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[PROPRIETORS
MACON, GA., FRIDAY, AUGUST 23, 1867.
{VOL. II.—NO. 39
Tub "Notes" Rescued.—On this page will
be found two numbers in continuation of
Mr Hill's “Notes on the Situation.” The re
joinder to Gov. Brown will be read with in
creased interest everywhere.
As OrronTCNiTY Lost.—In denying the
genuineness of tho letter to the Herald, E::-
Senator Harris, of New Vork, has lost the
only opportunity he ever had of making for
himself an honorable fame.
The Stobm.—It will bo seen from our tele
grams that tho storm which raged here (in
Wednesday did not reach the North ar.d
West until yesterday, when it made its ap
pearance with tho snme degree of violence.—
The water-courses throughout the State must
be very high, and no doubt much damage
has been done to tbe bottom corn, as well as
to the cotton generally. Our information is
that the latter crop is suffering seriously under
the effects of the continued wet weather. It
has been raining altoost continuously in tlio
middle and Southern sections of this State
for three weeks past, and we have still cloudy
weather with rains in sight daily if not im
mediately upon U3.
Health of Savannah.—The interments
in the Savannah cemeteries during the past
week were, all told, eleven. "Wedoubtif any
other Southern city can show as clean a bill
of health.
Mobile.—Horton, the military Mayor of
Mobile, has dispatched another batch of
white policemen in order to mako room for
negroes. The samo functionary has banished
•om the city a poor crippled negro for get-
ing drunk and selling tho Tribune newspa-
er, the latter probably being the climax of
is offences. ______
E5?“The President denies that Gen. Grant
»s advised against tho removal of Sheridan,
nd also the statement that he had an intcr-
iew with Judge Chase on the same subject.
gTTlie total cost of tho New York Cen-
rs! Park up to this time, is set down at
10,014,870 15.
E3?“Thc National Intelligencer says:—
Icxican gentlemen, recently arrived, bring
atelligence that the body of Maximilian lias
*cn delivered to tho Prussian Ambassador,
o be transported to Austria.
Chops in Dbcatuh.—A subscriber writing
is from Cambridge, Ga., says:
"Com crops in this county where land has
»ecn worked are very good. I think there
rill be plenty made here to support us, if tho
armors did not have to commence on their
ora before it is harvested, but a great many
md to commence while in roasting ear. Cot
on is doing tolerably well, but tbe army
rorm is threatening it hourly.”
Negro Congressmen.—The Vicksburg
Mississippian says:
“Although South Carolina was the first to
suggest negro Congressmen and official in
the event of Radical success in tho South,
11 •* simply a very general idoa that provnila
ihroughout the South, and should we of
Mississippi who oppose a Convention fail of
(access, we will combine our strength with _
file negro vote, and oust forever the hopes of
Northern and Southern Radicals who desire
,0 Us * Sambo to climb into office.
“We constitutional people will see to it
Uj*t Mr. Radical Codfish from tbe North, and
Mr. Sympathizer Muggins from tbe South,
not usurp tho Government from the
ac ks, who, (according to the argument of
,. e .l«gitimats results of the war,^ have a
. 1 *®* dght to rule. What a beautiful and
instructive lesson on the folly of human nm-
. ° a » h)behold Mrs. Codfish and Mrs. Mug
gins snubbed by those elegant ladies of color,
is. Coal Black Rose and Mrs. Taller Carnn-
' a ’ peeping indignantly by the "low white
p ’ w they promenade majestically down
, i cnns jWania Avenue, on the arms of the
*»ck Daniels, who indeed have ‘come to i
I'Kigocnt.’"
vi* The first bale of cotton received c.ti
0 umbuscamc lrom the plantation of Mr. 1
. oa ® Fontaine, Stewart county, on Thurs-
nnt * s °id for 27 cents, he paying the tax.
. 1C Columbus papers say reports of worms
ti e . cr< JP nre causing holders of cotton in
city to raise their figures.
MnUv C * atcst theory about Carlotta’s in-
iiu'iLn! E * lc was poisoned by tho Juar-
htrin/i? * a ^ ex ‘ c 9. The drug destroyed
life rm ttt wi^out putting an end to her
Wpl Tlle story lacks drodibllity.
BY B. H. HILL.
To the Editors of the Chronicle and Sentinel:
Since the publication of tho last Note, two
events have occurred which may be properly
noticed: 1. The so-called Congress has assem
bled and passed, by the usual process, another
Supplementary Military bill. 2. Ex-Governor
Joseph E. Brown has published what he calls
a review of tho “ Notes on the Situation.”
I propose, first,to notice Gov. Brown’s ar
ticles, and then to pass to the bill of the
fragmentary Congress, a proper analysis of
which is, in my judgment, exceedingly im
portant.
The plan of argument adopted by Governor
Brown is wholly unknown to any established
method of ascertaining truth, and Las never
been practiced bj r any respectable debater
who desired to promote the right. It is a
favorite plan, however, in all times of un
healthy political excitement, with those who
seek to obtain place or favor by pandering to
the passions and misleading the judgment of
the ignorant multitude.
The points which I sought by tlio Notes to
establish were, among others:
mote their correct and proper solution. And
how does this’ex-Governor—so proud of hav
ing been so often chosen by tbe people—
come to the review of these questions ?—
Reader, anxious reader, how ?
1. By writing my biography l Well, sup
pose I am as unimportant and unworthy as
the Governor desires me to be, does that
make tbe Military Bills Constitutional ?—
Would it negative a single position urged in
the argument f ,
2. Next be devotes three fourths of the
balance of his review to show that I have of
ten been inconsistent during my life, and am
inconsistent in tbe argument presented in the
“Notes” and in tbe Atlanta speech.
