Newspaper Page Text
(VM. A. REID & CO.,]
IyEWSERIES.}
MACON, GA„ FRIDAY, JULY 26, 1867.
GEORGIA. TELEGRAPH
PXJBLIS:HINGr HOUSE-
I W«- A. HBIP *■ COniPWgrtCtorfc
• J. D. SNfED, l ED j T ons. : '•
, S. BOYKIN, !
Terms of Suh'cription • ■ • •
(jBORfil* IVeeki.t Tei.egi:\rn : 8100 per
‘Tucos PAIET TBWUJiw: 810 00 per annum.
JOB PRINTING.
.^-Particular attention will be given to the
xKuUon of JOB PRINTING 'of every descrip
tion.
SPEECH
Savannah.—The nuinlwr - registercd up to
Wednesday, inclusive, were 4874, of whom
2950 were colored.
- j-r Perry -Duncan, n prominent and much
beloved citizen of Dougherty County, died
suddenly of a congestive chill, on the ICth
instant. . 1
^ The editor of tho How Bra fa 1^*8
dangerously in at Atlanta with “Ben Hill” on
thc'Wain! nis Radical disunion doctors
rounder his chances of recovery by no means
flattering. Wo will keep our anxious readers
lully advised, from time to time, ns to his
real condition.
Correct Views op tiie Bureau.—United
States District Attorney Fitch, in a note to
the Tliomasville Enterprise, denies that he
characterized the agents Qf the Frecdmen s
Bureau, in his speech at that place, in a
sweeping sense, as “a set of d-d rascals,”
and gives the following opinion of the Bureau
itself:
I did maintain, and still do, that the
Bureau itself is an illogical anomaly, and in
direct antagonism to the recognized freedom
of the negro. The man that is at liberty to
vote for'his own candidate, should be at
liberty to make his own contract; tho citizen
intelligent enough to participate in the affairs
of government is intelligent enough to man
age his private affairs.
The Senate Frightened by a GnosT.
Thad. Stevens, in accounting for the tardi
ness of the Senate a few days ago, is reported
to have used the following language:
“Tho Senate,” he said, “was several fur
longs behind tho nouso in the work of re
form—perhaps be ought to say, Radicalism.
Some fragments of the old shattered Consti
tution had stuck perhaps in the kidneys of
some Senators and troubled them at night.—
Yhe ghost of the past Constitution stood in
their way and obstructed their progress.”
If the American people aro true to them
selves, some members of the House will en
counter a ghost even more terrible than that
before very long.
A Hrr at Schenck.—In the House, Satur-
diy,Mr. Schenck insinuated that certain gen
'Jsmen had made their way to Canada during
the war without any horses at all.
Mr. Eldridgc retorted that the gentleman
from Ohio (Mr. Schenck) had made a charge
ia America which, if he had continued,
would have carried him to Canada.
[That is his retreat from Vienna.]
ar The corner stono of a new Jewish
Synagogue was laid in Savannah, with im
pressive ceremonies, a few days ago.
STTlie Petersburg Express says a school
book is bring circulated In the South which
contains the following choice morceau :
While all the loyal people of tho country
were rejoicing because the war had so ended,
President Lincoln, one of tho best men that
ever lived, was cruelly murdered in Washing
ton by a young man hired by tlio Confederates
to do the wicked deed.
HON. BENJAMIN H. HILL,
CONDITION OF THE COUNTRY.
dklivkY.ed • • r
In the City of Atlanta, JuljlG, 186?^
-fnErORTED BT J. IIESLV .SMITH.J
The Church Journal, a prominent and
influential paper in the Episcopal Church,
advises against tho mnrriago of tho clergy,
and says the celibacy of the ministers in tho
Catholic Chnrch is one of the practical advan-
kS** it has over the Episcopal Church.
ST The Charleston Courier says Mrs.
Jefferson Davis passed through that city on
Tuesday tn route for Savannah.
3T The London Star gives currency to a
rumor that James Gordon Bennett, Jr., of
York Herald, intends to bring out
a daily paper in London ere long.
Mrs. Scrratt’s Innocence.—The letter
1 our correspondent (says the New York
tyre*) revives an important statement on
1 e trial of Mrs. Surratt, which, ns he states,
appeared in the columns of the Express some
^ months since, and which was at the
Iwghod at qnd denied. The particu-
r “ r f the case arc now thus stated, and with
^anthority;
counsel hud concluded iris nrgri
voca-.V rs ’ ® urr att’s behalf, the Judge Ad-
,***' (Mr. Holt,) approached him
ajt 0 j : "Although you and I may differ
innocence, I wish to say
sio n i-Y t'Tort has made a decided impres
ts its g-fi- Court.” When it came to make
!er PitP’ slx °f tke members—Generals
vie n( j e '. ,D , Knutz, Foster, Tompkins and
knee, t! ^ ere opposed to the death sen-
Jahn V p. e Assistant Judge-Advocate, Hon.
e *' "Boham, argued the case in the ab-
*'er Counsel, anil, to use General |
: ' V *vn expression, “there was pl< uty
fspjr, ******* on the subject.” Book' and
authorities were sent for, and
(art " 0Ur * passed the sentence But be-
* e rese\ ll f l ‘‘? table, around which they
this paper was drawn up and
‘tjfi - ^. ,Je funerals named. The nutlior-
1 ** ' ; ateinent is most reliable.”
th c „ A I ” SCT °RCollege.—We have received
Station** 0ata '°S ue °f students in this in-
OfDj.t ?S®dier with an ‘-Announcement
***‘7 *r i*' 008 "° n '*•' Orients in the Fcb-
'j Junc examinations. Among the
Qtor >• 0n0re " c *' m <l the following
' / S. H D fc n, rJ V ; W - Collins, W. J. Har-
Rfein pi , r,e > Jh L. Mercer,
talker, 0 ‘ n i D ‘ 11 ' Ma >' C8 < D. Meade
T^enext s B ’ M ^ s -
■ : 1 Tv i*^ 10n commence 011 the
c . a - ln September. Sec ndver-
Ladias and Fellow-Citizens .-—Human govern
ments, liko everything elso human, naturally
tend to decay. Thoy can only bo preserved by
constant watchfulness, courago and adherenco
to correct principles. These remarks apply with
unusual force to freo governments, which aro
the most difficult of all to maintain. If wc, tho
peoplo of tW United States, wore the first in his
tory who had attempted the experiment of liv
ing under a Democratic or Republican form of
government, wo might bo excused if wo failed
to discover the symptoms of approaching death,
and to apply the remedies to preservo our lib
erty and the blessings wo have heretofore en
joyed. But wo aro not tho first who have made
this experiment. Other peoples and nations,
for thousands of years, have had Common
wealths, Republics and Democracies, which have
risen and fallon times almost without number.
I but assert a groat truth—ono which finds no
contradiction or exception in all history—when
I say that tho great leading and substantial
causes of .tho decay of freedom in all countries
havo over been tho same. How incxcusablo
must we bo if we fail to discover tho symptoms,
and how cowardly and recreant if we fail to ap
ply tho proper remedy to prevent so foul a
death !
No people ever commenced to build np a free
government under such favorable auspices as we.
