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GEORGIA IKLEGUAIT).
POLITICAL RELATIONS OF THE C’OL-
' OHED POPULATION. -
Wo offered some remark, on this subject
lew days ago, nnd took occasion to condemn
certain census statistics of the South that im
plied n difference of sympathy and action
between the white and the black races. Wi
also referred to certain arguments of
wretched clnss of mischief-makers and Radi
cal tools who have been sent South for the
purpose ot indoctrinating the colored popu
lation with Black Republicen views and get
ting up antagonism and strife between the
black man nnd his former master. So far
from this being a country in which he was
wronged, and our people being enemies to
Ilia rights und best interests, we appealed to
history and showed who was the real authors
of slavery in the South—that it found its origiu
in Puritanical cupidity, nnd was forced upon
us by Northern speculators against our will,
and, so fur as Georgia was concerned, in de
fiance of her earnest remonstrance. This is
history, and no man can deny it Even down
to recent times the Southern people have
been opposed to the African slave trade,
and their responsibility for the institution lias
been limited to a humane use of it for the
great purposes of individual and national ad
vancement, and in so using it to elevate the
slave in the scale of creation, and teach him
his moral accountability as a member of the
human family. For all he Is to day—his vig
orous manhood, his religious nature, his ideas
of right and wrong, his personal comfort and
well-being—be is indebted to the people ot
the South. The dictates of interest and the
promptings of humanity have combined to
bring about this result And had nothing
happened to change his condition, wc have
no hesitation in saying that he would have
continued through all time a happy and con
tented being. His master was his friend, who
looked after every want and freed him and
his family from care. Is this not so f Why,
then, should there be estrangement nnd ill-
will between the two races now ? Certainly
there is nothing to be found in the conduct
of the whites to justify the belief that they
intend to he anything bnf friends and proteo-
tora to the blacks in future. Tk ey have every
motive to he, and not one to the contrary.
And now let us see what claims the Radi
cals of the North have upon the support and
sympathy of the Southern black man that
should induce him to forego all the consid
erations of interest, good neighborhood and
local attachment, and follow in the lead of
strangers of whom he has known nothing in
the past. What has the North done for the
negro that entitles it to set up such a claim?
We maintain, absolutely nothing. There
has never yet been one pure, disinterested act
of friendship for the Southern black man on
the part of the Republicans of the North.—
They love him not for his sake, but for their
own. If they believed to-day that they could
ot use him to their own advantage, they
would turn their backs upon him as a vile
and loathsome creature. But, “we have
given you freedom, and rights you never
possessed before,” cries the sneaking emissary
from the political pest-houses of the North.
But how did you do it, and for what was it
done f The history is fresh in the memory
ofalL
When Mr. Lincoln was elected President,
he declared in his inangural that while the
Republicans would oppose tbe extension of
slavery to the Territories, it bad neither the
power nor tlie desire to abolish slavery, or
in nny way interfere with it, in the States.
Separation took place and the war came on.
After two or three years of fighting, and
when the United States held scarcely a foot
of Southern territory, and consequently bad
no jurisdiction over it, Mr. Lincoln issued his
emancipation proclamation. He did not pre
tend that it was legal, but based it wholly
on the idea of military necessity—in other
words that a declaration, for it wns only a
declaration, that the slaves should be free,
was made not for their benefit, but in order
to enable the North to fight the war success
fully. A few abolitionists clamored for it,
and would not go into tbe work of death un
less it was done, and some consideration must
be offered tho negroes in order to get them to
fight on the Federal side. They had counted
with certainty on tho negroes rising against
their masters the moment war was proclaimed,
and being disappointed in this, they resorted
to a declaration of emancipation to bring
that horrid result about. It was for tbe in
terest of the North that it was done, not for
the interest of the negro,
"When JJhcrman’s army went through Geor
gia, they protested stoutly that they were not
fighting to free the negro, and you could not
have offered his soldiers a greater indignity
than to call them abolitionists. And such
was the state of feeling in the Federal army
generally. They all repudiated the idea that
they were fighting for the negro. They were
fighting "only for tho Union.” • Nor did
they emancipate them in truth. The only
legal emancipation ever received by the slaves
of tho South came through the ordinances ot
tho various conventions of Southern States,
and upon them alone they hold their free
dom in the eye of the law nt the present day.
It wns the Southern States, too, that secured
to them all their rights of person nnd prop
erty, the privilege of testifying in the courts
and every other right necessary for their pro
tection as citizens. They dii not grant tho
right to vote, because they did not believe
that any considerable portion ot the blacks,
in their ignornnet, were competent to exer
cise the franchise with advantage either to
the country or to themselves. The Southern
people preferred to wait until by . education
nnd experience in their responsibilities ns
freemen, tbe blacks should come to under
stand what they were voting for and how
they should vote.
And just hero in step tho Northern Radi
cals again—who, be it remembered, bad ever
refused tho suffrage to the far more enlight
ened black man in their oxen States, because
they were unwilling to go to the ballot box
in company with him—and decreed that all
tho Southern negroes, learned and ignorant,
wise or foolish, good or bud, should be the
equal of tho Southern white man at the polls.
And wliat did they do it for ? There were
but two reasons, and neither one of them had
nny reference to the good of the negro. They
believed it would mortify and humiliate his
former master, and that every negro vote in
the South would be cast for thcmselccs. Here
is tho whole secret, and they have not failed
to proclaim it aloud on the floor of Congress.
If they had not believed that they could use
the negro as so 11111113’dumb tools in their own
hands, they never would have given him the
right to vote, and we never should have seen
such reptiles as Eberhardt and his clan
prowling around and doing the dirty work
of their masters at 'Washington who sent
them here.
Here is the whole case of Northern love
for the Southern negro. And now, will our
colored people be deceived nnd led to their
ruin by sucli tricks ? Do they prefer to make
enemies and not friends out of the people
upon whom they and their families must de
pend for bread jnst to answer the unpatriotic
party purpose of people at a distance who
care nothing for them beyond what they can
make out of them ? We feel every assurance
that they will not They have every motive
of interest, both for themselves and their
children, to work harmoniously with their
former masters, nnd none whatever to join
their enemies. We are glad to know that
the colored speakers at the meeting yesterday
had the good sense to see ttic true line of
duty and to point it out to their imperilled
race. They spoke words of wisdom, and we
hope our colored friends will treasure them
up as a guide for the future. The Southern
whites are ready to deal fairly and justly by
them, and the day they go off into a wild
crusade with the unprincipled, selfish and
heartless political demagogues of the North,
that day will be the beginning of their doom
as a people.
Debate in Congress on tbe Southern
Relief Bill, Continued.