Well, suppose he is right; suppose I have
contradicted myself in every line, and turned
a summersault every hour of my life; would
all thnt prove a right in Congress to violate
tbe pledged faith of the nation, to subvert
tho Federal Government, to abrogate States
and deny to freemen trial by jury and all the
other glorious provisions In tho Constitution ?
0. Then he attacks my motives, and says
my only desire is to get office, and my only
real objection to tho plan of reconstruction is
that I am disfranchised by it Well, suppose
this all true: will that justify the Radical
party in desecrating tho Constitution to per
petrate a new party in power? Will that
lessen the horrors of anarchy,or soften the fet
ters of despotism to us and our children
Some, doubtless, would excuse me if I
were to write, in truth, the Governors bio-
S rapliy. Some, indeed, may expect it and
esire to relish the production. But I can
not consent, in a crisis like this, so to lose my
sense of self-respect nor to soil white paper.
I can neither retaliate, however tempting the
materials under proper circumstances; nor
can I, under any circumstances, imitate the
plan and style of his so-called argument. I
will not, myself, be diverted, nor if I can
prevent it, will I permit the public mind to
be diverted, from tbe vital and momentous
issues now pressing us for solution.
If our liberties nro to perish; if our Con
stitution is to be abandoned; if a corrupt
Radical will is to be our only law, and a pro
scribing Radical oligarchy our only govern
ment, wbat can honest men care for office, or
decent men for place, or sensible men for
biographies ? Who cares to boast of the
* /• i! 1. — 1..n Lnnn flin olincan lpfln-
course is 'fixed. I feel that my views are
correct. I trust I may be mistaken. X he
Constitution from further desecration, the
Government from subversion, tho country
from anarchy and all sections, races and col
ors from ruin, I cannot be alarmed by tbe
threats of power nor tempted by tbe offices of
usurpers, nor disturbed by the slanders of the
mean, the designing or the jealous..
My humble letters and speeches, however
feeble, are too many, too plain, and too ear
nest to be perverted by mutilated quotations.
Always I besought our people not to provoke
war, not to begin war, not to abandon the
Constitution, but if war must come, let it find
them battling for their rights in the Union
and under the flag. But when extreme men
in both sections forced a sectional war, and
it was section against section, as I believed,
every impulse of my heart, and every act of
my life was with anti for my own people;
and I despise the man who, looking lrom my
stand point, could condemn me. But the
sectional war is over, and yet extreme men
are still refusing to let the Union, be pre
served, and still insist on keeping alive
hatred and strife and distrust. Their con
duct will breed a hundred wars. I earnestly
desire to aid in averting wars by exposing
and defeating their wicked schotnes against
the Constitution; but if wars must come, I
beg now, as id the beginning, that our people
tablisu were, among ouicrs. be ,, noW as in the beginning, that our people
1. That tho Military Bills were contrary to fln( j and fc ce p their only true place in
the' Constitution, and destructive of all tlic tlie fi,-i,t_i n t h e Union, under the flag and
principles and guarantees of free government f or t ],% constitution. And I plead for this
in America. , t he more earnestly for the future, since our
2. That they wero contrary to every coc le are a r,] e t 0 see the evils which befell
of civilized nations, and m infamous badl . i ^ . pursuing the contrary course in the
to tho terms of the fight and the conditions of ^ • I
surrender. . ..■ From this great purpose I can neither be
3. That the reasons urgec J = ) driven nor seduced. And while I scorn the
measures—such ns n desire to restore the meQ who iQ facc oftlie fact that their coun .
Union, elevate the black ra ,■ 8f® * c i| 3 have always misled the people heretofore,
tees of future peace, ®tc., c • } still thrust themselves forward as tho only
untrue, inconsistent and i u * ™-],ir-li worthy advisers, and, not ashamed of having
texts to cover the only real p p j a guided the people to ruin, still insist upon
was to perpetuate the power ot the Radical ur „- them to dishonor; yet I have no time
P^ty. , .. . or spirit to enter into mere personal contro-
4 - , T * iat ., tbc in a versies. Whatever may have been a man’s
posed by these bills could only errors or mistakes, in the past, I am willing
permanent subveraion of the Government m tQ f t them apd 1()yc Lim a3 a brother, if
the degradaUon oftlie people, in a Ion a 1 ho will only how help to save the manhood
bloody reign of ®"“ of our people and the Constitution of our
and agrarian wars, resulting, after u “Pa a country- If our country can be saved, in that
ed horrors, m despotism for the whites of the fecfc j shall find r / Wflrd enough. If the
whole United States, and in the exterm - country must bo lost> j praj . t h & t I nnd mine
tion, exclusion or political re cnalavunc o may bc crus hcd by its fall, and may sleep,
the African race. forgotten, beneath its wreck, rather than live
5. That the only remedy for these cvi ., to ° rey on its carcass and be honored by its
both threatened and existing, was a speedy , es i r0 .. crs
return, by the people of nil sections, to the Son 4 1 c arncd cr itios tell us that a writer’s
Constitution, nnd the vigorous cnforcci ic t beartcnn a i wa y S be discovered inhis writings
of its remedies against all its v lolato s - j n gp: te eycn 0 f an y efforts at concealment.—
These are the great all-absorbin,, lcadi „ j be ]; eve t bis is true, and I care not what
questions that I discussed, and sought to - enem ; es may sa y t or troubled apostles may
tablish by argument, by “ write, I know my heart is in what I write,
thorities and by history, and sought and j know every sensible man will see it,
force by appeals to the good and by denun- and cvery bonest ^
man will admit it, and
ciations of tlic wickcu. * _ everv true man will approve it.
