Newspaper Page Text
I ,
.oiUtkli! fftlcpapb
,,|B PRESIDENT’!*
MESSAGE
0\\\ GOVERNMENT BILL
.. r o«*- Secoiul SconIoii.
House or Hkim»>kntativi>.
.March 2, 1 iSO -
etury tlcliu
r. (
Poirot's private *cvot.<uy <icirvered
L. in writing, which proved to be a
Military hill, as follows:
•' it.Hires:
^minert the bill to provide for the
P-rirnt gOVenu'.o lit of t hr ivi.el 6tuU-
* ,:in!. i v \ liii ii its transccr.dant
. uirtted to awaken. I am
, give it my assent to: iv i-ons so
^ I hope n ' tat. meiit of them may
ginflucm . OD the minds of the ])»-
id enlightened with whom the «Ic-
■ ‘ aJt rcS t. Tito bill places all the pco-
•,*. ,,. n States therein named under
domination of military rulers,
^ preamble undertakes to give the
open which it is justified. It de-
that there exists in those States no
;,ite government* and adequate pro-
"loJjfotir property, and asserts the He
ld stood order
tc f enforcing pea
’ ibeir limits. --
ipienaamatterof tact, it is not denied
jy States in qnestfon have each of them
iod government, with all the powers,
,; ff , judicial and legislative, which
belong to n tree State. They are
like tllO Other States of the Union,
tie item-they make, administer, and
r the lawk which concern their do-
iJiire. An i xisting <1? facto govern-
tirtvising such functions ns these, is
law or State- upon all matters witli-
\ jurisdiction. To pronounce the su-
,|»w-making power of nn established
. ,>1, is to say that law itself is un-
j The provisions which these govern-
jjlirr made for the preservation of or-
:jf ..oppression of crime, and the redress
’tile injuries are in substance and prin-
jlesauia os thoso which prevail in the
itfn States and in other civilized conn-
The.v certainly have not succeeded in
jing'tlw commission of all crime, nor
•Is U-t-a accomplished anywhere in the
fu There, as well as elsewhere, offend-
betimes escape for want of vigorous
Lotion, and occasionally, perhaps, by
^efficiency of courts or the prejudice of
£ undoubtedly true that these evilabavc
i, increased and aggravated both in the
-h and South by the demoralizing influ-
• of civil war, and by tho rancorous paa-
s which the contest has engendered; bnt
tlnm' piople are maintaining govern-
", for thenwrlves, which habitually de-
ihe object of all governments, and render
L own iins ami property insecure, is in
futterly improbable; and the nrgument
t bin to that effect is not supported by
riucaoe which has come to piy knowl-
All the information I have on the sub-
vnriur.es tne tliat the mass of tbo South-
pie, and those who control their pub-
a, while they entertain diverse opinions
.lious. of Federal policy, are complete-
led in the effort to reorganize their so-
u the basis of peace, and restore mu-
• sperity ns rapidly and ns completely
it circumstiuioes will permit. The bill,
tr, would seem to show upon its face
iitablishment of peace and good or-
mi its rual object Tito fifth section
a that all the preceding sections shall
lo operate in any State where certain
Live happoued. These are:
The selection of delegates to * State
;tion by election, at which negroes shall
.«e,l to votek
The formation of a State constitution
(convention so chosen.
Tho insertion into tho State constitu-
i a provision which will secure the
Li voting at all elections to negroes and
hitc Ben as will not be disfranchised
Lilimi or tclocles.
The Mibmisslun of the constitution for
ui a to negroes and white men not
li'hucd and its actual ratification by the
Tho »ubuiission of the State constitu-
to Congress for examination and actual
ral of it by that body.
Tho adoption of a certain amendment
Federal Constitution by a vote of the
H elected under the' new constitu
te adoption of said amendment by a
at aurnber of other States to make it
nt" the Constitution of the United
.esc conditions must be fulfilled before
epic of any of these States can be rc-
ilrom bondage and military domain,
' n they are fulfilled then tho pains and
P of the bill aro to cease, no matter
t them bo peace and order or not.
course this docs not require that he shall do
so. ' If any State or Federal court presumes
to oxerc sc its legal jurisdiction by the trial
of a malefactor wTthcut his special permission,
he can break it up and punish the judges and
jurors as being themselves malefactors. He
can savo Iris friends from justice and despoil
his enemies contrary to justice.
It is also provided that he shall have pow
er to organize military commissions or tribu
nals, but this power is not commanded to do
it; it is Merely permissive and is to be used
ouly wliffe, in his judgment, it may be neees
snry for the trial of offenders. Even if the
sentence of a commission were made a prerc
quisitc to the punishment of a party, it would
be scarcely the slightest responsibility upon
the officer, who lias authority to organize it
as lie pleases, to prescribe its mode of pro
ceedings. appoints it members from his own
subordiQitps, and revise all its decisions. In
stead of mitigating the harshness ofhissingle
rule, such a tribunal would be used much
more probably to divide the responsibility of
making it more cruel or unjust. Several
provisions, dictated by the humanity of Con
gross, have been inserted in the bill apparent
ly to restrain the power of tho commanding
officer, but it seems to me that they are of no
avail tor that purpose.
Tho fourth section provides, first, that trial
shall not he unnecessarily delayed, but I
have shown that the power is given to punish
without trial, and if so, this provision is
prnctically inoperative. Cruel or unusual
punishments are not to be inflicted, but who
is to decide what is cruel and unusual. The
words have acquired a legal meaning by long
use in the courts. Can it be expected that
military officers will understand it and follow
a rule in language so purely technical, and not
pertaining in the least degree to their profes
sion ; if not then such officer may define cruel
ty according to his own temper, and it not
usual, he will make it usual. Corporeal pun
ishment, the gag and the ball and chain, and
other ubnost insupportable forms, torture in
vented for military punishment, will be with
in the range of choice. Third, the sentence
of a commission is not to be executed with
out approval by tbo commander, if it affects
life or liberty, nnd a sentence of death must
be approved by the President. This applies
to cases in w-hich there has been a trial and
sentence.
I take it to be clear, under the bill, that
tbo military commander may condemn to
death without even tho form of trial by a
military commission, so that tho life of the
condemned may depend on the will of two
men instead of one. It is plain that the au
thority hero given to the military officer
amounts to absoluto despotism. But to make
it still more unendurable, tbo bill provides
that it may be delegated to as many subor
dinates as he chooses to appoint, for it de
clares he shall punish or cause to be pnn-
ished. Such a power has not been wielded
by a monarch in England for more than five
hundred years. In all that time no people
who spoke the English tongue have borne
such servitude. It reduces the whole popu
lation of the ten States—all persons of every
color, sex and condition, nnd every stranger
within their limits, to the most abject and de
grading slavery. No master tver had a con
trol so absolute over his slaves as this bill
gives to military officers over both white and
colored persons.