What a climate, soil, variety ol productions and
material resources do wo possess; and what au
ancestry and what a common struggle for liberty
did our fathers pass through! Did any people
ever before commence with such advantages?—
Rome commenced as a small city, and wa9 despised
by the barbarians around it. She extended her
power by her arms, and increased, till at last she
became mistreS3 of the world. We commenced
with such a people, country and productions as no
people ever had before, and we had fewer dissen
sions and elements of discord than any people
eversnflered from : and Providence, as 11 to sepa
rate ns from the crimes and corrupting influences
of the old world, spread ont this great continent
before ns, with the wide sea to separate us from
them, with no influence of monarchy and oppres
sive systems to threaten or make war upon us. If
wc fall, it will be by onr own folly. What
excuse can we render to onr posterity and to the
world, U we in this day, with the lessons of hlsto-
tory beiore us, allow free institutions to perish on
this continent? And onr race will have been tho
soonest run. We have not yet lived a century. It
is but seventy-eight years since the Constitution
was formed, and but ninety-ono years since Inde
pendence was declared by onr fathers, while the
Commonwealth of Rome lived four hundred years
before the measures wbicb produced her decay
were proposed. What aspectacle! Tlicbestpeo-
ple, the richest soil, the most valuable produc
tions, established, as if by the Providence of God,
ns a new era in tto history of the world—and bid
ding lair to DC the shortest lived of any freo gov
ernment in tho history of nations!
There is no difficulty whatever—and I assert it
without fear of contradiction—In discovering when
and how a nation is dying. I cannot now go into
an analysis of all the symptoms of national decay
and death. It is only important to present the
leading one which controls all others—which ex
istin'', produces all others, and which being rem
edied, cures all others. Then hear it: the great
symptom of the decay and death of a government
is tho disregard of the fundamental law of that
government. Whenever a people come to treat
lightly their own fundamental law, they have
arrived at the most dangerous point that is possi
ble, short of entire destruction. Republics, above
all other kind of governments, are maintained by
respect for law. If the people of the United
States fall to have a sacred regard for their own
law—which is not like that of other nations, to be
ascertained by argument, by decisions, or by
searching, but Is a plain and wisely written con
stitution—they will deservo the awful fate that
awaits them; and he who disregards its plain
language has no excuse to shield himself from the
infamy of a traitor! f Applause j. Old as it is—
trami'ied upon, torn and tattered rs it is—my
theme to-day Is the Constitution of our country
and for all onr country. [Applause.l I charge
before Heaven and the American people this day,
that every evil by which we have been afllicted is
attributable directly to the violation of the Con
stitution. Tinkers may work, quacks may pre
scribe, and demagogues may deceive, but I de
clare to you that there is no remedy for us, and no
hope to escape the threatened evils, but in adher
ing to the Constitution.
Fellow-citiicns: Pardon me while I say that
in presenting my views I think of no living man,
individually, to whom my remarks are to apply.
I come to talk freely to you about the dangers of
the country. Littlo minds ascribo little objects
to thoso whoso views they do not agree with,
and ho has attained an unenviable reputation
whoso friends soy “you mean him,” when I am
speaking of treachery and showing tho evil con
sequences of a certain lino of policy. I havo no
personal attacks to make on an enemy, even if I
nave one. God knows if I could, with my own
hands, I would gladly place a crown of imper
ishable honor on the brow of my most bitter foe,
if I could tboroby rescue my country from the
perils that environ it! [Applause.] _ But if_ I
havo an enemy, nnd have a vindictive spirit,
an:l desired him to bocome forever infamous, I
could ask no moro of him than that ho should
support tho hellish schemes of those who are
now seeking to subvert the Constitution and de
stroy our liberty. Ho is digging a grave for
himself which posterity will never water with a
tear. Let him alone. I have ccmo to discuss
the present phase of tbs revolution.
Wc have had a war which raged furiously for
four years. It originated simply in a ditfciWOTf
opinion as to onr rights Tinder the Constitution.
Tnis difference existed from the first. It existed
among tho framers or the Constitution. It could
not be settled by argument, and an appeal was
niede to tho sword. It was an open manly light.
There was nothing secret or ambiguous in the is
sue. It was waged by men influenced in the masses
bv patriotic emotions on both sides; and It was
not to destroy the Constitution, but to assert on
eat h side their different views. On our side it was
asserted that the States were separate and inde
pendent sovereignties, and that the Constitution
was a compact, which each eacli rarty was at lib
erty to dissolve at will, and so we seceded and de
clared ourselves out of the Union. On the other
hand, it was contended that we were not ont of the
Union—notwithstanding our secession acts; and
that the Constitution was not a compact, but a
binding law upon the States resulting lrom a com
pact, aud therefore no one of the number could
dissolve the connection at will. Upon this issue
wc went to war. The war was fought till we laid
down our arms and agreed to what our enemies
9a i,l_tbat wc were in the Union.
But there is now another question to settle.—
It is still within the range of argument. Its
proportions aro huge. The issues aro startling.
It is not a difference of opinion as to what the
Constitution means, and what aro our rights
under it: but its object is plainly, unmistakably,
to set aside tho Constitution and provido some
thin" el«' I havo never doubted that wo were
coming to'this issue. In speeches made by me,
five six, eight, nnd ten years ago, I predicted
this, and every page of our history since that
time has verified the correctness of tho predic
tion. TL o people of the North honestly love tho
Constitution, lut the leaders there hate it ami
intend ti destroy it. nnd the convulsion through
which we have passe,i has thrown the opportu
nity of making the effort in their linn Is, and the
present military bills and the one which is not
yet promulgated as iaw, are the means adopted
to accomplish their design These bills s.c i' O*
ed for our acceptance. There is a remarkable
rights, and hopes for the future, and all hope for
your children, are dead. I ask every man, if -he
Constitution is-dcad, why are we always, every
day, and at every new step, required to take an
oatli to support it ?
Now, I affirm that these military hills are not
only contrary to tho Constitution, but directly
in tho face of tho amnesty' oath you were re
quired to take after tho surrender. Tho Gov
ernment (bought proper, in accepting your sub
mission, to take your oath to support tho Consti-
Ac.tiou of the United States and the Union of the
States. "Why was that oath required if the Con
stitution was dead?
But it is said the Constitution docs not apply
to us. Then don’t swear to support it.
But it is said again that wo are not in the
Union. Then why swear to support tho Union
of these States? What “Union” docs that mean ?
When you took that oath, was it the Union of
the Northern States alone that you swore to sup
port? What business have you with that
Union ? No, it is the Union of all the States
known to tho Constitution that you have sworn
to support.
But they say that oath was prescribed by the
President, and that ho is not loyal. Then I must
answer a fool according to his folly, and a trai
tor according to his treason. What do they re
quire who passed theso bills—this military Jug
gernaut? They requiro every man who regis
ters his namo to vote, to swear to support the
Constitution, and counsel and persuade others
to do so—and still it is said the Constitution has
nothing to do with it! They say tho scheme is
outside of the Constitution, and yet in the pro
cess of carrying it out, thoy requiro an oath to
support tho Constitution and to counsel and per
suade others to do so! * That 13 moro than Mr.