And bow wonderfully important are icsc T f iere are many w bo know I was drawn
great questions to every crentu:rc (o er y acie into p 0 ji t - 1C3 j n 1855 contrary to all the plans
on the continent, cither living o y • 0 f my life, only to aid in averting evils which
And how lmpcrattvc is J 7 7 I sincerely believed would result from the re
man who enters the dncoipion totice toil al of t ^ e iIiss0Ur i Compromise. I had
that his whole pome*» be employed * o jn-o^ ft ^ a5n made up my mind to jg 00r e politics.—
But I desired to have peace myself and sec
the country have peace. When these Milita
ry Bills passed I desired fully to comprehend
them—in meaning, purpose aud tendency. I
studied them for this object. J saw—Lave
no doubt I saw—as I have announced, that
every interest and all hope was destroyed and
blighted if these bills succeeded. Yeti saw
many honest, good men accepting them. I
saw they were accepting them from the most
laudable notions. They were tired, despond
ent and anxious for peace. They were told
these measures would bring peace. Ibelievdd
they were deceived—fearfully deceived. I
believed they were leaping into tbe fire to
escape the burning; sailing into anarchy to
find safety; committing suicide to end trou
ble. I became painfully convinced that the
Military Bills were in violation of tbe Consti
tution ; of the laws of nations; of the terms
of surrender, and of every hope of restored
peace and union.
"\Yith such views silence would have been a
crime. My purpose was to show tbese con
clusions by argument, and to accompany the
argument with strong but logical warnings
to tlic mistnken, and with denunciations of
the designing. I neither felt nor intended
mere personal unkindness to any living thing.
So far from deprecating replies I coveted
them. I earnestly desired to see if I could
be wrong—determined, if convinced, frankly
to admit I would love the man who could
show the argument unsound. The Radical
press, anon^fnous scribblers, and tbe many
wounded, Lave let loose all their wrath upon
me, but Lave not touched the argument.—
Lastly, tho ex-Govemor entered the list with
a formal review. But lie has scarcely said
anything but re-liash editorials. I have not
seen his sixth article, but in all tbe others I
have been unable to find that he has even
taken issue on the very first point in the dis
cussion. He has not even said whether, in
his opinion, the Military Bills are Constitu
tional ! Has he ever said itt "Will he ever
say it ? Dare he put himself on record ns
saying either that the bills are constitutional
or unconstitutional ? They must be one or
tbe other. Stupid followers of this political
Rabbi, anxious inquiries for peace and safety,
will make him teach yon even his opinion on
this point?
Instead of argument, I find my insignifi-
number of times be has been the chosen lead- Cftn t self most untruthlully assailed; quota-
cr of tlic people, if be lead them to rum f— tion3 madc f rom utterances I have never
Who shauld desire to be known to posterity spo j. en . sentiments ascribed to me at war
ns being among those who destroyed tucir my whole life and nature; my sentences
liberties, wasted their patrimony, and be- cut j n twn in; different sentences taken from
(luoatbod them nothing but debt, dishonor t i, e ; r contex ts, and words changed and added
nnd despotism ? Than such immortality ft3 to reverse m y meaning. For the sake
better, far better, that none of us had been - ^ trutb j ani mortified, but for myself not at
born 1 Better now that mill-stones were disturbed by such work. Will not edi-
bnngcd to our necks and wc cast into the torg ^ scr ibblers"nnd reviewers all see that in
sea! i - „.i,;in such writings they are only revealing their
Tho man who can care for liimsclt Millie | icarts tbeir purposes? Do they not perceive
his country is perishing; who hunts an office tbaJ . Jn eTcry jj no tbey justify my denuncia-
wliile liberty is dying; who advises his peo- tio and are making startling confessions to
plo to accept dishonorbccaifse reckless power mauk ; nd that they are deliberately stabbing
demands it; who joins, with intent to aid, a ^ vital3 0 f jjberty in the name of equality;
party seeking to perpetuate its power by dis- are su ] JVerl j n g the government under hypo-
franchising intelligence nnd enfranchising ig- crit ; cal pre t C nces of loyalty, and are destroy-
norance, in violation of the written Constitu- . no . tbc Constitution under cover of oaths to
tidh; who would accept an oflice by the gu ” port i t j
votes of tbe negro race, with threats to op- i desire only to wain—not to threaten;
press and rob the white race; who praises tbe kindest motives earnestly to arouse
the bayonet that pierces the Constitution, and not sjmpiy to denounce. And in this
nnd approves the arbitrary will which strikes spirit I declare what I believe, what I am pre
down the supremacy of the law; such a mnn j, 1 ‘ ared t0 demonstrate with the most legiti-
would have administered the hemlock to argument, that those bills are not only
Socrates because the mob desired it; would u ncons tit u tion al and illegal, but they embody
have executed Sydney because power decreed - mes ki<rii crimes—against “the good or-
it; nnd esteems Barrabas honored above the , peace and dignity of tlic State,” and all
Saviour because the rabble, by overwhelming ’ tbe gtates—crimes against the dead,
mnjority, elected 1dm! Such a man could a „ a ; Ilst tbe living, and against coming mil-
stand on the bleeding corpse of the Consti- ,j° cr j m es compared with which tho con-
tution and, amid its death-throes, iuitcr ns su j rncy Q f Q a t a line wai respectable and the
murderers for favor! . . ,
For myself, my resolution is taken, mj
. % r / .1 it. .*. inntra
liUUu y vl JtHLD _ _
spiracy of Cataline was respectable and the
treason of Arnold was insignificant and harm
less! How, with such convictions, can I turn
aside for a mere personal controversy ? I
correct. I trust I may be misiaxcn. x ^ £COrn sucll work .