It may be answered to this, that officers of
the army are too magnanimous, just and hu
mane to oppress and trample upon a subju
gated people. I do not doubt that army
officers are as well entitled to this confidence,
as any other class of men, but the history of
tho world has been written in vain, if it does
not teach ns that unrestrained authority can
never be safely trusted in human bauds. It
is almost sure to be more or less abused under
any circumstances; audit has always resulted
in gross tyranny where rulers who arc stran
gers to their subjects come among them as
representatives of a distant power, nnd more
especially when tho power that sends them is
unfriendly. Governments closely resembling
that hero proposed have been frilly tried in
Hungary nnd Poland; and the suffering en
dured by those people roused the sympathies
of the entire world. It was tried in Ireland,
nnd although at first tempered by principles
of English law, it gave birth to cruelties so
atrocious that they are never remembered
without just indignation. The French Con
stitution armed its deputies with this power,
and sent them to the Southern Departments
of the Republic. The massacres, murders
and other atrocities which they committed,
show what the passions of the ablest men iu
the most; civilized society will attempt to do,
when wholly unrestrained by law.
The men ot our race, in every age, have
struggled to tie up the bands of their gov
ernments, and keep them within the law be
cause their own experience of all mankind
taught ’.hem that rulers could not be relied
on to concede those rights which they were
not legally bound to respect. The head of a
great empire has sometimes governed with 1
mild ami paternal sway ; but kindness of an
irresponsible power never yields what law
does not extort. Between such a master and
people subjugated to his domination there
can be nothing but enmity. Ho punishes
them if they resist his authority, and it they
snbrnit to it he hates them for their servility.
I come now to a question, if possible, still
HP | _ more important. Have we the power to es-
' reference”toThe security of life ana > tablish and carry into execution a measure
it. The excuse given for the bill in like this ? I answer, certainly not. if wo de-
ramble. is admitted by the bill itself I rive our authority from the Constitution; and
ta real. The military rule which it if we are i>ound< by the limitations which it
■ imposes this proposition, it is perfectly clear
ta ft of the Federal Government
ued to exist and the Union remained unbro
ken. In Massachusetts, iu Pennsylvania, in
Rhode Island and in New York, at different
periods of our history, violent armed opposi
tion to the United Stales was carried on; but
the relations ot those Slates with the Federal
Government were not supposed to be inter
rupted or changed after the rebellious portion
ot the population were defeated nnd put
down. It is true that in tnese earlier cases
there was no formal expression ot a determi
nation to withdraw from the Union ; but it
is also true that in Southern States the ordi-
uance of secession was treated by all the
friends of theUnion as mere nullities, and are
now acknowledged to be so by the States
themselves.
If we admit that they had any force or
validity, or that they did in tact take the
States in which they were passed out of the
Union, we sweep lrom under our feet all
grounds upon whicli we stand in justifying
the use of Federal force to maintain the in
tegrity of the Government. This is a bill
passed by Congress in time of peace. There
is not in any one of the States brought un
der its operation either war or insurrection.
The laws oi the State and of the Federal
government are in undisturbed nnd harmo
nious operation. The courts, State and Fed
eral, are open and in the full exercise of their
proper authority over every State comprising
the five military districts. Life, liberty and
property are secured by the State and" Fed
eral laws, and tlic national Constitution is
everywhere obeyed. AViiat, then, is the
ground on which this bill proceeds ?
The title of the bill announces that it is in
tended for the efficient government of these
ten States. It is recited by way of preamble
that no legal State governments nor adequate
protection for life or property exist in those
States, and that peace and good order should
thus be enforced. The first tiling that arrests
attention upon these recitals, which prepare
the -way for martial law, is this, that the only
foundation upon martial law can exist under
our form of go%'ernment, not stated or so much
as pretended. Actual war, foreign invasion,
domestic insurrection, none ot these in effect
and none of these in fact exist, and it is not
recited that any sort of war or insurrection is
threatened.
Let us pause to consider upon this question
of Constitutional law, aud the power ot Con
gress in the recent decision of the Supreme
Court ot the United States in ex parte Milli
gan. I will first quote from a majority of the
court: ‘‘Martini law cannot arise from threat
ened invasion. The necessity must be actual
and present, tho invasion real; such as to ef
fectually close the courts and depose the civil
authorities.” Wesee that martial law comes
in only when actual war closes courts and
deposes civil authority; but this bill, in time
of peace, makes martial law operate as though
we were in actual war, and become the cause,
instead of the consequence of the abrogation
of civil authority.
One more qualification. It follows, from
what has been said on this subject, that there
are occasions when martial law can be prop
erly applied. If in foreign invasion the civil
courts are actually closed, and it is impossible
to administer justice accoiding to law, then
on the theatre of military operations where
war really prevails, there is u necessity to fur
nish a substitute for the civil authority thus
overthrown, to preserve the safety of the
army and society, and no power is left bnt
the militia; it is alone to govern by martial
rule until laws can have their free course. I
now quote from the opinion of the minority
of the Court, delivered by Chief Justice
Chase: “ We by no means assert that Con
gross can establish and apply the laws of
war where no war has been declared or ex
ists. Where peace exists the laws of pefi
must prevail.” This is sufficiently explici
Peace exists in all the territory to which this
bill applies. It asserts that after a certain
time of peace it sets aside the laws of war.
The minority, concurring with the major
ity, declares that Congress does not possess
that
Again, and, if possible, more emphatically,
the Chief Justice, with remarkable clearness
and condensation, sums up the whole matter
as follows: “There are, under the Constitu
tion, three kinds of militaiy jurisdiction—
one to be exercised both in peace and in war;
another to be exercised in time of foreign
war, without tho boundaries of the United
States, or in time of rebellion and civil war
wUMo the States of the district occupied by
rebels, treated us belligerents; anil a third to
he exercised in time of invasion or insurrec
tion without the lynits of the United States,
or during rebellion, within the limits of States
maintaining their adhesion to the National
Government when public danger requires its
It'ag corpus shall not be suspended unless
when, m case of reb< llion or invasion, the
pnblic safety may require it; whereas, this
bill declares niurii-il ffi.w, which of itself sus
pends this great writ, in time of peace, and
authorizes the military to make the arrest,
and gives the prisoner only one privilege,
anil that is a trial without unnecessary de
lay. He has no hope of release from custody,
except the hope. Mien a- it ift of release by
acquittal before a military commission.
The United States are hound to guarantee
to each State a Republican form ot govern
ment. Can it he pretended that this obliga
tion is not palpably broken if we carry out a
measure like this, which wipes away every
vestige of republican government iu ten
States, and puts the life, property, libeny and
honor ot all the people in each of them under
the domination of a single person, clothed
with authority ?