Johnson ever required iathooath which he pre
scribed.
It is my business to support the Constitution
and my duty and pleasure to persuade others to
do so. Somo ol you who favor the acceptance of
the military bills take an oath to this effect, and
still Intend to vote for a convention which you
admit to be ordered contrary to the Constitution!
How is this'? If you havo a conscience, I have
said enough. If you vote for the convention you
are PERJURED! [Tremendous applause.] O!
I pity the race of colored people who have never
been taught what an oath is, nor what tho Consti
tution means. They are drawn up by a selfish
conclave of traitors to inflict a death-blow upon
tho life ol the Republic by swearing them to a
falsehood! They are to begin their political life
by perjury to accomplish treason !' I would^ not
visit the penalty upon them. They are neither
legally nor morally’responsible, but it is you—edu
cated, designing white men—who thus devote
yourselves to the unholy work—who are the guilty
parties! You prate about your loyalty! i[ook
you in the eye and denonnee you! |Applausc.
Yen are morally and legally peijured traitors
You perjure yourselves and perjure the poor negro
to help yonr treason! [Immense applause.] You
can’t escape it! You may boast of It now, while
passion is rife, but the time Kill come when the
very thought will wither your soul and make you
hido from the faco of mankind.
I shall discharge the obligation of tho amnes
ty oath. It required mo to support tho Consti
tution and the emancipation of tho negro, and I
do. I will not bind my soul to a new slavery,
to hell, by violating it. I talk plainly, but I
simply want to strike through tho incrustation
of the hardened conscience, and make men teel
and realize their true situation. * ,...
I have proved that these military bills violate
the Constitution, and that you, in carrying them
out, violate it and your amnesty oath and your
registry oath. And what is your purpose ? It
must bo a great good you seek to induce you to
commit so much crime and folly.
Sometimes meu wink at what is by strict
technicalities wrong in the individual, to accom
plish some great good to tho public. I do not
recognize tho correctness of such action; hut
what do you propose by trampling upon tho
Constitution and violating your own solemn
oaths? Is it to savo tho State and preservo
liberty ? This is not tho object, but tho purposo
is as infamous as tho measure resorted to to
effect it. You first propose to abrogate your
State governments by authority of tho_ so-called
Congress—a mere conclave ot a portion of tho
members of that body. By whom is this dicta
ted ? Tho principle that whoever forms a gov
ernment should form it for themselves as well
as for others, is a correct one; but the men who
propose this for us do not livo in any of tbo ten
States to bo affected by their legislation. It is
not made to suit cither black or white, or any
other class of our people, but to suit themselves,
while they aro not affected by it; and if you act
upon their proposition, in a manner to suityour-
selves, you will not be accepted by them; nay,
yon violate tho Constitution to subvert the Gov
ernment. And by carrying out these measures
you disfranchise you own people.
Suppose wo concede, for argument, that it is
right to enfranchise all the negroes. If this bo
right, by what principle of law or morals do we
disfranchise the white peoplo? “0, but,” you
say, “tho whites have been rebels.” Then they
should all bo disfranchised, and not a part of
them. Besides, the government you are to Irame
is to he a civil government, and last for all time,
and for peace, when there can bo no rebels. I
seo it stated that General Sickles has advised
that the disfranchising feature be repealed or
modified, and for tho reason that the enfran
chised class are not fit to fill the offices. Well,
if he has done so, ho has acted wisely, and has
shown himself capable of appreciating one truth.
And it is a great truth—one thatwill hide a mul
titude of sins; and it might bo well for his fame
if this recommendation alone could bo remem
bered of his administration. In the faco of the
fact that a republican government can rest upon
and bo perpetuated only by tho virtue and in
telligence of tho peoplo, you propose to exclude
tho most intelligent from participating in tho
Government forever!
You will by these measures inaugurate a war
of races. A people who will abrogate their own
government and disfranchise the most intelli
gent of them at the dictation of thoso who aro *P™8
not to ho affected thereby, and live under the
dictation of a foreiguj>ower[ havo no conscience;
hut ifyou have a conscience I hope to reach it.
By all you hold dear I warn you that by accept
ing these military bills you inaugurate a meas
ure that will exterminate the African race.—
Somo of you who have come among us are
taking tho negro by the arm—telling him that
you aro his friend, and that you gave him his
liberty! Y’o hypocrites! Ye whited_ sepul
chrcs!! Ye mean in your hearts to deceive and
buy up tho negro voto for your own benefit.—
[Applause.] The negroes know no better; but
I would ask them : If these men are faithless to
the Constitution of the country, how can they
bo faithful to you ? Yet theso men admit in the
vorv acl that they are disregarding tho Consti
tution ! They take an oath to support it with
tho purpose and intent formed beforo hand.to
violate it, and vole for measures contrary to it!
They arc not fit to be trusted by any animal,
dog or man ! [Applause.] Such a man would
betray his pointer, and such a woman sell her
poodle! They are not capable of being the
friends of anybody hut themselves. I don't pity
the whites so much who arc to suffer by these
measures. “ You knew your duty and did it
not,” aud if you are beaten with many stripes
we have tho authority of 8oripture for saying
that your punishment i3 just; but to seo the
Africans led off by a claptrap which they don’t
understand, and used because they don't under
stand it, nnd thus led to the slaughter by men
who are faithless to every principle—under the
belief that they are being elevated and exerci
sing God-given rights, is enough to make any
man feel sick at heart, and ex fierience the deep
est pity for tho unfortunate race.
This is not the first time that such tilings have
been attempted. Unfortunately, there have be
fore been both fools and knaves, in the world, and
digest it. That’s where you are going! Ken
tucky is excluded from representation because it
is alleged her representatives were voted for by
dislovaimen. AVIiatis meant by disloyal? Every
man who does not support, the Radical party will
soon be declared disloyal, ami every State which
docs not vote the Radical ticket will.be disloyal }
and her government illegal. I teU you, unless
troin the stun which the
patriotism shall wake up.trom the stun which the
horrid confusion of .war . rly an [t, the Radical
parly will Pc our only gov Ament, anu Radical
will’our only law.
I look for this rpyolution to go on. Whoever
thinks this war upon the Constitution will stop
with tho ten J-tates is a madman or a simpleton
to bo pitied, or a knayo to be despised. I have
expected them to take charge of Connecticut be
cause she dared to elect a Governor that did not
agfee with the Radical party; and sure enough
Sumner In a late letter strikes that key-note.—
He says a similar bill for all the States is a short
cut to universal suffrage. The so-called Con
gress, immediately on its meeting, took charge
of Kentucky and excluded her whole delegation,
with ono exception. If they 'can reject these,
they can reject overy one who differs with them,
and they will do so; and they will receive only
those who agree with them. These thoy will
receive. I care not what may have been their
sins heretofore; if tho very worst secessionist in
all tho land will whine around the streets and
say ho is radical now, be is as good as the saints
in’Heaven for radical purposes. [Applause.!—
They care not lor race or color, nor for auteco-
cedents; if yon now favor radical schemes you
are loyal, and if you oppose them yon are dis
loyal ! .