lievc unparalleled evils impend, and win coun g ut Q oycrnor ]j rown | ia3 made some state-
Opon us—all of us—lyiless the people awa and disclosures which I think will cna-
I am willing to be decreed a fool, it there >J p j e pc0 p] e mol e clearly to see the
the evils can be averted. I am willing turn trutb ot ad j j laye sa ; d toucl$ng these Mili-
my worst enemy shall be covered with S 1 ?!? t ary Bills and the purposes of tlie Radical
—shall have an imperishable monument lift* party an d these I shall deem it my duty
ing its summit till it catchperpctunl sunlight, , vq
if his counsel Shall avert the evils. I deplore
now, as never before, the feebleness^ of my
powers. But with an absolute colisqiousness
in my heart that I have no purpose but to
aid in rescuing, if they can be rescued, tbe
briefly to notice.
NCMBEU SIXTEEN.
Bo tar from feeling t.ny desire to do in
justice to Gov. Brown, I have examined
anxiously for something by which to explain
.Iris singular reasoning, nnd still more singular
conduct. Ho advocates doctrines nnd an
nounces views which are denounced by tbe
most respectable writers as ‘‘infamous” and
“inhuman” and “contrary to all reason and
justice.” Yet he announces such views with
frequent readiness and against liis own peo
ple. His writings exhibit no familiarty with
history or standard authors, or gieat prin
ciples, and lie may not know the ground he
is treading on. Yet ho has a natural vigor
of intellect which alone ought to protect
him. So lie resorts to arguments which even
ignorance ought to see are unsound. To
illustrate my meaning with a few examples:
1. He twits us for opposing the Convention
called by Congress because, as is admitted
by its authors, it is uJUTutU*rional, after
submitting to a Convc". tilled by the
President, wbicli be alleges tffit equally un
constitutional. The answer is so plain as to
render the position ridiculous. Even suppos
ing our people did submit to one unconstitu
tional exaction, is that a reason why they
should submit to another? But the plans
are wholly unlike. The President did
not qualify or disqualify voters contrary to
the laws of the State. Ho called on the vo
ters qualified by the State to adopt a Consti
tution for themselves through their own del
egates. He had told them what, in his
opinion, were tbe issues settled by tho war
and terms of the fight, and advised them to
contofmto them. He says he intended even
this only as advisory. Any power—even
Russia or India—might propose to the qual
ified voters of any State through their proper
officers the propriety of holding a Conven
tion, If the qualified voters in the forms
prescribed by their existing fundamental law
adopt the proposition, it becomes their own.
Is this the plan of Congress ? Existing gov
ernments are set aside, old electors are dis
franchised, new voters are qualified and or
dered to form Constitutions to suit a set of
men who are never to live under them. And
force and fraud are actually employed, and
confiscation and further oppression threat
ened, to compel compliance ! Could a fair
mind find resemblance in these plans ? Other
differences are equally striking, but I will not
notice them.
2. So Governor Brown says we, as I wrote,
“ promptly «nd cheerfully yielded slavery,”
and, therefore, why object to yielding our
franchises ? Well, I answer, suppose wo did
give up our property, is that a» reason why
we should yield our honor also ? Would a
magnanimous people demand it ? Do they
offer us back the property which they say we
illegally yielded to tbem, and in lieu thereof,
demand our franchise ? No.; they keep the
first and demand that we yield also tlie sec-
ond!—a meanness of which no highway
robber was ever guilty! Bat Governor
Brown thinks, as we yielded property, we
ought readily to yield, what he seems to con
sider, all lesser things. In my opinion, it
was better to yield property than honor; and
better to give up slavery than submit to be
governed by the negro race. Of a people,
who promptly and cheerfully yielded so much
to show good faith in submitting to Union,
no honorable people would exact more.
What a singular argument—because we
yielded one right, therefore, we are bound to
yield all! True, the spirit of yielding gen
erally begets a spirit of exacting, Det • (At:
people remember this.
3. So he argues it is inconsistent to charge
peijuir in supporting the Military Bills, after
havin' 7, supportqd the Conscript Bill and di
vers other measures which he and others said
were unconstitutional ? Bat did I not draw
broadlv the distinction between supporting
measures of merely doubtful construction nnd
measures of admitted unconstitutionality ?—
The authors of the Military Bills admit they
are not authorized by the Constitution, and
even Governor Brown will not say they arc
Constitutional. Yet he and they advise our
people to carry out these unconstitutional
Bills under.oaths to support the Constitution!
But it is Governor Brown’s doctrine (as it
is certainly his argument,) that if a man
swears falsely once he ought to do so again ?
It is upon this theory that he feels justified,
after having helped to pull down the Union,
and then the Confederacy, now insists upon
pulling down our State governments and tbe
white race ?
He says I advise the people to renew tho
fight! Renew! Did I use that word? That
could mean only the secession fight What
a dark motive is here revealed! Yet all I
liave written is directly to the contrary; and
tho very sentence which he cuts in two to
get his idea says, “Do not talk or think of se
cession or disunion, but come up to the good
old platform of our fathers—the Constitu
tion.” Is Gov. Brown opposed to fighting
for tho Constitution “if need be?” I sup
pose ho is—he always has been; his record
is against the Constitution and that is pre-
ciseTy why lie is helping the Radicals.. He
knows they arc destroying the Constitution.