The Eta: lament of England, exerei>ing the
omnipotence which it claimed,v x-.-u^tomed
to pus-i bills of attainder, t!i:;t i- to -av.it
would convict men of treason and other
crimes l-y legislative enactment. The person
accused had a hearing, sometimes n patient
and fair one. but generally party prejudice
prevailed instead of justice, and it often be
came necessary for Parliament to acknowledge
its error and' reverse its own action. The
fathers of oar country determined that no
such things should occur here; they withheld
the power of Congress and thus forbade its
exercise by that body, and they provided in
the Constitution that no State should pass
any bill of attainder. It is, therefore, impos
sible for any person in t ms country to be con
stitutionally convicted or punished for any
crime or a legislative onJcceding of avy sort.
Nevertheless here is a bill of attainder
against nine millions of people. It is based
upon an accusation so vague as to be stafeehr
credible, and found to be true up>-:» Bti credi
ble evidence. Notone of the nine r-.i'lions
was heard iu his own defense. .' r .p .repre
sentations of the doomed parties ' Acre ex
eluded from all participation in the trial.—
The conviction is to be followed by the most
ignominious punishment ever inflicted on
large m i-ses of men. It disfranchises them
by hundreds of thousands, and degrades them
all, even those who are admitted to be guil
ty, from freemen to the condition of slaves.
The purposes ami objects of the bill, the
general intent which pervades it from begin
ning to end, is to change the entire structure
and character of the Statu governments and
to compel them, by force, to the adoption of
orgaric laws and regulations which they are
unwilling to adopt it left to themselves. The
negroes have tot asked for privileges of vo
ting. The vast majority of them have no
idea of what it means. This bill not only
thrusts it in their hands, but compels them
as well us the whites to use it in a particular
not only be unavailing, but mischievous; that It
multiplies the present evils, instead ot maintaining
the Constitution in its whole integrity and vigor
thioughont tbe length andbreadth of the land, and
is tins worst of all remedies, besides onr duty does
not, in my judgment, leave us a choice betweeu
that and any other. I believe that it contains tbe
remedy that is so much needed; and if the co-or-
dlnato branches of tbe Government would unite
upon its orovisions they would be found broad
enough and strong enough to sustain iu time of
peace, a nation which they can bear through the
ordeal of a protracted civil war. The most sacred
guarantees of that instrument are those whicli de
clare each State shall have at least one representa
tive, and that no State without its consent he de
prived of equal suffrage in the Senate; each House
is made judge ot election returns and qualifications
of its own members, and may, with concurrence
of twe-thirds, expel a member. Thus, as hereto
fore urged in the admission of Senators and Rep
resentatives from any and all States, there can be
uo just ground of apprehension tnat persons who
are disloyal will be clothed with powers of legis
lation, lor this could not happen when tbeConsti-
tation and laws are enforced by a vigilant and
faithful Congress. When a Senator or representa
tive presents his certificate of election he may be
ut once admitted or rejected; or should there be
any qnestion of his eligibility his credentials may
be referred for investigation to an appropriate
committee. If he is admitted to a seat, it must be
upon evidence satisfactory to the House ot which
he thus becomes a member that he possesses the
requisi-e Constitutional and legal qualifications,
and it refused admission as a member for wautof
due allegiance to tbc Govcrnment, and returned to
bis constituents, he is admonished tiiat none but
persons loyal to the United States will be allowed
u voice in the Legislative councils of the nation;
and the political power and moral influence of
Congress are thns effectively exerted in the inter
ests of loyalty to the Government and fidelity to
the Union.
And is it not better the work of restoration
should be accomplished by a simple compliance
with the plain requirements ol the Constitution,
than by a recourse to measures which, in effect,
destroy the Slates and threaten subversion of the
General Government V All that is necessary to set
tle this simple, bnt important question, without
further agitation or delay, is a willingness on the
part of all to sustain the Constitution and carry
its provisions into practical operation. Ii to-mor
row either of the Houses of Congress would de
clare that upon tbe presentation ot their creden
tials, members constitutionally elected and loyal
to the General Government would be admitted
to seats in Congress, while others would be exclu
ded ana their places remain vacant until the elec
tion by the people of loyal and qualified persons,
and it ut the same time, assurance were given that
this policy would be continued until all the States
were represented, it would send a thrill of joy
throughout the entire land, as indicating the inan •
guration of a system which must speedily briDg
tranquility to the public mind while we are legis
lating upon subjects which are of great importance
to the whole people, and which must effect all
paits of tbe countiy, not only during the lile of
the present generation, bnt lor ages to come. We
should remember that all men are entitled at least
to a hearing iu councils which decide upon the
destiny of themselves and children. At present
ten States are denied representation, and when the
40th Congress assembles on the 4th day ot the
present month, sixteen States wilt be without a
voice in the House of Representatives. This grave
fact, with the important questions before os,
should induce us to pause in a course of legists-
OUR CRESS DEPARTMENT.
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ty. If they <!o not form a constitution with < f'”" T hiC a ’ soloiy to the attainment ofpo-
• .* -.1 . (T u litlcal ends, fails to consider the rights it transgres-
prescribed at lilK-s in it, and afterwards elect 8e8i the law which it violates, or the institutions it
a legislature which will act upon certain •
exercise. The first of these may be called
plainly
m of order and for tbo prevent ion of
but solely ns a means ot coercing the
in to tho adoption of measures to which
town they Are apposed, aud upon which
lave an undeniable right to exercise
kn judgment. I submit to Congress
« this measure is not, in its whole
wd object, without precedent and
p authority; in palpable conflict with
*foest provisions of the Constitution,
telly destructive of those great princi-
ilnrty and humanity for which opr
n on both sides of the Atlantic abed
blood and expended sp. much treas
ha States named in tho bill oro divi-
510 fire districts. For each district an
: w the army not below the rank of
“J-wGcneral is to be appointed to rule
people, and ho is to be supported by
solitary force to enable lnm to per-
;l duties. That authority, as defined
Mfcction of the bill, is to protect all
‘is their rights of persons and proper-
'pprws disorder and violence, and to
- • cause to be punished all disturbers
f-ublic peace or criminals. Tbe power
■s to the commanding officer overall
Ns of each State is that of an abso-
Nreh ; his mere will is to take the
1 >11.law; the law of the States is oDly
applicable to the subject placed under
*•*1, and that is completely displaced
A*t», which declares that all interfe-
•^6 State authority is to be null and
d* alone is permitted to determine
f- fbe rights oi person and property,
fi Protects them in such a way i.s
■wttion may seem proper, and
«ht! free disposal all the lands
in bis district. Homaydistribnto
** 9 pt let or hindrance to whom be
.fifing bound by no StaJjO law, and,
P*l uo other law to regulate the sub-
'““jmake a criminal code of bis own,
I?® »»ko it as bloody as any rccord-
or he can reserve the privilege
3 °Pon the impulse of hit private
‘ 3 tscli case that arises; he is boimd
evidence. Th°rc is indeed no
, b y which he is authorized or re-
°bke evidence at all. Anything is
’'filch he chooses to call so, and all
■^condemned whom he pronounces
is not bound to make any repot t
"M ol his proceedings. He
J?* “is victim whenever ho may find
‘' arrant, accusation or proof of
; -i he gives them a trial before
w>e punishment, lie gives of his
‘ r ,' : .v, not because he is command
To a casual reader of the bill
. **•# that some kind of a trial was
■ ’• -oils accused of crime, but such
^ 1C °® cor may allow the
tribunals to try offenders, but of
that no brapcl
executive, legislative or judicial, can have nny
just powers qxcept those which it derives
through and exercises under tbo organic law
of the Union.
