
ont of all proportion to the house room, and
the greatest and most imperative want of the
city is comfortable houses for small families
of moderate means. A thousand of such
houses conld be rented to-day, at from $1,000
to $1,200 per year. No kind of ahouse how
ever mean, can be rented now under $800,
and such houses are unfit to live in.
Washington is disgraced almost as much
by its desecration of art, as by its impractica
ble and revolutionary political measures.
Whatever trickster on canvas or marble can
^et out anything that resembles in the re
motest degree the beautiful and classic fea
tures of the sainted Lincoln, all he has to do
is to bring it to the notice of some radical
member, and forthwith it is purchased by
Congress at a high figure, and immediately
bung in the rotunda, or placed in some equal
ly conspicuous place. It is thus that a
wretched attempt at sculpture, called a full
length statue of Abraham Lincoln, has been
set up, like the golden image of Nebuchad
nezzar, for the negroes to worship. It was
thus that a green girl who thinks that “ she
can skulp some,” has been paid $10,000 for
a “ statoo ” of Linkutn, which exists only in
her imagination. And it is thus that Car
penter’s pictures of Lincoln’s Cabinet got
hoisted, to-dav, to a post of honor in the ro
tunda. This "is by all odds the meanest daub
in the Capitol. A pupil of any really good
painter would be ashamed of it. Sir. Came
ron's portrait is tolerable, the rest are
wretched Mr. Lincoln looks as if lie was
tormented bv remorse, or else by something
he is sitting "on. Mr. Welles looks like a silly
old granny, instead of like the handsome old
gentleman he is. The groupingjand coloring
ire full of faults.
Wakwiob.
Terrible Sornes at the Explosion
of »lie Steamer David While.
Col. Donan; a passenger on the ill-fated
steamer David White, that blew up near
Vicksburg, last, week, gives the following de
scription of some of tlie frightful scenes that
ensued:
Clinging here to a shutter, there to a spar,
and here to a broken plank, blackened,
scalded faces lose above the sutfitos, shriek
ing in tones of mortal agony: “For Christ's
sake save me.!'' “Jefeus. bavemerev!” “For
God's sake help me!”
V> e were^ a half mile from either shore,
riiore than half of the one hundred and fifty
ot tho human beings -*vc hud on board were
Citner killed outright, or burned and maim
ed, struggling for life in the pitiless waters
around us, and no house, no boat in si"ht.
Great God, preserve me from ever witnessing
such ail awful scene again! Our gallant
Captain, Dan Kinney, frightfully scalded, his
lace ami hands covered with blood, was
clinging to a piece of a spar some thirty yards
from the wreck, but so badly hurt that lie
seemed about to sink.
The water was nearly up to the cabin floor,
and just as 1 struck the guards, Mrs. Dr.
Shaw, of .Memphis, clasped my arm and
asked if I could save her. I told her not to
be frightened. I thought we would get eft',
and, climbing again on the roof, called on all
hands and waiters that were left to help me
launch tho life boat. The first to respond to
tlie call was one of the most horn bio sights I
saw (luring tlie clay—a little negro bojc, an
engine greaser, stark naked, except a piece ot
a shirt, and scalded from his waist to his* feet
till the great flakes of bloody skiu rotted
down his legs every time lie moved. He laid
hold, saying as as lie did so : “Ah ! bossy,
I’se most gone; I’se burnt all over, but dis boat
must get in de river!” Heroic little negro 1
He was rescued, but they sav will die. Just
at this moment. Mr. John*H. Triplett, tbe
only one of Dr. Shaw's assistants in the office
who escaped, leached tuc roof. Although
badly burned, liis coo’ness and courage did
much toward saving those who were still on
the wreck. The first mate was killed; but liis
second escaped.
N. IV. Moore, now reached us, and with
the help of some of the waiters and hands,
we shoved the life-boat off! The water was
now up to the cabin floor. Mr. Triplet! and*
Dr. Shaw, one of the owners of the "White,
assisted the three ladies and the invalid. Mr.
Klein,: into the boat. And then came a rush
of the panic-strickea waiters, chambermaids
arid deck bands. Mr. Triplett stood bis
ground gallantly, but in spite of liis exertions,
aided faithfully hv John Hopkins, the col
ored'steward, the boat was swamped in an
instant, and I found myself buttoned up in
a heavy gray cassimere suit, buffeting the
surges of the mighty Mississippi. Ail that I
saw after this was iu the character of a “float
er.” As the lite-boat went down, Dr. Shaw
and Mr. Triplett, who, throughout showed
tlie cool ness,of veterans, succeeded, with the
aid of the steward aud cook, in getting the
ladies and Mr. Klein back on the, hurricane
roof.