5. Governor Brown warns the poor people
that I am not only opposed to extending suf
frage to the negro, but am in favor of taking
it from the poor whites! And is it not the
very purpose of every note I have written to
preserve our existing State Constitution ?—
And will preserving that take suffrage from
the Door whites? Poor leasoner! Poor
friend of the poor! Poor man! Poor thing!
Yet not so poor either!
0. He next seeks to impair the effect of my
humble efforts with the Northern-people by
tellin" them I ndvocated a war to burn their
cities'anil take them in the Confederacy as
“hewers of wood and drawers of water,” etc.
He pretends to quote from some Savannah
speech. I made no speech in Savannah at
the time referred to except to a serenading
party the Inst night I was in tbe city—a few
minutes before leaving. I never wrote a
word of the speech—never saw a report of
it. I do not know what I said nor what was
reported, but I do know I never spoke or
entertained such ideas as Governor Brown
has represented with tho meaning ho lias
given them. I do remember my sentiments
at that period of our history. I was very
anxious to avert war. I was especially anx
ious that our people should not begin it, nor
provoke it; and one of the chief obstacles in
tho way of keeping the peace was this very
man Brown who, as Governor, was at that
time seizing Northern vessels in the port of
Savannah, issuing inflammatory appeals and
doin- all he could with the Executive power
of the State to provoke war. The proofthat
I was earnestly opposed even to fire on Sum -
ter is ot the highest charaoter. But if war
was forced on us by the North I desired our
pe(*>le to meet it like men conscious of
rir'ht motives, and frequently, at that day,
gave the opinion that slavery would not be
an element of weakness but of strength in
the war, and that a slaveholding people were
always powerful in war. ...
While I have endeavored always to bo true
to our people, in wliat I believed their rights
at the time, it is a singular phase of revolu-
tion tliat this man BroiWD should be a wit
ness against me with any portion of the .
Northern people who really lo\e the Lnion
under the Constitution. True, ‘J a fellow j
feeling makes us wondrous kind,” and, !
therefore, he may be esteemed far above me
by the Northern Radicals; for he, like them, ;
has been always against the Constitutional ;
Union of tho States, and I haYC no faith !
whatever in cither him or them. The people
(I pray before it is too late) will one day dis
cover very plainly why these men, who, so
late, were so fierce against each other, have
linked themselves so lovingly together. Like
Sin and Satan, they have discovered their
affinityfor each other in their common ha
tred to the Constitution, and at once they
sink “in melting mood with honeyed
phrase ” into each other’s arms to beget its
death !
But the Governor knows his arguments are
unsound, and he seems to think that all ar
ticles writen for political effect are of course,
‘•intended to mislead and deceive.” Apply
ing his own rule to himself, he may feel justi
fied. This idea of political morals was but
too common in party days—in the very
worst ot which days the Governor rose and
flourished, and by using with effect this very
rule. Many have so become prominent in the
corrupt days of party availability, like sores
which swell from the surface of the human
body where the blood is impure. I fear too
many have become running suico, wtioL can
never be healed until the life of the nation is
i exhausted, and sores and liberty disappear
together.
Pardon me, kind reader; but I thought it
best, as illustrative of their character, to no
tice thus much what may be called the Gov
ernor’s argument, in contradistinction to his
personal allusions, which I have declined to
notice. I will next notice some disclosures
which he made, which, it not authoritative,
are, at least, very significant.
Africanization of the Southern
States.
LETTER FROM HERSCHEL V. JOHNSON TO THE
NEW YORK TRIBUNE.
To the Editor of the Tribune:
. Sir—You have commented in the Tribune
on my recent letter to a Committee of Atlan
ta, Ga., expressing my views, in part, upon
the scheme of reconstruction adopted by
Congress and offered to the ten proscribed
States for their acceptance. Your comments
are intended to be severe; they are also un -
just to me and to those who may agree with
me, though, I am bound to presume,- not so
intended by you. I should have felt grateful
if you had published the letter, which, I be
lieve, you have not done. I claim no right to
its publication in the Tribune; fori fully
recognize your right to publish or ‘ reject
whatsoever you may deem expedient and
proper. I therefore prefer no complaint on
this scored though, from your usual fairness,
I might have expected you to pursue a differ
ent course.
Tho masses at the North, and I am not sure
that the remnrk is not applicable even to
yourself and very many of editors and lead
ing men of that section, are not informed of
the true condition of things in Georgia and
the other nine States which are termed dis
loyal. Especially are they not informed of
the real feelings and motives of those who
are adverse to the Congressional scheme of
reconstruction. If they were, I would fain
hope that the policy of the dominant power
would be less exacting and proscriptive, not
to say oppressive. If those who lead public
sentiment in your portion of the Union be
true patriots and statesmen, the>r real desire
is tp proipote the welfare of our whole coun
try and perpetuate good government, in con
tradistinction to mere party ascendany. This,
certainly, should be the aim of good men. I
assure you that no other feeling has a place
in my breast. I never, in my whote life,
cherished a sentiment or did an act of inter
national hostility to the Constitution of the
United States or to the Union of tho States
based upon it, according to my honest opin
ion ot its spirit and meaning.
The late war has wrought great changes in
the Southern States, and has brought before
the people of the Union, for final decision
many grave questions, involving, in my poor
judgment, the character and destiny of our
Government. Indeed constitutional liberty
itself is in great peril. This is my honest con
viction. Statesman should survey our sur
roundings, with the view of averting that
peril, rather than the maintenance of party
ascendency. No man can more ardently de
sire the restoration ot the Union, upon the
principles of the Constitution, than I do. I
submit to all the legitimate result of the war,
and I would gladly adopt any plan of recon
struction which would not seek to impose
terms upon us inconsistent with those results
and calculated to imperil constitutional liber
ty. You seem to think that I am factiously op
posed to the Congressional scheme; that I
wish to prolong and aggravate present polit-
cal disturbance and discord;that I am actuated
by a spirit of disloyalty; that I throw the
small mite of my poor influence into the scale
of strife and discontent. Little do you know,
and less do you appreciate, my earnest long
ings for peace, harmony, prosperity, national
equality and justice.