Outside the Constitution wc have no legal
authority more than private citizens, and
within it we have only so much as that in
strument gives us. This broad principle lim
its all our functions and applies to'all sub
jects. It protects not only the citizens of the
United States which are within the Union,
but shields even’ human being who comes
or is brought uuder our jurisdiction. Wc
have no right to do in one place, more than
in another, that which the Constitution says
wc shall not do nt ail. If, therefore, the
Southern States were in truth one of the
Union we could not treat their people ns the
fundamental law forbids. Some people as
sume that tbe success of our arms in crushing
the opposition which was made in some
States to tha execution of Federal laws re
duced those States and all their people, the
innocent as well as the guilty, to a condition
of vassalage, and gave up a power over them
which the Constitution does not bestow or
define, or limit. No fallacy can be more
transparent than u.iis. Our victories sub
jected the insurgent* to legal obedience, uot
to the yoke of arbitrary despotism.
When an absolute sovereign reduces his re
bellious subjects be may deal with them ac
cording to his pleasure, because he had that
power before, but, when a limited monarch
puts down a rebellion, ho must govern ac
cording to law. If an insurrection should
take place in one. of our States against tho
authority of tbo State government and end
in the overthrow of those who planned .it,
would it take away tho rights of all thc:pe<>-
8 1e of the counties where it was engaged in
y a part or a majority ot the population ?—
Could they, for such a reason, he wholly o_ut-
lawc-d ami di-privt 1 ol tiic-ir repri-M-niation
in the legislature. I have always contended
that tho government of the United States was
sovereign within its constitutional sphere,
that it executed its laws like the States them
selves, by employing its coercive powers di
rectly to individuals nnd that it could put
down insurrection with the same effect as a
State.
The other opposite doctrine is the worst
lu-ri-sy of those who advocate secession, and
cannot be agreed to without admitting that
heresy to he right. Insurrection, rebellion
and domestic violence were anticipated when
the government was formed, and the means
of repelling and suppressing them were wi*-
lv provided for in the Constitution; but it was
not thought necessary that the Slates in w hicli
they might; arise should be expelled lrom the
Union. ' Rebellions which were invariably
supposed occurred prior to that out ol which
these questions grew; but the States contin-
into jurisdiction under military law, and is
fouud in acts of Congress prescribing rite
rules and articles of war, or otherwise pro
viding for the government of the national
forces. 2d. It may be distinguished as a
military government by superceding, as far
as may be deemed expedient, the local law,
and exercised by the military commander
under the direction of the President, with
the expressed or implied sanction of Congress.
3d. It may be denominated martial law-
proper, and is called into action by Congress,
or temporarily when the action of Congress
cannot be united, and in case of justifying or
exceeding peril, by the President, in times of
insurrection or invasion, of civil or foreign
war within the districts or localities where
ordinary law is no longer adequately secure
for public safety.”
It will be observed that, of the three kinds
of military jurisdiction which can be exer
cised or created under our Constitution, there
is; but one that can prevail in time of peace,
and that is the code of laws enacted by Con
gress for the government of the National
forces. That body of military law has no
application to the citizen, nor even to the
citizen soldier, enrolled in the militia in time
of peace. Bnt this bill is not a part of that
sort of military law, for that applies only to
the soldier, and not tbe citizen; while contru-
wise, tbe military law, provided by this bill
applies only to the citizen and not the soldier.
I need not say to the Representatives of the
American people, that their Constitution for
bids the exercise of judicial law in any way
but one that is ordained by the established
courts. It is equally well known that in all
criminal cases a trial by jury is made indis
pensable by the express words of that instru
ment. I will not enlarge on the inestimable
value of the right thus secured to every free
man or speak of tne danger to public liberty
in all parts of the country which must ensue
from a denial of it anywhere or under any
pretense. ‘
A veryrocent decision of . the supreme court
has traced the authority, vindicated the dig
nity and made known the value of this priv
ilege so clearly that nothing more is needed
fo show to what extent a violation may be
excused in time of war or public danger may
admit of .discussion. But we are providing
now for a time of profound peace, when there
is not an Armed, soldier within our borders,
except those who arc in the service of the
Government. It is in such a condition that
an act ol Congress is proposed which, if car
ried out, would deny a triul by lawful courts
and juries of nine millions of American citi
zens and to their posterity for an indefinite
period, it seems to be scarcely possible that
any one should, seriously believe this consis
tent with a Constitution , which declares in
simple, plain ami unambiguous language that
all persons shall have that right, and that no
person shall ever in any case be deprived of
imperils.
[Signed.] . Axbbsw Johnson.
Wssnington, March 2,1867.
The reading of the message occupied fifty five
minutes, after which the Speaker asked: Will the
House, oa reconsideration, agree to the passage of
the bill?
Mr. Eidridge, in the name of the minority, said
that they were conscious no ctlort ot theirs could
prevent it. By the passage of this bill they think
a dissolution of the Union will be brought about.
They only, in the name or the Republic—of all they
hold dear—protest against this actiou ot Congress.
Mr. Stevens asked it the gentlemen on the other
side was willing for a vote to be taken without
further delay.
Messrs. Boyer and Ancona denied there was any
such uuderstanding.
.Mr. LeBlond said, believing this bill to be the
death knell ol Republican liberty 6b this continent,
he, it he bad a sufficient number of the members to
stand with him, would never allow it to become
law; he would leave it to the next Coogress, with
sixteen States unrepresented, to take the respon
sibility of striking this blow at the Government.
Alter further debate Mr. Blaine, at tbe request
of Mr. Stevens, moved the suspension ot the rules
that they might be passed to a vote.
Mr. Elridge moved to table tbe bill. The Speak
er ruled tbe motion in order, but not to suspend
the rules. The bill had the priority, and if the
rules were suspended the other motion could not
be made.
Mr. LeBlond moved fora recess.
The Speaker declined to entertain the motion on
tbe ground that tbe motion was pending to sus
pend the rules.
Mr. Fiuck appealed therefrom, bnt the decision
was sustained. Yeas, 172; nays, 4, viz: Messrs.
Harding, of Ken tuck, Shankliu, Trimble and Ward,
of Kentucky.
Tho tulca were suspended by a two-thirds vote,
which <tnt off all (tiiatoiy motions, and the blit was
passed over the veto by 185 to 47.