ENCOUNTER
BETWEEN
B INGRAM.
BUTLER AND
The Speech of Oen. Wade Hampton
at Columbia.
The following are some extracts from the
speech delivered by Geneial Wade Hampton
at Columbia, on Monday last, and we only re
gret that we have not the space to publish it
in full:—Charleston Mercury.
Mr Fkiknds: You have requested me to give
Ton a few words of advice to-day, and I accept the
Invitation In the same kind spirit with which it
was given. There have been few incidents of a
public character that have gratified me more than
this mark of confidence from the colored people of
this District, amongst whom my life pas been
passed.
There Is one other point on which there should
be no misunderstanding as to our position; no
loop on which to hang a possible misconstruction
as to our views, and that is the abolition of slave
ry. ■* * * Tho deed has been done,
and I, lor one, do honestly declare that I never
wish to see it revoked. Nor do I believe that the
people of the South would now remand the negro
to slavery If they had the power.to do so un
questioned. Under our paternal care iroin a mere
handful he grew to bea mighty host. He came to
us a heathen—we made him a Christian. Idle,
vicious, savage In his own country, iu ours he be
came industrious, gentle, civilized. Let Ills history
as a slave be compared hereafter with that which
he will make for himself as a freeman, and by the
result ot that comparison wc arc willing to he
j adged. A great responsibility is lilted from onr
shoulders by his emancipation, and we willingly
commit his destir y to his own hands, hoping that
he may prove himself worthy of the new position
in which he has been placed. As a slave, he was
faithful to us; as a ircemau, let U9 treat him as 1
friend. Deal with him frankly, justly, kindly
and, my word forit, he will reciprocate your kind
In the House of Representatives on Tliurs
day, the House having goae into Committee
of the Whole on the bill for the relief of the
destitute people of the South—
Mr. Bingham proposed to amend by au
thorizing the Secretary of War to direct the
Commissioner of the Freedman’s Bureau to
apply so much of the unexpended fund of tbe
Freedman’s Bureau as may be necessary to
supply food and clothing*to the destitute
people of the South. This, Mr. Bingham
said, would not require an additional appro
priation.
Mr. Bullcr, of Massachusetts, proceeded to
show, by figures from the Freedman’s Bureau,
that it had always been the case that more
whites had been benefited by tho bureau than
blacks. It was now proposed to take from
the loyal blacks to aid rebels who were in
idleness leaning upon corner groceries. It
was proposed to tax the hated “mudsills” of
the North to support in whisky-drinking
idleness the aristocrats of the South. It is
said the-people are starving, and he (Mr.
Butler) accepted the fact. The gentleman
from Vermont (Mr. Woodbridgc) said, the
other day, that this was the work of the Lord,
and quoted “Vengeance is mine, I will repay,
saith the Lord.” He (Mr. Butler) accepted
that fact also, and it would seem that n'spe-
cial providence has sent this famine to Rich
mond and Andcrsonville and Milledgeville
in order that the people there might appre
ciate the pangs of starving inflicted upon
Union prisoners.
Mr. Spalding, of Ohio, said that since this
question was first brought up his mind had
been the seat of contending feelings and emo
tions. At first his feelings of benevolence
and charity, and a duo respect to the civili
zation of the age, compelled him to deter
mine to vote for the Senate bill, but when he
heard the labored arguments on the other
side, advocating the proposition ns a premi
um for the persecutions which this House had
inflicted upon the people of the South, lie
was brought to a stand-still. He could ap
preciate the course of reasoning of the gen
tleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Covode) the
other day, who had a son starved to death in
the rebel prisons. He (Mr. Spalding) had
also two sons who had been captured by the
rebels, and subjected to suffering; bnt if he
ness, clinging to his eld-home, his own country
and his former masters. II you wish to see him
contented, Industrious, usclnl, aid him in his efforts
to elevate hlmecii ia tbe scale ol civilization, and
thus lit him, not only to enjoy the blessings ot
freedom, but to appreciate its duties. * *
Your own orator ot the day, who has just ad
dressed you, has spoken wisely and kindly on this
topic, and the advice he has given you I'npprove
ot heartily. Why should we not be friends V Are
you not Southern men, as we are? is this not
S ou home as well as ours? Does not the glorious
outbern sun above us shine alike for botli of us ?
Did not the soil give birth to ail of us? And will
we not ail alike, when onr troubles and trials ure
over, sleep in that same soil iu which we first
drew breath ? I sec before me a bauuer on which
Is Inscribed “united we stand, divided wc fail.”
That motto is full of significance and truth, for
your welfare is inseparably linked with that of tbe
whites of the South. It we are unjustlv taxed,
you will have to pay vour share; if we are oppress
ed, you will suffer; if we are ruined, you will be
destroyed. Your prosperity depends entirely on
that or your country’, and whatever fate awaits
the white people of the South wilt be yours.
Now lot ns consider tor a lew moments the sub
jeet which has brought you together to-day, the
military bill just passed by Congress. You must
bear in mind tbat a great many persojs, amongst
whom is the President of the United States, think
that this bill is unconstitutional; tbit Congress
bad no authority to pass it. Now the only way by
which that question can besettlcd, is by a decision
of the Supreme Court of the United Slate-. That
court will declare the bill either constitution
al or unconstitutional. If constitutional, you
will, by it, oil be allowed > to votu. Dow will you
vote? Whom will you select to make the new
laws which are to govern the State? Will you
choose men who arc ignorant of ail law—all
science ot government, to make your laws and to
Irame your government ? Wilt you place in office
those strangers who have flocked here to plunder
what little is leit ns? Or will you trust the meu
amougat whom you have lived beretotore; amongst
whom you must always live ? It aeetus to me
tbat this latter course would be tbe wisest, for as
it is to the interest ot the Southern whites to
make the black* enlightened, prosperous and con
tented, they would 6urely do nil iu their power to
seenre these objects. I do not tell you to trust to
professions ot friendship alone, whether they
eeme from the Southern man or the Northern.—
But what I ask you to do, what I have tbe right
to ask oi you is, tbat as wc proless to be your
frieuds, you will give us the opportunity of show
ing by our actions, whether we art sincere or not.
If we deceive you, then turn to the North, and
sec if you can find better friends there. I have no
tears ot the result; lor with us not only does hu
manity dictate kind treatment, honest dealing,
just laws for the colored population, but self-iu-
tercet demands from us tbe same course. A strong
er prejudice has always existed at the North
sgslc&t your people than here, and it exists still,
li this bill goes iuto operation, you will first oi all
have to vote for members of a State Convention.
Now your own speaker, to whose remarks on this
poiut I listened with pleasure nnd interest, has
given you sound and practical advice. Select tho
men w’liom you know to be hottest and trustworthy
and who are identified with the State.