But yon'say yon are in favor of going into the
Union, because ifyou do not your property will be
confiscated. A gentleman of this city a few days
ago said to me that he was ia favor of the accep
tance of these military bills because tie thought it
the best we could do. Isaidtohim: “You do not
say that for yourself, hut .lor your brick stores!
■[Applause.] But you are not half so wise as you
are knavish! You would lose the Constitution
and the country to save your brick stores, and
then by your very course you will loose your brick
stores also? I am ashamed to talk or use argumenrt
about confiscation in time of peace! It is a war
power, not known to international law except as
a war power, to he used only ifi time ot war, upon
an enemy’s goods! Confiscation in time of peace
is neither more nor less than robbery!
Bat you say they have got the power aud they
will exercise it, unless we do as they bid us. Aud
will you, ia this case, abandon yonr only protec
tion? It is like going out into the highway and
surrendering yonr purse to the robber to keep
him from taking it! .
I could introduce a good deal of high authority to
establish this point, but I will not insult the Radical
portion of this audienceoy reading from any author
ity for them, except from a Massachusetts Judge.
Here Is what ho says: . . .,■> •
“It has been supposed that if the Government have
the rights of a belligerent, then, after the rebellion
is suppressed, it will have the rights of conquest:
that a State nnd its inhabitants may bo permanently
divested of all political privileges, and treated as for
eign territory acquired by arms. This is an error a
grave and dangerous error. Belligerent rights cannot
bo exercised whero there are no^belligerents. .
That is'what I said: “Confiscation is.onlyawar
measure, and ceases with tho war.” Again:
“When the United States tako possession of a rebel
district, they merely vindicate their pre-existing titlo.
Under despotic governments tho right of confiscation
may be unlimited: but under our goverament the
right of sovereignty over any portion of a State is
given and limited by the Constitution, and will be the
same alter tho war as it was befoste’ ’
There is one Lot in Massachusetts, and if Abraham
were alive to-day I would have him pray to God to
spare that State and trust it--not only to ten men.
but—even to one. There is atjeast one good man tn
it, and ho is a Judge, and dares to proclaim to tQ that
security to property is given by the Constitution, tho
same after as before the war. And now. I will read
for the patriots of the audience something from the
most distinguished of all writers on international
la “When a sovereign, arrogating to himself the abso
lute disposal of a people whom he has conquered, at
tempts to reduce them to slavery, he perpetuates the
state of warfare between that nation and himself.
Should it be said that in such a case thcro may bo
peace and a kind of compact by which the conqueror
consents to spare the lives of tho vanquished on con
dition thnt they .acknowledge themselves his slaves:
ho who makes such an assertion is ignorant that war
gives no right to take away the life of an enemy who
has laid down his arms and submitted. But let us
not dispute the point; lot the man who holds such
principles of jurisprudence keep them for his own use
and benefit: he well deserves to be subject to such a
law. But-mc'n of spirit to whom life is nothing—less
than nothing, unless sweetened with liborty—will al
ways conceive themselves nt war with that oppressor,
though actual hostilities are suspended on their part.
through want of ability.” , .
My trionds, this was written by n man who lived in
despotic times, by a man who.was taught undent des
potic government: and how his love ofliberty and law
shames the praters about loyalty in freo America!
But I will dwell no moro on this subject. Confisca
tion is tho law ef enemies in war. and in peaco it is
the law of the robber. If they havo the trill to rob
you. you will never escape by submitting to their
power. If you submit, give up tho law and substi
tute tho will of tho robber. Ho boldly avows that it ts
his purpose not to give tho black man his rights, D»
to bring about such measures and so to shapo things
as to perpetuate the rule of tho Radical party! Every
tnan who joins the pnrty and can satisfy them that ho
will sincerelv help in this work, will bp accepted.
They will put their arms around your necks and call
you brothers. [Applause.] You can raako a friend
of tho devil upon tueso same terms. [Laughter nnd
applause,] and thcro is but littlo difference between
them. [Great applausc.1 If you please tlio ono you
will go to the other, nnd I am not suro but you will
get what you deserve, but I object to your taking tho
country with you. [Immense applause.]
But, 0! it is sad to sco tho Constitution trampled
upon anil tho country destroyed, only to perpetuato
their hellish dynnsty:. and then to sco some of our
own people join in this unholy work, calling upon
us to submit and becomo tho agents of our own dis
honor! This is sad, sorrowful, and fills mo with
hamo! , .
These bills proposo at every step to abrogate tho
Constitution—tramploupon tho State and its laws—to
blot out every hope—to pcijuro ever}’man who ac
cepts them, with every principle of honor, justice,
and safety disregarded, trampled upon, nnd despised
—all to perpetuate thepower of their wicked authors.
Can this scheme succeed? IVill it succeed ? That is
tho question. I feel truly thankful in my heart that
I havo an answer which lifts my soul amidst nil tho
gloom and apprehension of tho hour. Somo of you
may not appreciate it, but to mo it is tho only oasis
in this desert: This scheme will never, never suc
ceed, and I proclniin its ultimate failure to-day in
your hearing. [Unbounded applause.] I know thnt
somo think it will. Tho air is full of tho words of
those who proclaim that thero is no power to provent
it. Men have beforo this been weak and foolish, and
cowards nnd traitors havo before believed ns you talk
now, but 1 have a reason for tho faith that is in me,
which is absolutely sublime iu tho strength ofits
foundations.
1st. It will fail bccauso it is not possiblo to perpet
unte a government of force under iho forms of a de
moeracy. It mav take some time to comprehend this
thought, but you will not forget it. That which is
now proposed is force. It is proposed by men who
do not live in this State, and whoso agents do not
livo here: and it is sought to be accomplished by mil
itary power, but under tho pretenco of your sanction
—not to please yourselves, but them. Thcro is not an
;•« KLiarv wharo ji MTtnuBmt of force 1ms
{VOI, II.—NO. 35
An agrarian law wns proposed, and fora time was
immensely popular, but it failed and its first author
was slain. Ilis brother renewed the Inward enlarged
it by proposing suffrage to the slaves and frecdmen
with equal political rights. It was said “there could
bo no freedom without oquality.” But the brother joiu the j’atriot'
also perished. Then a great general became th
leader of the Radicals of that day, und ho had more
fame and merit and ability and honesty than all the
Radical party of this day combined, but he 'also
failed.. And why did they all 1'aiIV Because they
were attempting to engraft n Government of force
and robbery upon Republican forms—attempting the
absurd task of making equal things which God had
madeuncqual—attempting equality by taking that
of vour membership—biR all your comrades to mutual __j
.concealment of.the fact that you were members and a - ,mme r Pruning Of PrTUt Trees, and
come out. You are pardonable for the past, but if Thinning
you continue you will bo covered with shame, and 6
children will disown you. [Applause.] Come. 1 ——
’a League. Our only pledge is to support TV
your very t
support From tho Cincinnati Enquirer. I
the Constitution—love its friends and hate its enemies, Ts ’ * , • ,,
and proclaim our love and haired at noon-day and from ir is is singular that so little attention is
the;hon“e-lops. Save yourselves now, or be forever paid by cultivators to the summer nruning
,ost to decent society and your own self-respedt All : f rn ; t TlGc ® ,
tho brave and tsuemen. even at the North, respect me iru.-ticcs. tills, see presume, is owing to
this day .more tbau thev doyou. The verv Radicals custom having made it a general rule to
^b^mVSe“>sMnf #iPiSe ’ the ' &0alheraman | P™ 6 in the Spring. The system is,
My colored friends, will you receive a word of admo- j however, a bad one, in a certain measure,
j-, t c jj Ser _
liable to
which industrious and frugal men had made and nition? Of all the people", you will most need the pro- ! which may he readily seen by a ’i f tle
giving it to thriftless vagabonds, and by depositing tection of the law. You will most suffer by anarchy' „i|
in tho keeping of ignorance and vice powers and and usnrpation. Do you believe that the man who is ] iiisiuucu, an irees arc li
trusts which intelligence alone can know-now to ex
ercise and preserve. .