A Racy Letter from a \VouE<l-I>e
Colored Candidate for Governor.
measures in a prescribed way, neither hlacks
nor whitcs cau be relieved from tlie slavery
which this bill imposes on them.
Without paosing here to consider the pol
icy or impolicy of Africanizing the Southern
part of our territory, I would simply say, and
ask the attention of Congress to that raani
fest, well known and universally ac-knowl-
edged bit of constitutional law which declares
that the Federal Government has no jurisdic
tion, authority or power to regulate such sub
jects for any State, toTorce the right of suf
frage out of the hands of the white people,
and into the hands of negroes in an arbitrary
violation of this principle.
The bill imposes martial law at once, and
its operation will he begun so soon as the
General and his troops can be placed. The
dread alternative between its harsh rule, and
compliance with the terms of this measure,
is not suspended, nor are the people afforded
any time for free deliberations. The bill says
to them, take martial law fiisf, then deliber
ate, and when they have done all that this
measure requires them to do, other conditions
and contingencies over which they have no
control yet remain to be fulfilled before they
can be relieved from martial law. Another
Congress must first approve the constitution
made in conformity with the will, of this
Congress, and must declare thns* States
tied to representation in both Hoj^-s.
The whole question remains dpeii r.nd un
settled and must again ocoopy th^ iftteptbpi:
ot Congress, and, in the meantime, ‘the agita
tion which now prevails will continue to dis
turb all portions of the people. The bill also
denies tbe legality of the governments of ten
States which participated in the rebellion.—
The amendment to the Federal Constitution
abolishing slavery lorcver within the jursidic-
tion of the United States practically excludes
them from tho Union. If this assumption" of
the bill be correct, their concurrence cannot
be considered us having been legally given,
and the important fact is made to appear
that the consent of three-fourths of the States,
the requisite number, has not been constitu
tionally obtained to the ratification of that
amendment, thus leaving the question of sla
very as it stood before the amendment was
officially declared to have become a part of
the Constitution; that the measure proposed
by this bill violates the Constitution in the
particular mentioned, and in many ways,-
which, to enumerate, is too clear to admit of
the least doubt.
It only remains to consider whether the injunc
tion of the instrument ought to be otoyed or not.
I think they ought tube obeyed for reasons a hicli
I will proceed to give as briefly as possible. In the
first place, it is the only system of tree government
which we can hope to have as a nation. Wt -a it
ceases to be tbo rule of our conduct, we izay per
haps take our choice between complete anarchy
or a consolidated monarchy and a total dissolution
of the Union; but national liberty regulated by
law will have passed beyond our reach. It is the
best form of government the world ever saw.—
No other is or can be so well adapted to the gening,
habits or wants of the American people, combin
ing tlie strength of the great empire with the un
speakable blessings of loyal sell-governments, hav
ing a central power to defend the general interests,
and recognizing the authority of the States as tbe
guardians of industrial- rights. It is the sheet-
anchor ot our safety abroad and onr peace at home,
and was ordained to form a more perfect Union,
establish justice, insure domestic tranquility, pro
mote the general welfare, provide for tho common
defense, and secure the blessing ol liberty to our
selves uud our posterity. These great ends have
been attained heretofore and wilt be again by a
faith tut obedience to it: but they are certain to
be Inst if we treat with disregard its sacred obliga
tions.
It was to pnnish the gross crime of defying the
Constitution, aud vindicate its snpreme authority,
that we carried on a bloody war offouryears’ dura
tion. Shall we now acknowledge we sacrificed a
million of lives and expended billions of treasure
to tree a Constitution which is not worthy of re
spect and preservation? Those who advocated
the right of secession alleged in their own justjfi-
cation that we had no regard lor law, and that tLjiir York papers contain tbe details, which have
lights of property and liberty would not be sure ; us t come to light, of a gold swindling opera-
w »i - wv * * * ii ♦ Inn no ailmitiletiirn/1 l.t* • . . -Vi _ « . . , , * •»
tnr Communications on matter* pertaining to chef*
are solicited, and should be addressed to ‘‘Ches- Hdi-
tor” of the Telegraph.
TO CORRESPONDENTS.
C. H. Wstarbury; Thanks forproblcm and an inter
esting letter. The former is good.
O. A. B., Jrn The problem is very simple. Do aban
don the -‘S’’ notation. No one else will adopt
“Springer.”
N. C. Held, Philadelphia; We will be glad to receive
the promised problems.
Geedrea : Of course T. SI. B. is not the author of the
sketch of himself and did noteveu know of its pabli-
cnioa. lUI wo sent ft to him. His own goo< natnred
criticism upon the article is that the author “spread
hlsself.” Here it what another correspondent says of
iL “The Brown sketch shows that the author was pret
ty well acquainted with his subject I can testify that
Theodore was occasionally addicted to taxing the ana
lytical powers or his friends rather heavily. ,1 have
found more than a hundred, flaws in his problems.”
Apropos of T. M. B„ here is an extract from a late
letter from him. “To-day I am sick abed with an awftil
cold.” No doubt the State of fcls health had much to
do with liia not taking the first prize lately. Bye-the-
bye, T. M. B., we are strongly tempted to -‘nbnse yon
in our columns,” or “have a fuss,” in order to get tliat
“Boll.” We believe we will send a “picture of that fair
laee,” so as to obtain the “problems, pictures, stories,
4c„ Ac.”
“I do indeed like your “series of articles” and who of
the chess world does not!” Tho above from one of onr
best chess players is gratifying.
The following problem is familiar to all chess players.
Let them set it up and remember the old conditions,
“white to play and checkmate in 11 moves with pawn,
without capturing any of black’s pawns.” E. H. C., ol
Washington City, whom we acknowledge as a valued
correspondent, proves that he ' an niake white play
nnd nw‘t with tlie Pawn in eight moves, without cap
turing any ot black's Pawns. Black—King on Q Kt.
Black pawns on Q R 2d, 3d and 4th, and one Q B 2nd,
3d and 4th. White—Pawn on Q Kt 3. Rooks on Q R
4 and QB 4th. White King on K B 4, White Bishops
on K B’s 6thand 6th, WhiteQouKB7th.
White Q Kt; Upon referring to your MS. we find
that you dtd write 1819, and that the ianlt is ours and
the componkor’s. It is an old fashioned round-topped
9, and looks like half of a 2, and might be mis aken
for a 2.
The Kxioar.—-‘By-the-way, what do you think of the
new name bestowed-on our much esteemed Kn'ght by
O. A Browuson, of Dubuque ; clearness, he says, de
mands that this emiuent personage should be rebap-
tized, and called “ A Springer ! Phoebus! what a name!
It’s only signification in the English Ian -uage is — ono
who rouses game”—also -a young plant.” Now.I am
not aware that tlie courtly Knight ever stoops to rous
ing game. In a game he spipe .times rouses an un-
Jncky wight with a will. Instead of being a plant we
oil know that he plants himself, and not unfreqtiemly
upon some square to the utter dismay ot his adversary.