Yon ask counsel oi me. 1 have given it, fully,
frankly, sincerely. - No personal motives can pos
sibly sway me, lor I am no longer a citizen oi the
United States or ot South Carolina. The bill
which gives the right of suffrage to yon disfran
chises ine. I have not even a- home here, lor my
home, and the homes ot all who love my' name,
have been laid -in ashes. 1 have no political rights.
I have nothing lo hind me to this ruined land, but
the memories or the past; fhe application I cher
ish for Its people, and the graves of my kindred.—
Their ties, however, are strong enough to keep
alive iu my heart a warm interest in my State, and
they are sufficient to make one 6trire always to
promote her welfare. This motive, alone, brought
me here to-day, for it was rot nntil the chairman
of your committee urged me to come, upon thu
grouud that I could thus “do good to my own peo
ple, and to his,” that I consented to address yon.
I trust that these expectations may not be disap
pointed, and that tlie spirit which has animated
this meeting may spread over the whole South.—
I trust tbut hereafter there may’ bo mutual kind
ness, forbearance and co-operation between all
classes of onr people.
Let those, then, who are familiar with tbe cause,
the people, aud thu interest oi South Carolina,
irame the new constitution, and If you find that
your rights have been ignored; if yen find that
there is one law for the white man and another lor
the black, you can justly complain ol having been
deceived, and yon can reject tbe constitution.—
This convention, then, will be the means of testing
the sincerity of U10 professions made to you by the
white citizens oi tbe State, and of yonrs to them.—
But suppose the bill Is pronounced unconstitution
al, what then? You will be ioit in precisely tbe
same position yon held before its passage. The
present State governments will contiuui, hndtha
present laws will prevail. It wiU then be tor us
to prove tliatourprofossionsot friendship were not
idle, and whilu I cinnotspeak iorothers, I tell you
what I am willing to Bee doqe—I am willing to
give the right of suffrage to all who can read and
who pay a certain amount of taxes, and I agree
that all, white ns well as black, who do not pos
sess thee-u qualifications shall be excluded.
I would not take this right from any who have
heretofore exercised It, but I wish to sec an educa
tional and property qualification tor voters adopted
lor tbe future. Let tais qualification bear on white
and black alike, and while it will cut oil irom vot
ing some of both races, it will be a strong induce
ment to nil to seek education and to obtain for
themselves a real and tangible Interest in the State.
It will serve to elevate all classes, and contribute
not only to the material prosperity of the State,
bnt to tbe increase ol virtue and education amoug
her people. No one under twenty-one years is al
lowed to vote, nor can foreigners do go*until they
have been in this country some years.
Waterfalls Falling Down.—The scien-
tifle exposure in thb English journals In re
gard to this chignons is having a very mark
ed cfiVct upon that article in New York. The
ladies are beginning very generally to throw
it aside, and it is observed that nt ihc opera
in New York but few are worn in the more
fashionable of the boxes. There arc places
in that city where thousands of dollars arc in
vested in the manufacture of them.
would see the very men who had caused his
sons to suffer he could not, if they were in a
starving condition, witbliliold a ltelpin,
•tand. He could not resist the appeal to his
humanity. He was opposed to the amend
ment offered the other day by tbe gentleman
from Massachusetts, (Mr. Butler,) because he
did not believe it was made in good faith.—
Our soldiers we’ c provided for, and the pend
ing question must be considered as a question
of fact. If the people of the South were
starving, the Government should not with
hold a helping hand.
Mr. Woodbridge, of Vermont, sent to the
Clerk’s desk and had read a printed letter,
showing that Union soldiers who had been
in rebel prisons were in favor of giving this
aid to the starving South.
Air. Logan, of Illinois, deuied that tho sol
diers were in favor of the resolution, and he
referred to tlie resolutions adopted at a meet
ing of Post No. 1, of the Grand Army of the
Republic, and which bad been published in
a daily paper of this city.
Air. Woodbridge said he had read the res
olutions. They extended thanks to General
Logan nnd General Butler for what was
termed tlieir patriotic efforts to defeat the
bill. He did not knew’ who composed Post
No. 1 of this Grand Army of the Republic,
but if they were soldiers and the resolutions
referred to expressed their true sentiments,
they were lacking in the first principle that
distinguished a brave man from a coward.
Air Schcnck, of Ohio, argued that the
wealthy people of the South should be taxed
to support the poor, and he sent to the Clerk’s
desk and had read an extract from an article
written by Admiral Sernmes, wherein the
latter complained that the young men of the
South refused to labor when there was op
portunity. When he (Mr. Scbenck) was in
command of a military department, the reb
els in Alurylaud were in the lmbit. of burn
ing down tbe property of Union men, and
this was continued until assessments were
made to jiay for the property thus destroyed,
when the burning shipped. He thought it
would have a good effect in this case to tax
the wealthy for the support of the poor.
Air. Pile, of Alissouri, said he would at the
proper time move to amend the bill so as to
give the aid proposed to women and children
and aged persons.
Mr. Miller, of Pennsylvania, renewed his
amendment setting aside$75,000 for the pur
chase ot seeds for distribution in the South.
Air. Stevens, of Pennsylvania, suggested
that gardens already cultivated be sen t down
South. [Laughter.]
Air. Aliller’s amendment was rejected.
Mr. Farnsworth, of Illinois, proposed to
amend so as to make the aid apply only to
those who were helpless and disabled. He
was opposed to the bill, bnt if it must pass,
be wanted it put in as good shape ns possi
ble.
Air. Bingham opposed the amendment.—
There might be many persons starving
who were neither helpless or disabled.
Mr. Broomall, of Pennsylvania, moved to
amend by a provision, that the benefits of the
act shall ho extended to all destitute and I
helpless persons. |
Mr. Bingham moved to amend the amend
ment'by making It read, “all destitute or
helpless persons,” instead of “and.” If the
“and” were used the persons receiving the
benefit would have to be both helpless and
destitute.
Air. Butler said he was in favor of the pol
icy of tbe President, and he sent to the
Clerk’s desk and had read the proclamation
of Air. Johnson when Governor of Tennessee,
assessing a tax upon the wealthy citizens of
Nashville for the support of the poor, ne
(Air. Butler) would admonish the gentleman
from Ohio not to go against the policy of the
President, especially us he has gon£ over to
the other side, not only bodily, but also in
the spirit. Air. Johnson wanted to tax the
rich secessionists to feed the poor, and he
(Air. Butler) wished to do only tho same
thing. lie would farther ask the other side
of the House how they could possibly vote
for this measure so long as the money was to
be expended by the, to them, great bugbear
—the negro bureau.