But by tho struggle Republican Romo perished and
never knew liberty again. Norwas this all; herhis- „ J |
tory from the beginning of the agrarian attempt was people are friends to nothing but their own interei .
one of blood, and faction, and waste, nnd ruin, until , They are betrayers of the Constitujion tokeepthem-
tlio goal of Empire was reached. In tho social and : selves in office; they desire to use you to help them get
civil wars which marked tho strugglo, more than office, [applause] and they will betray you whenever
seven hundred thousand of her best citizens were they find it to their interest to do so.
slain, and besides these, whole populations of somo They tell you they are your friends. It is false; they
of her most populous territories wero exterminated, are your very worst enemies. They tell you they set
It may bo "that wc of tho United States hnvo been you free. It is false. These vile creatures who come
so crazy in leaving the Constitution—tho only ark of among you and put themselves on a level with you,
safety—that our Heavenly Father has doomed us to never went with the army except to steal spoons, jew-
perish, hut I am gratified with a hone that it is not elry and gold watches. [Great applanse.j They are
so. If not, thero is but ono method for our rescue, . too low to be hrave. They are dirty spawn, east out
and that is by a prompt restoration of tho Constitu- from decent society, who come down here and seek to
tion. AVill it como ? Will we escape an agrarian i use you to further their own base purposes,
war, with resulting despotism, and Eavo our institu- They promise you lands, and teach you to hate the
tions for our children ? I hope wo shall: I believe ; Southern people, whom you have known always and
wo shall. Though a great effort is being made—a de-I who never deceived you. Are you foolish enough to
signed effort—to destroy us as Romo wns destroyed, I 1 believe you can get another man’s land for nothing, and
believe tbo effort will fail. I have great faith in the i that tho white people will give up their land without
Anglo-Saxon blood. I dcrivo great encouragement j resistance?
from Anglo-Saxon history. If you get up strife between yonr race and the white
Our liberty was not bom in a day. It was not the ! race, do you not know you must perish? Too are now
work of one generation. It is tho fruit of a hundred i ten to one the weaker race. You will grow weaker
struggles, and its guarantees have been perfecting for every day. You can have no safety but in the Constitu-
cight hundred years. Many have been the efforts to j tion, and no peace except by cultivating relations of
destroy it. Often tho English Constitution was tram- j kindness with those whoare fixed here, who need your
pled on. Often traitors Sought to substitute arb:tra- ■ services, an 1 who are willing to protect you.
ry will for well established law, and often have the i The same experiment which is now being attempted
coplo for a tirno been misled. But thus far they ' with you ty these Northern knaves who seek your
ave always walked up and called the traitors and I votes, was aitempted by a similar people in France for
leg slntin
side
partly say, tl
some ol you, it would seem, will uotlearn wisdom
from the lessons ol the past. .11 the Constitution
is dead, we are ontlide ol it, and, pray, what gov
ernment have we ? We have nothing, in that case,
but the will of an unlawful conclave, aDd don t
these measures, that while force is | y ou know this means only anarchy and then dcs-
to erect:to them they are vet nomi- ! potism and tyranny? What inducement Is held
out to you to accept their propositions ? You say
it is to get back Into the Union !' and for this you
arc willing to submit to disfranchisement and the
inauguration of a policy that tends to a war of
racts! all to get back into tbo Union—just where
you are already, and always were!
What do yon want to get back into that sort of
a Union for ? If you are not now iu it, what can
you expect bv getting iu such as they present to
you* You say it is to get representation ln the
Union'' Is not Kentucky in the Union? Has she
any representation? Thetclegraph informs us that _
a rt-«oluticn has been introduced into the so called j manhood suffrage.’ I .
Congress making inquiries whether Maryland, | fomented social and civil .wars
Delaware and Kentucky have State Governments
or not' Are you so stupid as not to see what all
th's means? The result will be the substitution
of the Radical party for all governments, both
•unlearnt Federal: and the substitution of Radios
i Will for aU law! Take that home with you am;
P'
feature n
employed
nally submitted to us for our acceptance or re-
J *I object to the whole scheme, because it is un
constitutional. A distinguished man—pardon me ,
I ought to say a notorious individual—said to me
a few days ago, that I ought not to waste time to
did ite in Pennsylvania for perpetual infamy, who
is tuildin"- for himself a monument ol malignity
that will overtoj) the pyramids ol Egypt, said the
Constitution bad nothing to do with it. I shall
never gct done en°Ysee 'men' tak
ing an oath to’supper 1 1 he ConstHurton. «d1 then
to pot In force l tli’>-
fben your
A threat many
instance in history where a government of force has
been perpetuated under the forms of free institutions.
It is an impossibility, and can never succeed. [Ap-
P Sd^Bnt it if sought to bo accomplished by deceit
nnd fraud, which cannot much longer cscapo detec
tion. The mwes of tho people of tho North lovo the
Constitution and fought lor it nnd tho linton, but tho
leaders did not ficlitforit, and do not lovo it; and
they noir seek to destroy it under pretence that wc
must give some further guarantee for our future good
behavior thtin merely supporting the Constitution.--
As soon ns thomenns by which their deceit and fraud
have been covered up nro removed, the scheme will
be cru-hed to death by tho people. It is a double-
shnpod monster, like the sentinel nt Hell-gate, which
can live nowhere except in a political pandemo
nium. , o r i a.
And what must be the results? I do not say wc
will come out of all this with freo institutions pre
served, but this scheme can never succeed. A des
potism over the whole country and over all the peo
ple, guilty and innocent alike, may ensue. \ou 11 fail,
but you may bring ruin upon all. }\ heneveryou pull
wn the temple of liberty, you also will bo crushed
the fall. You cannot level or lower us and ele
vate vourselves. We must either all rise or all go
own together. Despotism may conic, empires may
-e and fall among us, but whether they do or not,
c shall n«>t have the reign of the Radical party.—
Understand me: If X say a man cannot live high up
in the air. I do not mean he cannot go up in a balloon
iml remain for a time: or if I sny a man connot live
r Vat or I do not say he cannot go down in a di-
ing bell and remain awhile: but the Radicals will
i certainly fail to perpetuate their power under this
hem**, as’ that a man will fail vrho attempts to
dwell in the air, or drown who makes his homo under
water. Such a government would be unnatural—a
political monstrosity, nnd cannot possibly last: but
ve u may destroy the forms as well af the principles
of free government, and then you will have a mon
archy, au autocracy, an empire, or a despotism, as
the case may be. : ,. « . • .