The introdnetion of a base-born springer of game into
the society of Kings, Qneens, and Bishops is subversive
of the chivalry of the noble game. I ready wish our
Western friends could be persuaded to relinquish this
most unmeaning innovation.”
The above is from onr esteemed correspondent II. R.
Agnei, and coincides with our own views in the matter.
We reject the innovation
Id- place. Finally (Toe po-iijon guitfid me, and after
altering nQd realtor ng - t it to Marachc who pub
lisheditfti follows:
BX OKDItEA.
1 Dedicated M. Nap&eon Mar .die.
white.
White to play and mate in three moves.
Thiasuccer; fi.-Ft:red me and proved to Theo. lhat
my efforts bad not beeu entirely futile, when I discov
ered that Harper's Weekly was about to start a chess
eoltiranwith Stanley at the helm. “Now I” thonght I
“Mr, C. H. S, I’m going for you, if the court know
herself and she think she do.”
So selecting from my compositions one in two move.-,
I enclosed it to him, and waited quite impatiently for
the result. I didn't go in person that lime. The very
next week out came the problem, published inetantcr.
as one might eayaand as much to my astoni«hmer.t as
my previous matter with Stanley had been to my cta-
griq.
The first article in the column read thus- . ;
“Gedrea,n]lotr us to congratulate you upon being the
author of the very best two move problem we have
ever seen. We shall be pleased to receive comrmmI r :;-
tioi£ from you at any time, etc.”
e problem vraa »s follows :
BY OEDBEA.
WtUTK.
King oa King’s 7th
Bishop oh King’s 8th -
Knighton King’s B’fCth
Bishop Queen’s IU's 2u
Knight on Queen’s7th
Pawn r n Queen’s R’s Cth
Personalia.
Mg Dear Mr. Boykin : I once had a favorite spinster
aunt who used to giv • vent to certain complicated
moeds of mind and temper by the expressive exclama
tion, “Massy sake alive !" When I read Mr.' Stanley's
wholesale charge of -glar in inaccuracies,” illustrated
by such a sample, I thought of my aunt, it strikes me
that Mr. S. will have to substantiate hiacharges.or ; n-
sinuations, by something tetter than typographical
errors before he will create a profound sensation. In
sending the brief list of errata that T thought impor
tant I did not notice that of his birth. B is fault-finding
rather than correction, carries with it au air of—“find
out the truth, if you can.” I wrote that lie was born in
1819 (eighteen hundred and nineteen) not 1812, as it got
printed; hut who’s going to blame either the composi
tor or proof reader for such a mi-take in following mg
MS ?— certainly I am not. If Mr.S. will point out and
correct any of his “glaring inaccuracies,” we shall all
be most happy, doubtless, to amend the records for
what I plume my sell especially upon is the ultimate
truthfulness and reliability of these articles. If I didn’t
at least mean they sho-ild abide these tests I would
never have prepared them for the Txuoiupii. I thank
those gentlemen v ho have given yon assurances iu this
regard. I shall strive to merit and enhance their good
opinion. Yours truly.
BLACK.
KiDg on Queen's B’s ?d
Queen on Queen’s B’s 8th
Rook on Queen’s B’s Cth
Pawn on Queen's Rs4th
Pawn on Kinzs 4th
Pawn on Queen’s S’i 4th
. White to play and mate in two moves.
Stanley’s complimentary notice and prompt jvihlica-
tioa more than satisfied my wrath, but though tie en
deavored to ascertain my real namo I still remained-
ineob, and as far as my knowledge extends he is still
in the dark on (he subject, though long ere this he has
probably forgotten the circumstance.
Many a time since then have I sat beside him in the
Morphy Chess Boom, quietly smoking, thinking com
plaoently of those two difierent notices, aud wondering
what Stanley would say if he knew that (he boyish
looking stranger at bis elbow was
G ED REA.
Solution to Problem 28—By T. .11. B.
one as yet has sent in a solution to this prob
lem^
1 B to ILR.5
2 BloK 8
3 Queen takes Kt, mate
1 K takes P
2 Moves
If
WHITE
it %
1 K tabs Kt.
2 Queen to K Kt. amt mates next move
if
U Kt on Kt 3 moves, then
2 Queen to Iv. and mates next move—all of which is
veryipretty.
StNCUL MR COMMERCIAL.
New Orleans Cotton Statement.
} New OKLsajts, February 27,1867.
Stock on hand Sept. 1 :.........102 1 0£3
Received to-day ; 4.til8
Received previously 592,380 —597,163
j Tout ....
... :......699,2*
...1,202 v Vi
.406,155—466,357
't;, ■ t'onstitt'.ti'in tori>i<ls tin- arrest of
cirizens without judicial warrant, lonndation
or probable cause. This bill authorizes ar
rest without warrant at the pleasure of the
military commander. The Constitution de
clares that no person shall be held to answer
for -i eapital or otherwise infamous crime, un
less on presentment by a grand jury. This
bill holds any person not a soldier, answerable
for all crimes and all charges, without any
presentment. The Constitution. declares thoA
no person shall be deprived of life, liberty or
property without due process ot law. This
bill sets"aside all prqcess of law, and maKis
the citizen answerable in his peraon and
property to the will ot one man, and Jus Ltlo
to the will of two. Finally, the Constitution
declares that the privilege of the writ ol /as
under the Constitution as administered by the
United 8tates, and we now verify their asserttiif :
wo prove they were In truth and iafiact flghtlcglfcr
their liberty, and instead of branding their leaders
dishonoring name of traitors against, a
and legal Government, we elevate them
in"the history of self-sacrificing patriots, coRae-
crate them to the admiration of the world, an!
place them by tbe aide ot Washington, Hampden
and Sidney. No. let us leave them to the inlanty
they deserve. Punish them as they should be
punished according to law, and take upon ourselves
uo share of the odium which they should bear
alone.
It is a part of oar public history which can never
be forgotten that both Houses of Congress in July,
1S0I, declared in form ot a solemn resolution, that
war was and'should be carried oa for no purpose of
subjugation, but solely to euiorce the constitution
R ad laws, and that when this was yielded by tbe
artiea in rebellion the contest should cease, with
the constitutional rights of tbe States and in
dividuals unimpaired. This resolution,wa» adopt
ed and sent forth to the world unanimously by the
Senate and with only two dissenting voices in the
House. It was accepted by the friends of the Union
in the South as well as in "the No'tli as {degreasing
honestly nnd truly the object of the war, and on
tlie l.iitLi ol it nude thoui-amls i" sections
give tlicir lives and fortunes to tlie cause. To re
pudiate it now by refusing to the States and indi-
vidu.ils within, them tho rights which the Consti
tution andlaws of the Union would secure to them,
is a bre3cb of our plighted honor, for which I can
imagine no excuse, to which I cannot voluntarily
become a party. The evils which spring lrom the
unsettled state of our government will be acknowl
edged by ail. Commercial intercourse is suspended,
capital is in constant peril, public securities line
tuatc in value, peace itself is not secure, and the
cause of moral and political duty is unimpaired to
arrest these calamities lrom the country. It is
imperatively required that we should immediately
decide upon some course of adminiat ration which
cau be steidtastly adhered to.