Air. Shellabarger, of Ohio, moved to amend
by a proviso that no one should .bo entitled
to tho benefits of the bill who was suffering
from injuries received while in the serv^e ot
the Confederate States.
Air. Bingham hoped the amendment would
not be agreed to, and, referring to the re
mark of Air. Butler, ke raid it was not becom
ing in a gentleman who had voted fifty times
in convention for the arch-traitor of tho re
bellion for President to cast imputations upon
his (Air. Bingham’s) motives. He repelled
w’ith scorn and contempt any such insinua
tions as had been made, whether they came
front the hero of Fort Fisher not taken, or of
Fort Fisher taken. [Great applause on tho
floor and in the galleries.] He stood here in
advocacy of what he believed to be just, and
in wliat the people would sustain him.
Amid much applause and confusion, the
Chair (Air. Blaine) raid debate was closed by
order of the House.
Unanimous consent having been given,
Air. Butler expressed his infinite obligations
to the House lor its kindness, and said: I
have never concealed the fact, which is now
so offensively put forward, tbat I voted for
Jefferson Davis in the convention ol my party
fifty-seven times. I thought him the repre
sentative man of the South, and hoped there
by to save tho threatened disunion which ap
peared in the distance. I was foiled, and
disunion came. The difference between mo
and tho honorable gentleman from Ohio is
this, tbat while Jefferson Davis was a Senator
of the United States and was claiming to be
a friend of tlte Union, I supported him, while
the gentleman (Ah'. Bingham) supports him
while lie is a traitor. I have, changed my
rapport* • [Laughter]. I saw the errorof my
ways and I re|>entcd. But I did not expect a
blow to be aimed at me In that direction
from the side of the house which supported
him then, has supported him evi l- since, and
is still supporting hint and his friends.
[Laughter and applause. Mr. Bingham’s seat
is on the Democraticsideof the house—Rep.]
I did not mean to impugn the honor or in
tegrity of the gentleman from Ohio; I only
safe! that I thought he was leading the other
side of the House.
Air. Bingham—If the gentleman had qual
ified his words by saying he thought 60, I
would not have said one word.
Air. Butler—I never speak anything Ido
not think. [Laughter and applause.] I will
not try to repeat tho words I used. 1 said
the gentleman had gone in spirit, as he had
gone in body, over to the other side of the
Ilonse. I thought so then ; I think so now.
I said so then; I say so now. [Laughter.
And I cannot take it back, sir. [Maufesta-
tions of encouragement.] The gentleman bus
had the good taste to attack me for tho rea
son that I could not do any more injury to
the enemies of my country. . I did the best I
could. Other men of more ability could do
more; and no man is ready to give them
higher plaudit for their valor, their discre
tion, and their conduct than myself. Be
cause I could not do more I feel exceedingly
chagrined. If. during the war, tho gentle
man from Ohio (Air. Bingham) did as much
as I did in that direction I should be glad to
recognise that much done. But theonly vie
tint ot the gentleman’s prowess that I know
of was an innocent woman hanged upon the
scaffold. His only victim of the war was one
Airs. Surratt. I can sustain the memory of
Fort Fisher, if he and his associates can sus
tain him in the blood of a woman tried by a
military commission, and condemned without
sufficient evidence, in my judgment.
Air. Bingham asked and obtained the five
minutes to reply. He said : After ten years
of servic^n this House, gentlemen will look
vaiti any remark of mine personal to
mortal rnsffi on* this floor, save when I was
gratuitously assailed by others. I have ob
served tho amenities of debate and the umeni
tics of personal conduct out of the Houscdn
such form, I trust, as entitles me to the re
spect and consideration of those who know
me best. But the gentleman, [Mr. Butler,]
while he talks of matters of taste, chooses to
constitute himself my judge touching the in
tegrity of my conduct as a sworn representa
tive of the people, and when he comes to
make his reply to me, feeling that he had
done a dishonor to himself and an injustice
to mo, undertakes to qualify his rash judg
ment by saying that he only said he thought
so. Sir, if lie had said at first that lie thought
so, it never would have disturbed my equa
nimity, for I would have concerned myself
just as much about wbat he thought as I
would about “Who killed Cock Robin.”—
[Laughter.]
The gentleman has shown the same want
of consideration for the rights of others in
the remarks he has just made by favor of the
House. By what right does lie constitute
himself a judge to say of me, and to say of
men who were his peers in the field of con
flict, when the earth quaked, that the blood
of innocence is on my hands ? Does the gen
tleman mean to say by his sweeping judg
ment that it is also on the hands ot those
brave men who were constituted by the war
rant of your President a court to pronounce
that fanal judgment, without which nobody
could have been executed ? Sir, I repel it,
in tbe language of a man “tbe latcliet of
whose shoes” the gentleman was not worthy
to unloose, who said that we should patient
ly hear first, and consider and pronounce
judgment afterwards. In the language of
the great Lord High Chancellor of England
—notwithstanding the utterance of a cynical
poet that he wa3 ,
"The wisest, greatest, meanest of mankind”—
I will say that, “whether the blood of inno
cence is on my hands or not, I leave to tbe
charitable speeches of men aud to future
ages.” On the great question connected with
the assassination of the chosen of tho people,
by which he was cut down in the presence, of
his rejoiciug countrymen—not for his crimes,
but for his virtues—murmuring, as his great
soul went up to the common Farther of ns
all, “charity towards all and malice towards
none,” it was fit that the means by which his
taking off was accomplished should be scer-
tained and determined. When summoned to
do it I protested that I was not equal to the
task, and those who called me to that work
kuow best with what reluctance I entered
upon it. But, with my own present convic
tions, and with the records that have gone to
tbe country and the world, I defy the gentle
man’s calumny.
The House then resolved itself into Com
mittee ot the Whole on the bill for relief in
the South, all debate having been closed.
All the amendments suggested, except Air.
Bingham’s, were severally voted tlown, and
the bill was reported to the House as amend
ed, and the appropriation for the relief is to
be made out or funds in the Freedman’s Bu
reau.
The question on its passage in the House,
was to have been taken at one o’clock yester
day.
The Massacre at San Jacinto—Es
cobedo’s Order.
The following is a translation-of General
Escobedo’s order to execute the prisoners of
war captured at Snn Jacinto 1 :
irge Eire in Columbus.