This very scheme was attempted in Koine by much
better men than you Radicals are, nnd for a much
better reason than you give. It is not original with
you. You are but plagiarizing traitors at best, ana
get your scheme from the criminals of long ago. If I
did steal. I would try to steal something better and
from a more respectable source.
If you will examine, and compare with former
times the productions of such men ns Stevens. Phil
lips ned Sumner, and their lesser followers| and sec
ond-hand plagiarizcrs down Sc
their miserable jargon about
the “ndtural_rights of
th, you will find all
liberty and equality,*’
vt and “the born right of
are borrowed from the men whd
*n Rome, and which
been repeated in every on sinog. by those who
have no statesmanship hut the devilish ability of ex-
citing ignorant men to cut each others throats. He-
publican Rome had an immense number of slaves
an ,l freedmen, and non-voting citizens. She had a
i in.led aristocracy embracing comparatively few of
her rcople.
factionists to account. Charles I trampled on tho
Constitution, Ho had judges who deckled that his
will was tho law, and nil who resisted thatwill and
dcfcndedthoConstitution wero punished asdisloyal.
And it did seem as if his power was irrcsistiblo. No
doubt if you weak-kneed Radicals of tho South had
!ivcd in that da}’ you would havo said, “the Constitu
tion is dead and wo must consent to what wo cannot
resist.” But John llampden would not consent. He
resisted. He wns tried as a criminal for resisting, nnd
was condemned. But what was tho sequel ? Tho
people finally asserted their power. Charles nnd his
minister perished. The very judges thnt condemned
llampden wero themselves tried nnd condemned as
criminals, and the very officers, even the sheriffs, who
executed the orders of Charles nnd his courts, wero
sued by the citizens for damages, nnd hnd to i>ay
nearly a million of dollars for executing tho processes
of a void, unconstitutional law! For a time traitors
held the power ard trampled on rights, but vengeance
came, and perpetual infamy followed.
So Cromwell and his Parliament violated the Con
stitution, and though they also flourished for a season,
they too were overthrown. So James II trampled
on the Constitution, and hnd to fly from his kingdom
n fugitive for life, ln all these struggles good faen
for a tirao suffered, and bad men for n time ruled,
but tlie English rare have never yet failed to rescue
their Constitution from tho power of both traitors
and fanatics. • • ’
Itcll.youtho American peoplo will not always he
deceived. They will riscin defence ofthcirConstitu-
tion, nnd traitors will tremble. They who rallied
three million strong to defeat what they considered
an armed assault on the Constitution and Union, will
not sleep until a few hundred traitors from behind
tho masked battery of Congressional oaths and de
ceptive pretensions of loyalty_ shall utterly batter
down tho Constitution and Union forever. I warn
yon boastful, viudlotirc Radicals, by the history of
your own fathers, by every instinct of manhood, by
every right ofliberty and impulso of justice, that tho
day is coming when you will feel the power of an
outraged and betrayed people. [Applause.] Go on
confiscating! Arrest without warrant_ or probable
cause: destroy hnbeat corput; deny trial by jury:
abrogato State governments: dcfilo your own race,
and flippantly say the.Constitution is dead!_ On. on.
with your work ofruin, ye hell-born rioters in sacred
things! but rtmcmbtr for alt these things tho peoplo
will bring you to judgment. [Prononded aplause.J
Ah! what an issue you havo mado for yourselves.
Succeed, and you destroy tho Constitution 1 Fail,
and you have covered the land with mourning. Suc
ceed, and you bring ruin on yourselves anti all tho
country 1 Fail, and you bring infamy upon your
selves and all our deluded followers! Succeed, and
you aro tho peijured assassins of liberty ! Fail, and
you are defeated, despised traitors forever. Ye who
aspire to the Radical Governors and Judges of Geor
gia. I point beforo you this day your destiny. [Un
bounded applause.] You nro but cowards nnd knaves,
and tho time will como when you will call upon the
rocks and mountains to fall on you and the darkness
to hido you from an outraged people. [Applause.]
Does it do you good to trample on tho Constitution
—deceive tho negroes and ruin tho country ? It.may
bo sweet now, but I tell y«u tho sulphurous fires of
publio infamy will never bo quenched on your spirits.
[Applause.] I pity you from my soul, would that
tho time had nevciricome when l had te stnnd upon
Georgia’s soil nnd thus tnlk to Georgians. A struggle
iscsming. It may bo a long nnd a bloody one, and
you who advocate this wicked schemo will perish in
it unless tho peoplo now arouso and check its consum
mation. Let every truo law-loving man rally at once
to tho standard of tho Constitution of his country.
[Applause.] Come. Do not abandon your riches.—
Defend them. Talk for them, nnd if need he, beforo
God and tho country, fight nnd die for them. [Enthu
siastic and prolonged applause.] Do not talk or think
of secession or disunion, bnt como up to tho good old
platform of our fathers—tho Constitution. Let all,
North nnd South, come and swear before God that wc
will abido by it in good faith, and oppose everything
that violates it. The man who loves tho Constitution
now, and is willing to livo and die for it, is my friend
and brother, though ho como from tho frozen peak of
Mount Wishing ton: and tho man who is for tramp
ling upon it is my enemy, and I shall hold him so,
though ho como from tho sunny climo of the orange
and the cotton bloom. That is my issue.
O how sorry a crcaturo is tho man who cannot stand
up for the truth, when tho country is in danger. There
never was such an opportunity as now. exists fora
man to show of what staff he is mode. How’can you
go about the streets and say, “all is wrong, but I can
not help it.” Y’on want courage, my friend! You are
a coward! Yon lock courage to tell tho truth, nnd
would sell yonr birthright f>r a temporary mess of pot
tage, even for a little bit of a Judgeship or a Bureau
officer’s place.
But someone saya, “How will you resist it!” I will
resist K first by disapproving it. If everybody would
do that, it would be effectually resisted so far as wo are
e - ncemed. Rut the so called Congress has provided a
cover for itself in advance, under which to hido from
the odium attaching to this scheme. It has provided
that you can vote either for or against a convention,
and a'-ain Toto for or against whatever constitution it
may frame. It is sought to mako us responsible for
whatever may bo the consequences, and relieve them.
After a while, when you become alarmed at the rosults,
they will say, “We aid not do this; we only gave you a
chance and you did it.”
But if wo defeatthis.it is vaid, military rulo will
continue. Certainly, until wicked men shall be driv
en from power. But let it bo so. General Pope seems
to be a gentleman, and I infinitely prefer his rulo to
tho rule of such men as you will get under this scheme.
Besides, tho now government, if inaugurated, will
not bo able to livo a day without military protection.
It is safer to be governed by power than by treachery.