I am thoroughly convinced that any settlement
Jackson, Tern., Feb. 12, 1867.
To Oov. Mrownlow—Sm: I learn that you and
the lower house ot your Legislature have passed
a law to allow the colored people of this 8tate to
vote. So far, so good. But, sir, you have, at the
same time, provided in tho law that they shall not
hold office! Now,, what does such legislation
mean ? I am a colored man, and have wool on.,ny
head, but you and yonr white trash can’t pull that
wool over my eyes. The darkies in Tennessee,
generally, will understand what you are alter, and
will put their broad feet down upon you.
This act reminds me of the case where a white
man and an Indian went minting. They killed a
turkey and a buzzard, and when they camo to di
vide, the white man, to satisfy the Indian that he
would do the fair thing, made this proposition:
“I’ll take the turkey, and you may take the buz
zard, or you may take tbe buzzard and I’ll take
the turkey.” The Indian hung his head for awhile,
then looking up, said to his sharp companion:
“Every time tarkey tor white man, and buzzard
for Indian.” O, yes, you want us to go voting
with you, but every time office for white man and
vote for nigger.
I learn further, that the bill has been sent to the
Senate, where it is to be hoped the restriction
against my people will be.wiped out. In that
event, and at the warm solicitation of many friends
I hereby announce mysc-lt a candidate tor Gover
nor. I expect you to be my competitor, and I
propose to open the canvass at »n early day, and
will Join you in a list of appointments from Carter
to Shelby. I propose to conduct the canvass like
a statesman, bnt notify you in advance, that I will
hold you personally responsible for any insult you
may offer. I shall take along your debate with my
fripnd Mr. Pryne. and shall prove from that that
you have been a greater persecutor ot my race in
Tennessee than any other man; and charge that
your present course is one purely of selfishness.
It will not be amiss to say here, that I am in fa’
vor of “equal justice to a!l the people of the State’
—that I am in favor of .relieving the colored peo
ple of the State from paying taxes for three years,
and in lavor ot their having all tlie vacant lands,
in the State, by paying surveyor’s fees—that I am
the friend of all religious denominations—that I
ant friendly to all the secret orders in the State,
but only belong to the “Order of the Lone Star,”
1 have held the constilulioh of that order in my
bands a>i d sworn to support it, .But more of my
principles hereafter. When I get you on tho stump
you will :earn who 1 am and what I am.
Respectfully, your fellow-equal, etc.
Matt. Dter.
My First Chess Problem.
Bu; Qbuwzrso Operation.—The New
tion in May, 1803, by which a broker, named
John Jit ”S, fraudulently obtained 8000,000 in
gold from various New York bankers. The
money was obtained by gold certificates, ap
parently signed by the officers of the Conti
nental Bank. Ross escaped with his boot in
a vessel named the Dakota, which was kept
in readiness for the purpose ot carrying him
away. He is now presumed to be :n Brazil,
where he is free from capture by U. States
officials, there fang no extradition treaty | ly. “No!” was the emphatic'reply, and I lefttbe room
When quite a boy I learned the moves of the “Royal
•Game" and had become an enthusiast at it when Mor
phy first made Ms grand debut at the memorable Coa-
gress in New York. My brother-in-law was my chief
opponent and we spent evening after evening over the
chequered board with varied success. As the progress
of tbe Tournament was given in the papers, we watched
with interest the reports of the different games and
strove to follow out the ideas of the great masters who,
then like true Knights Errant of Chess, were striving
for victory in a field where the whole country were
spectators. I was barely sixteen (hen and with all the
ardor of boyhood rushed “head and ears” into the game,
never disheartened by defeat, but gathering myself up
after each knock down with renewed courage, defend
ing tlie spot where the blow bad fallen before, and
learning by experience the salient point in my oan and
opponen t's armor. One day I chanced to notice a chess
column in th - “Spirit of the Times.” Stanley was then
the editor,'mid of course, ns you may readily imagine
the Spirit was thereafter hailed with joy on its weekly
appi arance, as a' dear and welcome friend. Very well
I remember how Theodore and I used to puzzle our
brains over the problems. Such work as we used to
make uf them! Sometimes we (bought we had got tbe
right solution, and then lo! our hopes were dashed to
the ground: wc had labored In vain and were more often
on the wrong track than the right
After a while wo became more proficient,.until one
night I said to Aim :
“Why, 'i'ueodorc, I believe I can get up a problem
my.-elf.” v
“pshaw!” he answereJ, “none but the best players
can do that I”
“Weill never mind,” I returned, 81 am going to try
anyhow.” He laughed, and went up stairs to bed,
having no idea that what he considered my boyish loiiy
would be put into actual exccnsion.
For a long time I worked over the board., while
weeks tolled by, until at* last the result of my labors
produced a position in Jim moves, direct .stc,adp checks,
aud no doubt very simple Elated with try success, I
called Theo. to see it, and told him of my inten ion, to
send it to Stanley. He again laughed, assuring me that'
Stanley would not publish it, and tried to persuade me
■ ont^f tbo idea. BtiUI adhered to my resolution, and
wrote a very respectful letter to ‘-The Chess Editor of
the Spirit of the Times,” submitting the position to his
Criticism, and telling him eery honorably htJvvyoung I
was and that it was my first attempt.
After sealing the envelope my anxiety to tuve i:
reach its destination was ho great that I determined to
deliver it in person, so'ascertaining where the office of
tho paper was, nnd wending my way np there, I was
fortunate enough to find Stanley in. '*
Ho-turned half round tn bf- chair as I approached
him, and took the letter from my hand, then glanced
at tbo snperseriptionand said, “Ah! I know this hand'
writlzg, this is from" W. Ii. C.” (without breaking tiio
seal;t “now my boy, please tell me who “W, K. C.” real
ly is!” !
••You are mistaken,-sir,” said I, with diffieultyrtpres-
sing a smile, “it is not from W. H.Q.* “Jth !” said he,
“looks vi-orderfally like his writing!” and with that he
broke the covering, of the missive and hastily scanned
Its contents, ‘‘Any answer, sir ?” asked I rather iimid-
Sbipfcted to-day..
Shipped previously ;..
Stock on hand;..:.. ...232,878
; — ■■
Sav.ur.nali Market.
Savannah, March 6.
Cotton—The market yesterday was rather irregular.
Bales were made of 207 hales, on the basi, ot 29% to bi)
cents for middling-. Towards tho close of business
tho market was easier.
The receiota ot the dsy. 99 Sea Island, and 710 Up
land,
Columhfis rottou Market.