Mexican Republic,-Army of 'muNorth, )
• Generai.-in cniEF. j
The constitutional arms have been over-
magnanimous with the armed foreigners who
have come to wage the most unjust war reg
istered in our oTiials; when those foreigners
liave brought a flag, although hostilc.it could
in some measure protect them in their bellig
erent rights, but when that flag has been
turned aside from the intervention which
'theyVished to impose on us, and those who
served under itwitiiout belonging any longer
to it, neither to the Mexican nationality,liaye
voluntarily enlisted in the service of the
usurper, to take part in our domestic dissen
sions, to excite the passions and agitate civil
war. besides committing depredations and
insults by which humanity is outraged, as
lias been done by the foreign forces which
lately invaded the capital of Zacatecas, have
lost nil right to all considerations of humani
ty, have converted themselves into bandits—
the declared enemies of humanity und the
peace of society—it becomes necessary to
make, through them, an example which will
duly punish them, and satisfy public opinion
about tbe horrible outrages which they have
committed. Therefore, the officer command
ing will proceed to execute all the foreigners
taken prisoners with arms in tlieir hands, in
the glorious battle of the first instant, with
the exception of the wounded prisoners, and
give due notice of the execution of this order
to these headquarters.
Independence nnd Liberty.
* AI aria no Escobedo.
To citizen Col. Aliguel Palacios, Major Gen
eral of tbe First Division of this Army
Corps—present.
TIic Senate and the
The Enquirer of yesterday says:
The Sire Sunday Morning.—There were
five brick stores, constituting the even umn-
hers 38 to 48, inclusive, on the east ride of
Broad street, burnt; aud two small wooden
houses, Nos. 50 and 32, partially torn down
and evacuated.
Tbe brick stores were occupied—two of
them by Alessrs. Blount & Chipley, the most
extensive merchants burnt out; one by Air.
Banner as a dry goods store; one by Pope &
Moffett, druggists; and pne by Air. Carugbi
as £ restaurant and confectionery store.—
Alessrs. Blount & Chipley were insured to an
amount far exceeding their loss, in the AJtna
of Hartford, Oglethorpe of Savannah, Fire
man’s of New York, and Home of Eufaulu.
A large portion of their stock was removed.
They occupied stores Nos. 40 and 48.
We hear that Alessrs. Pope & Alollett were
not insured, but tbat a considerable portion
of their goods having been saved, $500 will;
probably' cover tbeir loss. Of Air. Banner’s
loss or insurance we could get no positive in
formation. Mr. Carughi, it is said, was fully
insured. His stock was all burnt.
Air. Charles Leibrick, who occupied a per
tiou of the store bouse next to Barden & Co.
sustained a light lose, and was not insured
and Mr. Levy, proprietor of a cigar
store up stairs in one ot the burnt buildings,
was insured to the amount of $1000.
The fire extended north to the store of
Alessrs. W. A. Barden & Co., who removed a
part of their goods, losing in every way
about $300—not insured.
The two small wooden stores partially tom
down and abandoned were occupied by Air.
Weilding as a shoe shop, and by a freed map;
named Frank as a provision store. All their
effects were probably removed.
The lire originated on Mr. Carughi’# prem
ises— how, is not known.
The Senate seems to be a |5tti„ .
Mr._ Join.*.!- in tin- n.-; , .. „f
It is "biking in ii-eriini'nji; -
every man nominated who l, no f U " !, b
friendly to him or his pol'/cv^.N 1
him to appoint even n( *J
him to appoint even pronounce,
Radical Republicans are hangi,,,. .
now for appointments as frcelv 0 ^ 0 ' 1 ^
he had never been a ain >«st.
ne 11 act never been a “traitor”
m their minds only worthy 0 fim S
and nearly fit for the halter it • ^
alizing spectacle—the worst ebat™*^
office seeking times has exhibited ^
Senate’s course, candor must n At
quite too grasping and selfish fw 5
sonal fitness and respectability »r t “* t
all cases, the Senators out-ht L 1.! ^
divide the offices between its own
those of the President. .
The rejection of Air. John
11s naval officer at Boston^
fsraffilej.Uualration of the Senai, 5 ''
partisan and grasping policy r? ^
at the instance of our MassachuJ t, s*
and wc suppose to punish Air | !
father, our Almistcr in England
ing to differ from them asp,
reconstruction, and to support qBts A
most moderate Way, the policy
dent. Where is sjuclt petty panisln * ^
Uon to end \ Mr. Adams differ £ N
1™, Mr. m. .. TS:
turn than Air. Wilson from Air ^
next we shall see Mr. Wilson’s « 5 ::
posed by Air. Sumner, and rir/^' 5 <
Senators as is well known, | mve <
tion rod less respect for each *
tempt of each for the other ^
of the Washington rotunda-rand'!*" 1 * 1
rooms; but,like the quarrelsome C0 I m,lj: ^
wife, they cordially a»reo
aiders tlrey n.ite 1,
g£T “ d ri “ nL ’ .«•«»»*;
Mr. Sumner thought it
Governor Andrew to he nameffr
coin’s Cabinet, as Air. Wilson '
friends to press him lor the Senate
Adams family—long honored f or ’ 7 *
service and pure character bv
and yet lpore to be honored' tve t'l
predict, in spite of present Senator;!! ®
-is made the olyect of their
revenge and personal jealousy, Md
port be true, which we doub’t, hoirerJ ,
Governor Bullock aspires to one nf it •’
in the Senate, we shall speediK?“**!
festations of their opposition to hiia^’-j
is this spirit aud its developments =GS
sharply rebuked. ^ shoold
[Springfield (Mau.) SepuHiw,
THE ORDER EXECUTED.
Tbe Weekly Ranclierp says : This order
was executed on tlie 3d inst., at 7 o’clock in
the eveniog; or rather the execution of the
123 prisoners was finished at that hour. One
by one the prisoners were shot, and each
bloody body was left as it fell for the next
victim in order to look upon. We are in
formed that but few of the doomed victims
faltered; and when marched out for execu
tion most of them sang the Alarsellaisc hymn.
After the execution at San Jacinto, Gen.
Esoobedo ordered a. ball at San Luis Potosi,
in honor of the victory achieved over Alira-
uion. It was to have been the grandest affair
ever gotten up in that city. One hundred
and fifty ladies were invited, who were of
course the “ton of the town.” When the
hour caiue to commence the dance, the he
roes of the San Jacinto massacre found that
but fifteen ladies had responded to the invi
tation.
Bennett on a High Horse.—The Her
aid, ever fertile in sensation projects, now
delights its readers daily with a new scheme
for settling the Eaotem question. The im
peachment of President Johnson has given
place to the new crusade. It says:
The Stagnation of Business in New
York.—Perhaps nothing, says a New York
correspondcudent, shows in so striking a
light the prevailing stagnation in all kinds
of business as tbe internal revenue returns
for the past few months from the Thirty-
second Collection District, which is the most
important collection district in the United
States, embracing asit does the lower wards
of the city, and including all the most impor
tant bonded warehonscs:
October. 18G8. :.... ,<m.73i S)
November, 1866...— —•
December. 1806. di*
January, 1867 *1
February, 1S67...:..... - - 331,987 8o
These returns certainly exhibit a very re
markable decrease, but not more so, as there
is reason to believe, than will those of the
other districts as soon as the footings can be
prepared.