Perhaps you will think I havo overdrawn the pic
ture of tho fearful consequences of accepting this
scheme. I recollect an incident which occurred over
six years ago. when I was urging tho peoplo of Geor
gia not to secede, because the country would thereby
full into the hands of Radicals, and predicted war and
its attendant sufferings as the result—though then
deemed visionary. I would bo almost ashamed now
to read my remarks on that day—my picturo would
bo so tamo and so far short of the dreadful reality that
has followed. A very prominent gentleman replied
to me. urging that thcro would be no war, and to
prove it, read an nrticle fiom Iioraco Greeley’s Trib
une nnd old Ben. Wade’s speech, declaring the South
had a right to secede, and if sho choose to exerciso
that right, they should bo allowed to do so in peace.
Ho then said that Greeley and Wado wero hotter p 0S ed bridge may be looked upon as a sue
friends to the South than I, who was born here, for I r et-tr
menu* ui luuuyui , •„ ., ■ - cession of bridges—from pile to pile.
Several objections to the bridge arc antici
pated by the inventor, and more than provi
ded against. The iron piles, for instance,
would not be nice things for a vessel to run
against, but they would be of great value as
light Louses, and accordingly each pile would
be fitted with a signal-light. The cost of
this Anglo-French bridge is estimated at
400,000,000f; and M. Boutet, having depos
ited his plans attheMinistry of Public "Works,
actually proposes to form a company with
that amount of capital. It is said that, for
the benefit of the incredulous, a practicable
model of the bridge is about to be construc
ted across the Seine ar Paris.
the negroes in Hayti. They passed laws to i ive the
negroes political equality—abolished all distinctions of
color—and wnat was the result? There was first a war
of classes; then a war between the whites on one side
and the blacks ftnd mnlattocs on the other. Then
there was a war between the blacks and the mulattoes,
and neither white, blaek or mulatto have ever seen
peace or prosperity in Hayti since.
These men intend your extermination. Some of
them are writing books in favor of your extermination,
and I have myself heard them avow that you ought to
be exterminated or driven from tho country. These
are the same people whose fathers found the Indian
here. They declared the earth was the Lord’s and be
longed to his saints, and that they were His saints.—
Then Rey killed and drove off the poor Indian and
took his lands. If you do not make and keep friends
of the Southern people, yonr fate is that of the In
dians! Woe to your race 1 You well know your race is
not prepared to vote. Why do you care to do what yon
do not understand ? Improve yourselves, Learn to rend
and to write; he industrious; lay up your mean?:
acquire homes; live in peace with yonr neighbors, and
drive off, as you would a serpent, the miserable, dirty
adventurers who come among you, and who, bring too
low to be received Into white eociety, seek tofomont
among you hatred for the decent portion of the white
race. You can always know a gentleman, whether from
the North or South, and all such respect and c teem—
for such will not deceive you. Do not desire to vote
until you are qualified to vote, and then look for the
right to be given, not In a manner that violates the
Constitution, but in accordance with it, and through
your own State governments. I leel more deeply for
you than I do for the white race. White people ought
to know better than to disregard the laws and expect
any good. But you do not know the laws; you do not
understand decsiver3.
I am willing, anxious to w»l?om amount; us good and
trim men from tne Jsorth yvhp come to build up our
country and to add to its prosperity. I wish they would
come on and come In multitudes. They will find us
friends." Bnt when I see fhe low dingy creatures—
hatched from tho venomous eggs of treason—coming
here as mere adventurers to get offices through negro
votes—to ride into power on tho deluded negro’s shoul
ders—and creeping into secret leagues with negroes
and a few renegade Southern whites, and talking flip
pantly about disfranchising the wisest and best men of
the land, because they know it is the only possible
chance tor knaves and fools like themselves to get
place. I can but feel ashamed that such monsters are
to be considered as belonging to the human species.—
I warn you, my colored friends, if you would be respec
table in society, or prosperous in yonr purse, or decent
in your own feelings, tci.void all such people. They
will hug you and cal! yon friend, and talk about your
friends, but they will "pul! you down to degradation, to
sorrow, to poverty, and to shame. They have white
skins but blnck hearts, and will ruin your characters
if yon associate with them. They are creatures born
of political ascendincy and treasonable conspiracy, and
are the enemies of rill good governments and of all
decent people. [Applause.]
Ana now, m> friends of all races, ot all colors, of all
nations, of all sexes, ol all ages—let us resolve to stand
by our Constitution, and surrender it to no enemy.
This is our country. Let us resolve that we will never
be driven from it, nor ostracised in it.
Mr. Hill concluded amidst rapturous’and prolonged
cheering. When it had somewhat subsided, a gentle
man in the rear of the audience proposed- throe cheers
for the only man south of Mason a nd Dixon’s lino that
had proclaimed the trutn from the seaboard to the
mountains, which the vast assembly gave with a hearty
will. _
Project for a Bridge over the English
Channel.
The French papers describe an engineering
project for a bridge across the channel. In
stead of the long-meditated tunnel beneath
the channel, a French engineer, M. Boutet,
now proposes to build a bridge broad enough
to hold a double line of railway, a carriage
road, and a path for foot passengers. There
would also be a space for a row of shops
along this Dover and Calais road, which,
once established, would no doubt become a
very popular thoroughfare; and need we add
that half-way across there would be a restau
rant and cafe ? The bridge would rest on a
series of thirty-two vertical rectangular iron
piles, each pile to be two hundred meters in
height and one hundred meters in breadth.
The depth of the channel between the two
points selected is found to be more than from
thirty to thirty-six meters, so that the bridge
would be about one hundred and seventy
meters above the level of the sea.
In laying down the bridge the first step
taken would be to connect the iron piles by
means of sixteen cables of plaited wires,
stretched in parallel lines from Shakespeare’s
Clift", on the English side of the channel, to
Cape Blanc Nez on the French side, a dis
tance of thirty-three kilometres (about
twenty miles). The body of the bridge
would thus be formed of iron tresses stretched
from pile to pile. M. Boutet believes that he
could hang a suspension bridge across the
channel front cliff to cliff. In his eyes it is
only a question of proportion. If a wire of
a certain strength and thickness will hang
extended between two given points, then if
the strength and thickness of the wire be in
creased the distance between the points may
be increased proportionately. However, in
the project now before the public, the pro-
in reply ? I could only tell him tho truth—that thesq
tnen only desired to cncours.sco the South to disunion
for their wicked purposes to destroy the.Constitution,
and that a great government could be dissolved with
out blood; nnd what have Greeley and Wade done
sinco that time! And now I advise you to roect this
schemo offeree, fraud and deceit which Congress has
devised. Ifyou, of your own free will, submit to it,
you will sco the consequences of it.,
I advise you to register. There is no dishonor in
that, it is arming yourself with an importantpower
to bo wielded against tho nefarious scheme: but don’t
vote for n Convention—don’t go for anything what
ever whicnisan assentto the scheme, but be against it
at every step. Never go half way with a traitor, nor
compromise with treason or robbery. If they hold a
convention, vote against ratification—vote against all
tboir mens area and men, and indict every one who,
under such void authority, invades your rights ac
cording to existing State laws. That’s my policy.