CoLtivScs, March 6. ■
C«tox—There Was hub Little cotton offering in onr
market yesterday. Prices were about tlie same as our
cnotatiobs of yesterdsy morning.
Eafanln Cotton Market.
Ecpacla, MarchS.
There was considerable inquiry yesterday, holders
asking 25 cents, and buyers offering 24 cents for mid
dlings. Wc quote thd market lrom 22 to 25 cents ex-
treiqea.'
the date hereof, application will be made to the
Court of Ordinary, for leave to sell all tho read es
tate belonging to James N. Findlay, late of said coun
ty, deceased. . .i
C. D. FINDLAY.
marS-law-2m'J Administrator.’.
GEORGIA, BIBB COUNTY—Whereas. C. N. ■
Raines applies to the undersigned for Letter: of
Administration, do bonis non, with tho will annexed,
of C. W. Raines, late of said county, deceased.
A11 persons interested aro hereby required to be
and appear at the Court of Ordinary on tho first
Monday in April next to show cause, if any thoy
have, why letters should not be granted tbo appli
cant. J s
Given under my band officially.
W. M. RILEY’.
marS-law30i!j. Ordinary.
SUiyUGATFJ)!
“And it camo to pass that they stripped Joseph, and
ho cried aloud. And they took double money, and
went and, stood before Joseph."
E VERVBObr'knows ar.d likes Joseph N. 8ev-
mour. He U now- in great pecuniary trouble,
aud has been compelled to make an assignment of
his stock ol goods, notes and accounts, lor Hits
bcDaflt of creditors; and to those wiv.i owe him I
now make this appeal. Jo. has treated yon clever
—6oid you goods on time, and your tailing to pay
promptly ha3 caused his failure. Treat hint now
half as well as he Inis you—-pay up at once, and in
a few weeks I will have him ready for recOrstruc-'.
tion! Don’t put me to fee trouble ot sending for
the money—send .it by mail, express, or, beet ol
all, firing it, and Jo. will feank you in a way that
wiU;make you lect good all over the balance of
yonr life.
I find several hundred name* on the books of
those that owe. it, takes time and costs money to
writS you all. Don’t put me to this trouble, or
even: to make a second appeal through fee paper,
(for these paper men are awlui on a charge), bnt
coins up at once and settle. Beg, borrow, or find
the th° ac r; get it some way, and that quick, ami
command pay; and you will-have.not only the'
everlasting gratitude of Joseph N. Seymour and
creditors, but »n approving conscience and the
right to expect the blessing of Heaven. -
I will tdso state that there is a. large stock o' -
GROCERIES, CORN, UACON, &c., Arc.,
in a state of perplexity as to what was to be the reside.
The intervening days between that and the one when
the nexttssuo of the P 3 J* r w ' a3 1° appear seemed never
so ion”. Finally thS ntoraing clrtieitrfci eagerly 1 sought
a news stand and purchased.* V^plrit.”. Glancipg n*r-,
between the two countries Several suits
have grown out of tlie case, two firms suciug
tlie Continental Bulk for the sums named on
the gold certificates, and claiming that the
r lurnKure-s an- genuine. This swindle ul- g „ ^rv-pend-.-ms „:efi»*wi
though for an enormous sum, causes but little i “ n)y ( ... e .
Comment—the country .evidently having be-| ,.q Your letter containing a position iu five
this sort ot thing. ■ ,„<,%•<•> i\-.-.-:- -.a. V.'c t.-unir it i-. soend, but ahogttiu :
too simple to appear in cur column. Problem compo-
siEgisonecl the most difficult parts of chess and, cf
the many beginners who undertake it, but few ever suc
ceed. Judging from your present attempt wc should
persevere, though it might not hurt
come accustomed to this sort of thing.
The Paris Exposition.—The Paris Ex
position will be opened about the middle of
April, and the buildings to be occupied will
cover an area of 14G,5SS square yards, and not advise you to
will cos: about $4,000,000. The London yon t0 ,r> e8 * n '
Exhibition of 1851 covered an area of 71,000
square yards, and the buildings cost $1,500,-
000. The Paris Exhibition of 1S55 covered
au area of 115,000 square yards, and the
buildings cost $2,200,000; and the Exhibi-
tion of 1862 in London, was made in build- foot of yourself.” Stungby Stanley’s
ings covering 120,000 square yards, and cost- ! by Theo’s jeering, all the obiiiuacy
ing $3,000,000.
Whl4h wfe beeold LOW, VERY LOW FOR CASIL
Attc June, «r sconcr v if I get through with this
cssigmment, I propose to sell CORN and BACON
on atredit oi Lmr and six months.
to
“Sir,” exclaimed an excited Radical,
“if the rebels are going to be allowed to rule
over us, then the blood of tne colored sub-
«- - , , .. stitutefor whom I paid three hundred dol—
or compromise or plan of action ^ Inch is lucoDais- , , . p»
tent with the principles of the Constitution will • 1:U 'S was shed iu vau in \am .
CauMiCi' thought I. giiauing my tee h, “but, by ihc
eternal! I’ll make Stanley eat his words before i aro
done with him.’’
Theodore was of course very anxious to know ihe re
sult, and when he < the reply, Lrske out with, “jD«t
as I told you ! what was the use of going and making a
reply, wadaened
nacy of nature was
arr>us« d.
If other men could produce problems why cOv.lu. not
11 aud with dogged resolution I eat ti work. The rnav
ter got around among my friends and they run-red me
mobt unmercifully but did not shake my reV.utien.
Before I had felt satisfied with any of my work Stanley
hnd resigned his «h»sa editorship and Mara-he wa» in
Mi Seymour will remain with me, aud bo glad
i bti htj oUFfrieffds, v.-lwtherthey owe or uot.
[ V, G. B. ROBERTS, Assignee. -
Micou, Ga., Mat ch 5, 1867. '
. .. • . i .. ; : ,kf , •
• ,;\vH 1 —r-. ; ; : ••
Engineer’s Office.
MILLF.DGEVILLE, GA., j
February 20, 1S67. ( .it C,
TT5BOPOSALS will bo received at this office un-
JL til tbe SOth March next, for the following
work to be done on the Elate nouse, viz: Cqv-
,.,-iDg the exterior o; the building with cement:
plastering the basement rooms and passages, and
the offices aud passages on the second floor. Also
for painting the interior and the wood work on
the exterior ol the building.
Specifications ot work can be had by addressing
the undersigned.
r B. V.’. FKOBEL,
Engineer.
fe b!.2-2tawti] siOthnmrch'
'Notice-
G ( E0RGIA, BIBB rOVNTY.-.-Vd perse: iud. bt-
r ed to the cstato of Green Wilder, late ol a:nd
county, deceased, arc require i to in.ike immediate
peymeat, and those having claims to rentier them 11
terms of the law to the undersign©I. ■
C. .A. TlIAnP.
fetfeS-40d j A J ministratcr.