Resignation of Gen. Rosecrans.—About
two weeks ago Gen. Rosecrans sent to the
President his resignation as Brigadier-Gen
eral of the regular anny. Tlie communica
tion was sent to Gen. Grant, who endorsed
his recommendation of acceptance thereon,
but before further action was taken by the ex
ecutive, the latter received a letter from Bish
op Rosecrans, the brother of Gen. Rosecrans,
asking that final action on the letter ot resig
nation be suspended. In the meantime, the
entire New York Congressional delegation
have united in a petition to the President
asking that, in case Gen. Rosecrans’ Tesigna -
tion shall be accepted, Gen. Sickles be ap
pointed a Brigadier-General in the regular
army. Tlii3 is urged upon the merits of the
case, and In addition because New York has
had no officer of the rank of General in the
regular army. Should the resignation of
Gen. Rosecrans bo accepted, there is no doubt
that the appointment of Gen. Sickles will be
made.—Cor. N. T. Times.
Democratic Gains in Pennsylvania.—
An election was held in Lewistown, Penn.,
on Friday, the lath instant Tho Democrats
elected tlieir entire ticket, with one exception,
for the first time in fifteen years. The Lewis-
town Democrat says:
A sound, genuine Democratic Burgess was
elected by forty majority, as were also all tbe
other candidates on the Democratic ticket in
both wards, save and excepting only the judge
in the East Ward, who was barely beaten one
vote, and that in consequence of a mistake
made by several Democrats of that ward in
voting WcstWard slips. This is the first
time in upwards of fifteen years that Lewis-
town has a Democratic Burgess, and the first
time in twenty years that the Democracy
made a clean sweep I
J3gP* The Southern “ loyalits ” now in
Washington, waited on Chief Justice Chase
in a body on tlie ISth inst., and solicited the
appointment ot Hamilton, of Texas, as Reg
ister under the bankrupt law at New Or
leans.
Let the Holy Father invoke the Catholic Powers
to aid him in a new and grand crusade. The idea,
if encouraged by Napoken, the eldest son of the
Church, will give unity to Catholic Christendom.
Anstris, Italy, Spain and Portugal will ail heartily
follow his lead, and volurteers by thousands will
swell their ranks from all the ends of the earth.—
The grandeur of the enterprise would startle and
astonish the world. Success would be inseparable
from the undertaking. The results, both imme
diate and remote, in their variety and in their
uiuguitndu, would exceed all, even the most san-
guiue expectation*. The internal disorders of the
nations wautd be healed. Fenians and reformers,
absolutists and republicans, Carlists and Chrisli-
nos, abandoning their paltry platforms and for-
gettiug their party names, would rise to the level
ofa grander cause and enter upon a nobler strug
gle. The trembling infidel, abandoning houses
and lauds, mosqnes and minarets, would disappear
forever from European soil. The long-dethroned
' emblem of Christianity would again surmount and
adoru the dome of St. Sophia.' With Constanti
nople again for its centre, the lower empire might
arise fresh and vigorous from tho min of centu
ries. Theycnroftlio Papacy’s greatest humility
■night prove to be the year ot its greatest glory.—
Napoleon would have established his claim to the
houored name he bears, and would have fixed his
throne on'firmer and broader foundations than
ever. Pio Nono, having accomplished his mighty
task and restored tbe" fortunes of the Church,
would go to his rest leaving liehiud him a reputa
tion more brilliant and enduring than that of any
ot his many illustrious predecessors. Aud when
the great work should have beeu done, it would
he found that it was not the least important of its
many results that ir. had given an impulse and an
energy to human thought and enterprise 6uch as
had not been felt since the time of the great refor
mation.
He Wasn’t a Negbo.—The man whDsc bands
were bound behind him and tied to a cannon
wheel—whose head was made immovable by cords
fastened to the same wheel—whose mouth was
gagged with a bayonet, turned cross-wise and
bound to the back of tlie neck so tightly as to ex
tort lrom tlte agonized sufferer the most hearts
rending moans and expressions of pain; the man
who was thns punished on Wednesday was not
negro. If it bad been a negro. Tallahassee would
have ebbe'd and flowed with a dark wave of excite
ment beyond anything even that is witnessed when
a policeman attempts the arrest of a rascally little
darkey for criminal misbehavior. If it had only
been a negro thus publicly punished for a greater
crime, wliat a shout of holy horror would have
gone up from the negropholists amongst us!—
How would telegraphic wires and ponderous mail
have groaned beneath <he weight ot the horrid
news nntil it reached tho ears of the countless ne
gro worshippers in the “God and morality” re
goal What teeming columns—what long, dark
chapters ot horrors in the Radical newspapers
lrom “our special correspondent in Tallahassee J”
What ghastly’ sensational pictures in “Harper’s
Journal of Civilization!” What a magnificent
sensation is spoiled by the statement that it was
only a “white man”—-a .poor, drunken, ungovern
able soldi-rot the 7th United 8tates Infantry.—
Milder punishment having failed to subdue him,
his officers were compelled to resort to what, to
us, seemed almost equal to the agonies of cruci
fix iou itself. No criticism, whatever, ot the ae 1
tiou of the officers who ordered the punishment is
meant by this comment. Bnt, as we listened to
the agonizing groans of the man, gagged witli a
bayonet across his mouth—his head fastened tight
ly and immovably—and his hands bound to a can
non wheel behind him—we could not help won
dering that we should have lived so long among
cruel “slave owners” without ever having wit
nessed, in all our lives belore,a punishment like
this. Nor could we help wonderiug what would
become of Florida if ever an ungovernable negro
should be publicly subjected to a punishment like
this, by au edict of a civil tribunal.
[Tallahassee {Fla.) Sentinel.
General Sheridan’s Order.
Donation of Edwin Forrest—Philadel
phia, Alarcli 21, 1867.—John T. Ford, Esq.:
Dear Sir : I herein enclose to your care the
sum of five hundred dollars, to be sent by the
safest and most expeditious way in aid of our
suffering brethren in the South.
God himself only knows the full extent of
their present sufferings. It is enough for us
to know they greatly need our assistance.
Let ns, then, at once do all we can to relieve
their diro distress—not stop to question what
is constitutional, for “charity itself fulfills the
law. Edwin Forrest.