The scheme of reconstruction offered to us
professes to extend to us the right of choosing
by vote; it calls on us to say whether we are
for or against a convention, such as that
scheme contemplates. "When I, in the exer
cise of that volition, express myself as op
posed to it, you and the other leading Re
publicans of the North, who consider my
poor opinions worthy to be noticed, infer
therefrom that I am disloyal, factious and re
bellious. If those who arc opposed to that
plan of reconstruction ore thus to be branded,
why call on us to choose ? If we be free to
choose, is it quite consistent, charitable and
just to denounce us because we do not choose
as the Republicans desire that we should ?
Aye, more than this: to threaten us with per
petual disfranchisement and confiscation if
wc do not so choose ? Is that the way to es
tablish State Governments “deriving their
just powers from the consent ot the gov
erned ” ? It is true, I am disfranchished—I
am not permitted to register under the Sher
man bill. But I did not know that I was,
therefore, not at liberty to write and speak
freely to my fellow-citizens, without being
denounced as disloyal and factious.
I profess to be loyal to the Constitution and
intend to be loyal to the Union, when itsliall
be settled that Georgia constitutes one of the
States of the Union. But if loyalty means
fidelity and adhesion to the Republican par
ty, I shall never belong to it nor be loyal to
it, so long as it persists in a course of policy
which must end in the overthrow ot the Con
stitution. I have taken the oath of amnesty,
and intend to keep it, in good faith, in letter
nnd in spirit. It binds me to support the
Constftution. That I will do to the best ot
my ability. It binds me to support tbe,
emancipation of the negroes from slavery.—
That I intend to do, and favor their invest
ment, by law, with every right that is consis
tent with their welfare, the interest of well
organized society, and the perpetuation of
good government. More than this you would
not ask of me. We may differ honestly as to
what rights are compatible with those ends ;
but that difference does not constitute cither
of us traitors or disloyalists, in any legiti
mate sense of that term.
If you could mingle personally with them,
I doubt not you would be surprised to learn
bow little of prejudice against the negro, on
account of color and race, exists in the minds
of almost the entire mass of the Southern
people. We are their friends, and wish them
well, although they are taught otherwise by
those who have come among us for the pur
pose ot using them for political purposes.—
They appeal to their passions and prejudices,
and are busily engaged in organizing them
in antagonism to the white race. "Where or
how this will end we should be in the dark
were it not for the bloody lessons of history.
I confess to gloomy forebodings for the fu
ture. Heaven grant that I may be wrong in
my apprehensions.
You will ask, “It you are the friends of the ne
gro, why do you object to their, being universally
enfranchised"?” I reply, not merely because their
skin is black, bnt because I believe that they are
too ignorant to use such enfranchisement rightly
and well: that it will be fatal to good govern
ment. We have probably sixty thousand colored
people in Georgia, who itSL hereafter, go to the
ballot box, under the plan of Congressional recon
struction—a greater number than that of the white
voting population. And so it will he in all the ten
proscribed States. The result must be that the
several governments ot these States must pass into
their hands (who are now being- taught by politi
cal drill-masters that they have injuries to avenge
against the whites,) with the tremendous power of
taxation, confiscation, and of fixing what shall be
the security tor the life and liberty of the white
citizens. Is not this a terrific picture to contem
plate ? And can the Northern people wonder that
the Congressional policy meets ^strong, earnest,
and honest opposition ? Let me suppose a case,
that will bring the subject home to the Northern
people. Suppose enough of such ignorant voters
could be suddenly planted in any ten of tbe North
ern States to overcome the votes of their white
citizens, and control the several governments of
those States, how do you think New York, Massa
chusetts, Connecticut, Pennsylvania, Ohio, In
diana, Illinois, Michigan, New Hampshire, and
Maine would like the operation? How would
they feel under such a policy, that would put all
their interests in the hands of such a power ?
But it may be replied that those States are not
disloyal, rebellious, as are the ten proscribed
Southern States—that we deserve such a fate. I
am not going to discuss whether we are, in truth,
rebellious States. We should differ on thatques
tion. But admit that we are rebels, or jiave
been, and therefore deserve to be punished, is
this the way to punish us, in view of enlighten
ed statesmanship? Is it wise to punish us by
forcing upon us bad government ? That might
possibly do, if we were the only ones to endure
the penalty. But it will extend its baleful in
fluence to* all the other States. It will destroy
agriculture; it will swamp the national debt and
currency; it will crush out from the breast3 of
the people of the South the last throb of frater
nity, which magnanimity and justice and wise
statesmanship would engender and cherish.—
Let me add, tho calamity will fall upon our pos
terity for generations to come, and, at present,
upon thousands of innocent persons who did not
participate in the rebellion. I am, therefore,
opposed to the universal enfranchisement of the
negro, because it will inaugurate bad govern
ment—the very worst of temporal evil3 to so
ciety—and not merely because their skins are
black. If the North are determined to punish
(ho South, let them do it. They have the power.
Bnt let them adopt some method besides that of
inflicting on us bad government. For the pun
ishment, in that form, will fall upon themselves
and all our posterity.