Capt, Kiniidy, burnt and bleeding as he
fling tnat my i
clothes were about to sink me, I succeeded
in swimming, though utterly..exhausted, to
a broken oar; and now commenced a long,
almost hopeless floating of two or three miles
in the iey water. Several sank around me;
several died of cold. As, wholly powerless,
I drifted by Tom r one ot the negro waiters,
he clutched at my spar; itwas so round that
the slightest touch rolled it over, and feeling
that I had become too numbed to regain my
position, I ordered him to k«*en off. He
soon afterward caught a floating door, and
was taken out, nearly dead with cold, two or
three miles below.
A few minutes afterward the life-boat, bot
tom upwards, floated by in about twenty
yards of me, with four fellows sitting strad
dle of the sharp-edged keel, and balancing
themselves aa carefully as tight rope perforna-
crs. I asked them why they didn’t turo her
over and get in ;' they said there was a man
hanging on enen sidti, so near gone that they
would drown if they had to let go. They
both died ot cold a short distance below.
The four on the keel were afterward rescued.
The main wreck was all this time drifting
down, not more than a hundred yards above
me. Mr. 8baw and Triplett, calm and col
lected, encouraged the ladies and others who
remained on the roof. Tbe ladies all tho way
through behaved like heroines—-not a scream
was heard from one of them—not as much
terror shown during our greatest danger ns I
have seen sentimental misses exhibit if a Mo
ses-like old cow chanced to turn her head
toward them.
At tlie time our life-boat sunk, one of our
“down East” brethren rushed up to Mrs.
Shaw, caught her' by the hand and begged
her to save him ! She told him to shut Li9
mouth and keep his senses, and he would be
saved when they at were. I had been in the
freezing water some half or three quarters of
an hour: I felt myself slowly but surely be
coming insensible, and bad almost'arrived at
the conclusion that my last hour bad come.
I ordered a fellow who was swearing among
some drift just below me to “dry up” his
sinfulness, and was, perhaps, just tnakiug up
my mind as to whether I had entirely for
given all my enemies, including Tbncf. Ste
vens. and whether I could love Beast But
ler as myself—iu fact I was just about to ■
say, “now l lay me down to sleep,” aud
roll off my log.
Governments of Force.—The.New York
World says : “ If the Southern people should
resist the execution of martial law by force,
they would be fighting in as righteous a cause
as any in which a patriot ever drew bis sword.
Armed resistance is the natural and appro
priate mode of redress for such flagrant in
justice as is now meditated against the South.
1 Resistance to tyrabts is obedience to' Gknl.’
The only good reason for not appealing to
arms in this conjuncture is the liopcle.-isness
of success.”
There Ls no doubt of this; and how the
Northern people can see their interest—to say
nothmg of principle—in keeping one third
of the people of the Union under ft form of
overnment which they are obliged'to dea-
pise and long to destroy, and would destroy
the moment they had the power—tor they
would be less than human if they did not—
surpasses all comprehension. The temporary
extension of Black Republican ascendancy
can be no compensation, for such an outrage
upon human rights nnd sound poliey.
The South longs for harmony. We would
live with the people of the North as neigh
bors, friends, brethren, as co-laborers in the
great vineyard of republican liberty. But if
they are resolved to be our enemies and not
our friends, to cultivate our hate rather than
our good will, they are sure to have a plenti
ful harvest on their bands. Rejected, de
spised, oppressed, every hour of our perse
cution will add fuel to the flame of our exe
cration, and every breath shall go np as a
prayer to the God of justice and right for
vengeance upon foe cruel and cowardly
authors of our ruin. Would to Heaven it
were otherwise; but come what may, 1 'tho
South lias done her full duty, and the re
sponsibility rests net upon her. She can
tand erect with clean hands and an honest
brow au:l confidently challenge the verdict of
history.
jggT - C'ol Sprague, commandant of the
military forces in Florida, has issued an order
sustaining the civil authorities in Fernandi-
na, and has ordered a company < £' troops to
be stationed there, to jirevent further acts of
> lawlessness.
• «• t