Air. Ford has sent the above tlie amount to
Airs. Benjamin C. Howard, of Baltimore.
Negroes Voting in New York.—A New
York paper says : The negroes m Troy, at
the recent charter election in that city, almost
invanably voted for the Democratic candi
date for ATayor, thus showing that they be
lieved that their true frieuds were not those
who talked the piost ab ut them and affect
the greatest interest in their welfare. It is
reasonable to expect that the negroes at the
South will follow their examples and use the
new privileges granted them to benefit those
who always liaye cared for them, rather than
tliosc whose interest in them varies exactly in
proportion to the political advancement to be
ained by cajoling them.
The Coquette Disaster—The steamer Doub
loon, from New Orleans, a-rived at our wbarl
early yesterday morning, bringing the passengers
of the unfortunate Csquette, trom whom we leara
the following particulars of the disaster to the
latter:
The Coquette was the regular Montgomery and
Selma packet, owned by the Mobile Trade Com
pany, and commanded by Captain Sandy English,
she left Selma on Tuesday night last for Mont
gomery, with a small Jreight aud goodly number
of passengers. She progressed as usual until
about 2 o’clock on Wednesday morning, when she
was hailed from the shore, at Autauga Landing,
about 50 miles below this city, by a lady who
wished to get aboard. The Coquette, in making
the landing, the wind blowing a small gale at the
time, and the river being out of its banks, struck
a stump which knocked a large hole in the hull,
about the centre. Tho passengers were immedi
ately notified ot the accident, and ail landed safe
on the shore, aud the officers of the steamer did
all iu their power to repair the damage, and had
almost succeeded, when a heavy wind struck her,
causing her to fill and capsize. The boat and cargo
arc a total loss, but fortunately not a life was lost.
1 he Coquette was valued at about $25,000, and had
only a small freight aboard.
The Southern Express Company is the principal
loser, the company having on board a small mis
cellaneous freight, and the safe usually carried by
the company, containing many valuables—all ot
which were lost.
•No blame is attached to the officers of tlie ill-
fated steamer. The accident was owing solely to
the high waters and the severe gale blowingatthe
time. The officers, crew and passongers of the
Coquette were brought to this city yesterday
morniitg.—Montgomery Mail, 22<i.
Tiie following is the order issued by M
General Sheridan, on assuming comma:
the Fifth Alilitary District:
Aktsmus Ward Insures His Life.—I kum to
the conclusbun lately, that life wuz 60 oncertain
that the only way lor me tu stand a fair chance
with other lolks, waz tu git my life insured, and
so f called on the agent of the Garden Agent-Life
Insurance Co., and answered the following ques
tions, which wuz put to me over tlie top.ov « pair
gold speks, by a slick little fat old fellow, with a
little round gray head, and as pretty a belly on
him Hfs ennv man ever owned r v
Hard on Bkownlow.—A correspondent
pi the Federal Union takes advantage of the
false report of tho deffth of Browniow and
volunteers the following epitaph:»'
Old Bill is dead, the negroes’ Pope,
Ills pulse has ceased to throb;
Grim death ha* snatched him from therope.
And saved tho hangman’s job.
Stop gentle reader, lightly tread,
For fear you make him cuss,
IVe’vo peace on earth now he is dead,
But hell is in a fuss.
Direct for Chattanooga,—The steamer
Bermuda, the first boat that ever attempted n
trip of the kind, left Louisville, Kentucky,
direct for Chattanooga a few days ago. The
exceeding high water in tho Tennessee, and
the fact that the greater part of the railroad
bridge at Bridgeport has been swept away’,
will enable her to go through without diffi
culty. •
A’Cheap Eating House.—In the city of
Cincinnati there has been established, under
tho auspices of the Young Men’s Christian
Association, an Institution called the Work
ingmen’s Eating House, in which coffee and
bread islurnishcd for five cents, beefsteak five
cents, soup and bread five cents, milk and bread
live cents, three eggs ten cents, corn beef five
cents, roast beef five cents, oysters twenty
cents, pig’s feet ten cents, potatoes five cents,
pickles five cents, three crullers five cents, pics
ten cents. It is claimed that the institution
has been fully tested and pays expenses.
Fools.—Tho King of Persia once ordered
his vizier to make out a list of all the fools in
his dominions. He did so, mid put his Ala-
jesty’s name at the head of them. The King
asked him why, to which he immediately an
swered : “Because you intrusted a lac of ru
pees to men you don’t know to buy horses for
you a thousand miles off, aud who'll never
comeback." “Ay. but suppose they come
back ?” “Tlicu I shall erase your name and
insert theirs.”
E3T The Court of Pardons of New Jersey,
has pardoned AIri A. Rich, a member of the
last New* Jersey Legislator?, who was recent
ly convicted of bribery and sentenced to a
year’s imprisonment in the State Prison.
him as enny man ever owned:
QUESTIONS.
1st—Are you a mail or feraail? If 60, stait how
long yoo hev bin so.
2d—Are yoo subject to fits, and if so, do yoo herv
more than one at a time?
3d—What is your precise flteing weight ?
4th—Did yoo hav enny ancestors, and if so, how
much ?
6th—iYhat iz your legal opinion of tkcconstitu-
chunality of the ten commandments?
tith—Did you ever hav enny nite mares?
7th—Are you married or single, or are you a
bachelor ?
8th—Do yoo believe in a future stait? If yoo
do, stait it.
9th—What are your private sentiments about a
rush ov rats tu the head ? can it be did successful
ly?
10th—Hev yoo ever committed suicide, and if so,
how did it seem to effect yoo ? ..
After answering the above questions like a mam
in the confirmatif, the s'ick little flit old fellow
with gold speks on, ced I wuz insured for life, and
probably would remain so for a term of years. I
thanked him, and smiled one ov my most pensive
t miles.
Heavy Fling at a Radical Orator.—The
Richmond 'Times, referring to Gen. Banks’
announcement of his intention to stump the
State of Virginia at an early clay, says: “Hav
ing failed to make mtich impression upon
the stubborn and ‘ rebellious hosts,’ when he
tried the blandishments of rifles and artillery,
he intends to test the efficacy of that primi
tive weapon which was wielded with such
terrible effect by Samson in liis famous cam
paign against the Pliilistines.”
Huadquart's Fifth Military Disxtu
New Orleans, La., Almch 19, isc;
General Ordeis, No. 1.
L The act of Congress entitled “An act u
vide for the more efficient government of Ha-
States” hariug been officially transmitted to
undersigned iu an order from the Headqture
the Army, which assigns him to the comm;:
the Fifth Military District created bythat*ct
sisting of the States of Louisiana and Te..
hereby assumes command ofthe same.