Fight this scheme all tho time. I have no more idea
of obeying than John Hampden had of paying ship-
money, because I havo takon an oath to support the
institution, nnd I intend to keep iR
This whole scheme is in violation of all the issues of ; cu>'S' ”* I ‘{“fr ‘with « TO hiWocfi
the war, all the promises during ns progress, and all cutetl, the encouragement oi the down-trod- j the following mixiurt, n mi a wniiewasB
the terms of the surrender. More than a hundred , & rebuke t0 tyranny.” Lot the Gazette brush : Two parts of soft soap and eight of
re a^uroiTThilt U the^iaid^lo^wn'Thcir^arms they , look abroad through the ten Southern States water, or two pounds of potash dissolved in
would) * ~ " J ‘ ~ ~
before,
yon 1_
—tho soldiers <
to fulfill the obliga
to deceive you.
shoots should be cut out, and it is yearly done
iu the ensuing Spring after they have impov
erished the tree ; hence they are deprived of
about one-fifth of their substance annually.
It these shoots were regularly cut out early,
after making some growth, say in may or
June, the substance that they exhaust would
go to nourish the other branches and fruit.
In the second place, trees, grape vines,
shrubs, etc., often become very thick of wood
in the Summer, especially when they arc in
confined places; all the young wood that is
formed in this state is weak and useless, be
cause it can not receive the sun and air suffi
ciently to properly mature it; this, too, like
the suckers, deprives the tree of a portion of
its nutriment, or at least that portion of it
that is to bear the succeeding season. This
useless wood becomes weak and sickly, the
leaves turn yellow, aud are a nursery for
various kinds of insects, and according to
custom is pruned out of the tree the follow
ing Spring; when common sense tells us it
ought to be taken from the tree in Summer,
in order to give the substance it has deprived
the tree of to the proper branches.
"We do not contend that the Summer is the
season for the general pruning of trees; for
we prefer the Spring for this business. But
whenever trees or vines are thickly crowded
with Summer wood, or any shoots, as suck
ers or straggling branches, that cause trees
to grow of irregular shape, it should be a
general rule to displace them, in order to
keep the tree in proper shape, and in a
healthy state.
Thinning of fruit, when young, is also es
sentially requisite in order that it may grow
to its proper size and quality. It often hap
pens, when the spring is propitious to fruit,
that the trees and vines are so loaded that it
is impossible for the tree to render it proper
sustenance, so that the fruit neither forms
proper size or quality. This is often the case
alter a failure the previous season, owing to
which the trees are furnished, in the interval
of rest, with a superabundance of fruit-buds
or spurs; hence we often see alternate crops of
fruit, which should be as much as possible
counteracted by trimming out a goodly por
tion of fruit, when such abundant crops ap
pear. This adds much to the quality and fla
vor'of the fruit, and is also of a material use
to the tree, in order to give it vigor to fur
nish fruit-buds for another season in a healthy
state, which are weakened by a superabun
dant crop of fruit, and are oiten the cause of
failure the next season. When sickly trees
are overburdened with fruit, which is often
the case, owing to weakness, they should be
well thinned, in order that what is left may
be well matured, for it is very evident that
when fruit drops off the tree half grown, it
has exhausted it in a measure to a useless pur
pose.
TO CAUSE FRUIT TREES TO BEAR.
Sometimes fruit trees are very thrifty, and
attain a large size and not bear. Many rem
edies have been advised, such as frequent
transplanting to expedite hearing, trimming
the roots, &c., but the best mode of managing
trees that grow rapidly and do not bear is to
clip off the end of the growing branches, in
order that the nutritious matter wliich would
add to the growth of the tree may be checked
in that tendency and directed to the buds,
that fruit buds may be formed.
The first and second weeks of July is a
suitable time for this operation, or it may be
done any time in the month. Most kinds of
fruit trees grow till July, and then continue
nearly stationary during this month, and then
take another growth.
There are exceptions to this remark in
some species, and on account of the season as
to wet and drought, heat and cold. This
pruning should be done between the two
growths. It is sufficient to barely clip off
the tops to prevent any additional growth at
the extremity. It the new growth be very
long, it may be well to reduce it a few
inches.
Last July, some fruit-grower, whose name
we do not recollect, said that he had some
very thrifty peach-trees of large size, that had
always grown rapidly, but had never blos
somed. We advised him to clip the ends of
the twigs, tiiose of moderate growth close to
the point, and those of long srowth several
inches from the extremity, which he did thor
oughly at this season of the year, and he in
formed us in the spring that his trees had
blossomed very full indeed.'
WASH FOR FRUIT TREES—INSECTS.
Doubtless, if the soil in which our trees
stand were well drained, enriched and tilled,
there would be little need of washing the
trunks and branches ; for this would keep
them -in such vigor that they would look
quite fresh and healtby. And let it be re
membered that no scraping and scrubbing
will answer as a substitute for other good
management. Yet there are insects infesting
most fruit trees which need an occasional
good dose of potash or tobacco to keep them
humble. One of these is the Woolly Aphis—
a small fellow, with a sort of downy sub
stance covering and concealing his body, and
which acts as a parachute to float him about
from tree to tree, when he wishes to travel.
He infests both root and branch, feeding on
the saps of the inner bark, which he punc
tures in order to extract his food. He has a
special liking for old, rough-barked trees, as
their crevices afford good hiding places.
There is also the Scaly Aphis, or Bark
Louse. This is a dark brown, scaly insect,
which has a special fondness for the bark of
the apple and pear tree-; and its color being
similar to that of the bark helps to conceal
it. Sometimes they are so numerous as to
completely cover the bark; this happens of
ten when the trees are growing in poor and
wet soil, and are in a feeble condition._
To exterminate these and any other insects
which may infest the dark, begin early in the
: sprin" and scrape the trunk and large limbs
1 smooth. If they have invaded the roots, the
J5IP The Cincinnati Gazette, in its Fourth
of July article, calls America “the home of ' surface soil should be remosed for several
enlightened freemen, the refuge of the perse- i feet, and new put in its place. Then apply
allous of water, to be applied in the
The Scaly Aphis should bo
ild bo in the Union asrnin with all thoir rights as j an[ j re p ea t jj 9 remark if it can. Those States two gallons
?&i^tgesldSc?io°n m {.f th«“s/re£ ^eTeoplo | are not the home of “enlightened freemen.” ; same way.
• ’• ? of the United States—were then willing : xhey are the home of no “freemen” except tlie looked alter chiefly m the montn oi June,
obligation; but the politicians intendeu | f , and these are not “enlightened.”— when they are young and easily killed. If
DU. touch men as Sumner and btevens : ireeamen, auu uitau mu b „
the insects infest the branches, a painter’s or
may be used, taking care
leaves or buds.
1 respect tho Northern man who honestly fought for : agement of the down-trodden.’
the l nion. but I despise tho traitors who, under the .... » c i own . t roddeii," but can give them Rain.—We have been visited almost every
name ot the Union, have u<ed the Northern people iull ot the do«n cannot dlny, how- day for the last ten, with showers. So much
to destroy the South, and then to destroy the Const!- j no “encouragement.’ 1 „ , . —-- ,
tution. The people of the North have been long dis; ever ^ t j iev arc rebuke to tyranny.’'— rain is proving very disastrous to the cotton,
loo
many good men have natural!;
Selves before it is too late
y 2fc\r$. lSt/i.
Constitution