It would seem to me that wc have suffered
enough to satisfy the most vindictive. Our beau
tiful region has been desolated, all our capital
suDk, our people impoverished, and our slave
property, which was worth to us $3,500,000,000,
has been confiscated by the act of emancipation.—
We could, alter a long time, recover from our
prostration, if allowed the right of self-govern
ment. Ought not statesmen to desire onr re
cuperation ? They may dispiseus as a people, hut
is it the interest of the Republic that we should be
made paupers and outcasts ?
You, I believe, maintain the natural cqualitv of
the negro with the white race. I am not going to
debate this question with you. The difference be
tween us is irreconcilable. I do not believe in
any such equality. But admit, for the sake of
argument, that tbe two races are, by nature, equal.
Vvhat does the admission amount to bnt that they
arc endowed by tbe Creator with equal capabilities,
intellectual and moral, and, therefore, under a
snfllcient coursc.of training, that the negroes
among us are susceptible of attaining to the same
state'of intelligence, virtue, and civilization, which
the whites have reached? It does not prove
that they are now, in point of fact, the equals-of
the white race in these indispensable qualities of
good citizenship and wise self-government, .and
no candid man will so insist. Bnt being, as
you contend, thus equal by nature, you draw the
conclusion that, being free,- they have the right to
vote. Women are free, and also intelligent and
virtuous, yet they are not admitted to the ballot.
A large majority of foreigners arc highly intelli
gent and virtuous, yet they are denied the franchise
until five years of resident probation. Thousands
of boys, at 16 years of age are intelligent and
virtuous, yet they are postponed to the age of 21
years. The colored people of nearly all the North
ern States are denied the elective franchise, • and
where they are not, they enjoy qualified suflrage
only. Why all this ? It simply proves that, no
matter what may be your abstract philosophical
views of equality between the races, the predom
inant sentiment ot the Northern people is, that
mere freedom and equality do not necessarily (orry
along with them the right to vote; that they regard
the electivo franchise as a boon to he bestowed by
the respective States upon those only, who, it is
believed, will use it wisely and well.
Now, are the negroes ot the South more intelli
gent and virtuous than those of the North? No
well informed man, who will be candid, can assert
the affirmative. On the contrary, I believe that
the free negroes of the North are the more intelli
gent, and, therefore, better qualified to use judi
ciously the right of suffrage. Why are they exclu
ded from the ballot-box, while those of tho South
are admitted at the point of the bayonet ? This
inconsistency clearly demonstrates that those in
power are recreant to the principles they profess.
If they believe the principle right and sacred, they
should make it universally applicable. If, on the
other hand, they believe, as I am sure the masses
at the North do believe, that the application of the
principle in tho Northern States is incompatible
with good government, then they ought not en
force it in the South; for the aim of the true states
man is to promote good government iuall the
States.
The Congressional scheme of reconstruction is
based upon the assumption that the ten proscrib
ed States are without good government—that law
lessness prevails—that lite and property are inse
cure ; and the republican press and leaders assert
that loyal citizens, especially those irom the North,
are abused, persecuted, tormented, threatened,
and sometimes murdered. This whole assumption
is untrue. There is less lawlessness in the South
.than in the North; the laws are faithfully executed
‘by our Courts of judicature, and even-handed jus
tice is meted out lo white and black. We welcome
enterprising, good people among us from any
quarter. We earnestly wish them to come, with
their capital, energy and enterprise, to aid us iu
developing our resources and re-establishing our
lost prosperity. But they do not come. Nor will
they come, until tranquility, upon sound princi
ples oi statesmanship, sha}l be restored.
It is a great mistake to suppose that the con
summation of tho Sherman programme of recon
struction will induce them to come. It may
bring trading politicians of so inferior a type
that they cannot obtain offipo at home. They
will come to traffic for the black man’s vote, in
the hopo of making their sal.t by tho emolu
ments of office. But the hpnest, hard-working
mechanic, the capitalist, and tho manufacturer,
will never cast their destiny and hazard their
ffirtunes in any State that is undernetro domin
ion. It seems to be supposed by many that if
these States be once restored to representation in
Congress aft will be well, and that prosperity
will follow as a matter of course. Never was
there a more fatal mistake. There is no certainty
of these States being represented in Congi ess i
wo adopt the plan of reconstruction—it is not
even promised; nor will such admission bring
ood government to tho several States. The
ihorman sohemo will certainly result in bad
government, which Congressional representa
tion has no necessary tendency to cure. And, I
repeat, there can be no prosperity for any peo
ple cursed with bad government. Capital,
energy, and enterprise will shun it.
I have written much more than I intended
when I began. But I have written in a spirit of
the most perfect frankness and kindness. I
have muen more that I wish to say, but I fear
I may take too much space in your columns,, if,
indeed, you should deem it proper to publish
what I have said. ....
Respectfully, your obedient servant,
HERSCnEL V. Joiixsox.
Augusta, Ga., August 6, 18fi7.
Jefferson Davis.
ms OPINION ON CURRENT TOPICS, ETC.
A correspondent of the St. Louis Democrat,
(Rad.) writing from Montreal on the 8th inst.,
gives an account of a three hours’ visit to
Mr. Davis, in company with Gen. Carroll, of
that State, from which we extract as follows:
RECONSTRUCTION.
"When I broached that matter to him he
cut me rather short, though in a very gentle
manly way.
He laughed immoderately when I asked
him as to the opinion of the Southern peo
ple with reference to the reconstruction act
passed by Congress. Mr. Davis, with a wave
of the hand which, although intended not to
be gesticular. carried wlin it nn omplmsis
which I shall never forget, when in a meas
ured voice he said, “we have nothing to do
with it.”