2. According to the provisions of tbefitli -t-
of the act of Congress above cited, the p-
State and Municipal governments in tbeStr
Louisiana and Texas are hereby declared •
provisional only, and subject to be aboil-
modified, controlled or superseded.
3. No general removals from office wiilbe:
unless the present incumbents fail to carryc:
pro visions ofthe law, or impede the reorgaaia-
or, unless a delay in reoruanizing shoulder:
tate a change. Pending the rsorganiratioa
desirable and intended to create as little a
bailee in the machinery of the various bnt*
the Provisional Governments' as possible,*
tent with the law of Congress and its facets:
edition, but.this couditiou is dependent
disposition shown by the people, and bjs.
length ot time required for reorganization'
4. The States of Louisiana and Texas rl
tain their present military designations, it
“District of Louisiana,”anil “Districtof In
The officers in commaud ot each will couti,
exercise all their military powers and to:
heretofore, and will in addition carry out ii
provisions of the.law within theirlesperiirc:
mauds, except those which specially reqnir-.
action ot the Military District Command#
except in cases of removals from, aud si.:
ments to, office.
P. H. Sherman
Major-Gen. Com'.
Official:
George Lee. 1st Lieut. 21st U. S. Into ..
Act. Ass. Adjutant Gen.
Jin Example for Scclists.
Messieurs A and B having qauri
about some of those mere nothings about wl r.
in Paris, as elsewhere, geutlemen so often a
tlieir lives, B challenged A—, bnt most c-
voutly trusted that A would not tight. N
ing ot the kind; A was quite willing, am
the necessary arrangements were made.
•‘Well, B ,” said the second, “we have b
some trouble to arrange about distance, bit:
length it is settled for twenty paces; both 5n'
gather, and the meeting is for to-morrown
ing, at SI o'clock.”
“Ah!”
'‘Yes, in tho Wood of Vincennes.”
“Humph ! and we are to lightat twentypw
“Yes.”
“I should 1 just as soon have it at fllteen, #?*<
ten.”
“Weil, I wanted to but you up at fiHot.
A *s second would not agree to it, so I yk-
the point” , „ j
“Ah! you yielded that poiut. I nm 1E--J-
termined, however, that they Shalt not tu< -
other point yielded.”
“Well, do, that can imrdlj be even asM-«
seeing that everything is arranged, and it i®. 1 f
mains now to wait for the morning.” t
“Oh, but there may bea point in dispute J‘
and I will certainly maintain my rights.”
“No one attacks them.”
“I am the otlcndeJ party.”,
“Undoubtedly.” .
“And therefore have ike choice of |
Well! I choose small swords.” .
“Small swords! Why, did you not J*‘ E -
consent'to fight at twenty pates •’*
“Yes, I am not the man to retire from w
ment which a triend has made in my
sn ten pans
But you Lave
,iust as weli
“Very good. And now about tbe pidol--,
you any
“Pistols! What for? 1 am not goinRWH- 1
with pistols.” j
“Some misunderstatSfllng between os,IR^
you not jnst now tell me that you would ur-
twenty paces?"
“ Yes—I accept twenty paces, hut not tne;-^
X am not tbat gentleman’s slave. t*e ,
upon twenty paces, and you yielded >
Very well, 1 yield that point, too, bnt ^
vield another. Twenty paces, because j #
suited me just as well. au. ,™u ““’“airt
II. Butvon have said twenty,* 54
I
Yield anotner. Twenty paces, : r j $
promised; but the sword is my weapon, ,
the 6Word. I will face him, sword,]
twenty paces, jnst as soon as be 'ikes- ^
As B persisted in “maintaining
the duel, of course, never took place,
American Sccli-tors.—In scuIptureAniericans
now lead the world. Crawford more nearly ap
proached the antique than any man since Michael
Angelo. Story and Powers are to-day acknowl
edged by Europeans as the greatest living sculp
tors. The equestrian statue ot Washington, in
Union Square, by Brown, is not equalled by any
modem creation in England or on tbe European
continent. Rogers’ bronze doors in the Capitol
arc compared only to the famous gates which are
the glory ot Florence and the admiration of tho
world. Ward’s Indiau Hunter will make Us mark
at tlie Paris Exhibition. Palmer’s marbles are
justly admired, as well in Europe as here. Ball
Hughes, Lannt Thompson, John Rogers, T. Ball
and others have won deserved fame m tlieir pro
fession.— Aev York Evening Jbsl.
An Anxious Bridegroom.—A fellow went into
the County Clerk’s office yesterday to get a
marriage certificate. One was made out for him
in the regular form, and he took it and fumbled it
over for some time, and at last beckoned Judge
Yates aside. “ See here, mister,” said he, con
fidentially, “can’t you date this thing back about
two months ? It would be a great convenience if
you would.” The Judge assured him that it. was
an impossibility. “Well,” be said, “he didn’t
care nothing about it himself, but her toiks rathej
insisted upon it!”—Ilona {III.) Transcript.
Negro Heathens in Texas.—The Bra
zos Signal thinks the negroes of African
birth in the State of Texas arc fast reviving
heathenism among the people ot their own
color. If left uninterrupted in tlieir crusades,
they will soon naturalize tlie strange and
horrible ceremonies of Fetishism in tlie Lone
Star Stnt,e.
An Infernal Machine. f«b ^
Daulle, of the French engineers, , y
to La Liberte an account ofa cannon " ^
verge nt tubes to throw musket
number ot these tubes will be m ^
to their calibre, and theyaresoarra s ^
at a distance of six hundred in ^ r5 n
will be spread over a space of h‘ tcf , ^
ami at m arlyeqqal distance froffi e a
The charge of powder is calculate
two balls at once from each tube, ..jjfi
tory of which will be the same a jp
large projectile from the satnecaon . ^gjs-
a field piece will be capable wh ^
teen tubes, and discharging tliHU ^
at once, which at a distance ot 5 _ -jj!
metres will strike upon a space o
fiftv men in two ranks, th >se in • ’ ^
rank being liable to be stru-k b. ■ p;
which have passed through t |ie
new cannon is of iron, this hong
rable metal for the purpose than or
following rcti '
r
py We find the
statement in the Richmond Enqn>-“ ’
some idea of tbe
It will give some idea ™ '(jo^
taxes levied lay the United
ment to state that the Single t<m .j:
Virginia, pays, we understand, a- “ •,,„*!•
millions cf dollars on tlie nun ' \
bacco—the tax being forty t’ l!lU = u j;
Yet this same people who are - K .
to the coffers of C<F
contributin';
Treasury art
runs.
denied rqprts-Jtp