EXCHANGE OF PRISONERS.
My conversation with Mr. Davis was un
restricted, and, during the course of it, I had
occasion to refer to the sufferings of our
prisoners at Andersonville, Belle Isle, Libby
prison, etc., as well as to the exchange of
prisoners. Mr. Davis said he was always
anxious to be relieved of the prisoners on his
hands. He said his ports were blockaded;
that he was without, supplies or tho means of
obtaining them even for his own soldiers;
and, finding himself in that strait, he pro
posed to deliver, with or without exchange,
all the sick, wounded and disabled soldiers
held by him. I then remarked to Mr. Davis,
“Why was not an exchange effected ?” He
stated, “There was one man in your coun
try who prevented it.” I replied, “Do you
refer to Mr. Stanton ?” He said, “I do not;
it was I asked him to allow me to
make use of the name and circumstances con
nected with it. But he said, “Occupying
the position that I do, it would be improper.”
I may be overstepping the bounds of my
interview when I give publicity to only one
of a number of significant remarks that he
made, but Mr. Davis said to me that he “ be
lieved he (Johnson) was doing what he
thought best for the South, but it had result
ed badly.” There was much that was men
tioned in this connection which I am not at
liberty to make use of at present, although
by way of parenthesis I will stale that no
utterance was given to any expression disre
spectful to the United States officials. Dif
fering as widely as the poles with Mr. Davis,
I did not hear him utter an unkind word
against any one, especially Mr. Johnson, and
must admit I was more charmed with his
conversation than that of any prominenj; man
whom it has been my fortune to meet. I have
no hesitancy in saving that Davis recognizes
himself as thoroughly subdued, and is wait
ing patiently to be reconstructed. He is de
sirous of returning to Mississippi, there- to
spend the remainder of his days in peace and
quietude. He has no political ambition, and
for a man who headed a cruel and wanton
rebellion, feels, I believe, thoroughly con
quered. .*
ABOUT THE NEGBOES.
Davis has said they were getting educated,
and in the United States were far in advance
of the Liberians. Accepting tbeir reported
progress as a fait, be thought the future
augured well. I don’t think he had any
superior love for the negro, nnd without look
ing into a man’s heart, afh of opinion that, at
present, he hasn’t so much hatred towards
them. I am more convinced- of this from the
fact that he told me he was in correspondence
with one of his.former slaves, now cultivating
a"plantation in Mississippi on his own ac
count. with none' to molest and make him
afraid.
surbatt’s case.
I made mention of to Mr. Davis. He ig
nored any connection of Southern men with
either the proposed abduction or assassina
tion of Mr. Lincoln. He said he would have
been gratified if the evidence of Gen. Ed.
Lee had been admitted and the dispatches lo
him while in Canada made public, as it would
have shown plainly that Surratt’s mission
had nothin" to do with the assassination.—
This is Davis’ statement, and you can take it,
as well as everything else he said, for what it
is worth.
THE CULTURE OF COTTON
on the alluvial lands of the South he regards
as well nigh done away with, and expresses
himself that the most of these lands, on ac
count of defective leveeage, will revert into
forests. In addition, he stated that in a few
years there would be no excess of cotton
raised; that tbe supply would be mainly for
family use (none for export) as was tbe case,
and is yet, in Florida and Texas.
Removal of Stanton and its Conse
quences.—The Richmond Dispatch says on
this subject: “ The Radicals will of course
make a great fuss that the Executive show3
any life after having been, as they thought,
deprived of all vitality. But while they rail
they will be filled with apprehension; for in
the going out cf Stanton conies in a power
the exact nature of which they do not, yet
comprehend, and the tendency of which they
fear. This will be the case with every Radi
cal Congressman. If, indeed, Stanton sub
mitted to ‘force,’ then ‘force’ took his place.
The President has a right arm—a right arm
in harmony with his policy and his purposes.
It is now but a brief time before tbe ends
and objects cf tbis revolution in the Cabinet
will be developed, and expectation will not
be kept long waiting. If we look for im
portant movements we shall hardly bo disap
pointed.”
The Tenure of Office Law.—la sus
pending Secretary Stanton, and ordering him.
to cease the performance of the functions of
"War Minister, the President acts, of course,
iu view of his constitutional prerogative as
well as the late act of Congress known as the
tenure of office law. The second section of
that act provides as follows:
“That when any officer appointed as afore
said, excepting judges of the United States
courts, shall, during the recess of the Senate,
be shown by evidence satisfactory _ to the
President to be guilty of misconduct in office
or crime, or for an$ reason shall become inca
pable or legally disqualified to perform its
duties, in such case, and in no oilier, the
President may suspend such officer, and des
ignate some suitable person to perform tem
porarily tire duties of such office until the
Dcxt meeting of the Senate, and until the case
shall be acted uponbytheSenatc.” The
law further requires that the President shall
state to tho Senate bis reasons for such sus
pension, with the evidence supporting them,
within twenty days after the next assembling
of that body.
jgy Hon. Richard C. Puryear, of Yadkin
K3&- Rpv H Windel for tlvo years past ! county, N. U., a Representative in Congress
S.^SieS'or.n'Sl.SnAV«m,|e« M|U..t State from 1853,0 1357, d.C „„
Philadelphia, was arrested at Rochester, New the 21st of July.
York, on the 12th inst., for perpetrating rape
on seven little girls under his charge Tl*e
dispatch adds that he confesses that he has
done wrong.
Old Bill Tovrl, nearly seventy years
of a"c, ran seven miles inside Of sixtyfmin-
utes, at New York, on the 12th instant.