Newspaper Page Text
Tli© Greorgia, "Weekly Telegraph..
r!l i' telegraph.
FRIDAY, JANUARY 10, 1808.
= ^^ == ==
Pr.on.F. op Georgia
Usit ed States.—The address
iP ® ? e committee appointed at the Conser-
ntlon, which met on December
in t bls city, will be found on an-
& 0 f our paper. Let every one give
^ ftil reading: Wo think it complete,
I*®* 1 * ltu iate the Convention on appoint-
<Secwho have so well discharged
w ,i0
J** _
_ I0> . Tbo following is the list of
^fleeted Tuesday,; at tho meeting of
t R. R. Co. for tho current year:
t White, President; Directors, Charles
t- ' A( j, m Norrie, W. D. Thompson, An-
Ed. Padclford, J. C. Levy, L. D.
c’c. Munroe, Hendlcy Varner, T. G.
Rpdding, J. B. Ross; Supcrin-
j .> E.B. Walker; Secretary and Trcas-
yilo S. Freeman. "
pr.
Vkgbo Hike.—Landed proprietors, in
- deration of the times, will be able to
^'plantation hands at comparatively
Tap rates this year. A support—being
m 4il and fed—is about all that field hands
m fairyentitled to, and thousands will rc-
• 1CC to secure that by the labor of their
Cds. before the year is over. In Alabama,
e best bands can be hired for rations and
WO per annum. Good hands havo hired
tbem'dre* in that State for §2 per month,
the planters simply furnishing rations and
house rent r .
Corros Tax.—It will bo scon that after
all tbo time spent by the Senate, in tho con
sideration or this subject, they have at last
-cod a bill suspending tho tax for the year
1$03, but not committing themselves to tho
policy of repealing it altogether.
General Jons B. Gonnos.-We were
honored with a visit yesterday, says the
Montgomery .Mail, from that bravest of the
bravo, the evening star of tho army of North*
en Virginia, Gen. John B. Gordon. The
Gcecnl does not look so robust and youth-
/;! as when he commanded th3 “ Racoon
Houghs" out at the old race track. His fea
tures' 5 have undergone a slight change from
the wounds in the face. He will reopen his
coal mines in Jackson county, but probably
will remain a resident of Georgia.
Personal.—Gen. Meade was accompanied
to Georgia by Gen. R. C. Drum and Cols.
George Meado and C. D. Emory, of his per
sonal staff. Col. Meado is, we believe, a eon
of the General.
grOn Saturday last a large meeting of
negroes took place in Albany, Ga., and in-
ctndiaiy addressee were made by colored
orator?, to the effect that if they were likely
to lack food, it was easy to rob the stores
and shoot down cows and hogs upon which
to subsist. Tho orators insisted that the
whites bad money with which to pay tho
past high prices for labor, and that all the
treedmen had to do, in order to secure high
wages, was to “bold on” and insist upon the
prices of last year. In other words, they were
idrised to rob and plunder for a subsistence,
and to do so rather than work at such prices
tl farmers can afford to pay.
Hell, let those in power seo from this the
dingers likely to result from our present dis
tressing condition, and devise such means
at shall prevent a war of races. We wish
net to sec such a war; but a few incendiary
speeches will easily bring it on.
is thought that the Democratic
Convention will be held in Baltimore, and
after the Chicago Republican Convention.
HTA paper is being circulated in Wash
ington for a meeting in Congress of such
prominent politicians as arc friends of the
administration, to take measures looking to
Mr. Johnson's nomination for the Presidency.
Since penning the abovo our eye fell on
the following from Washington: A vote
xas taken, recently, at the Carroll Hall
Catholic Fair, in this city, for next Presi
dent, tho-candidate receiving .tho greatest
number ol votes to bo presented with a gold
headed cane. Mr. Johnson received the
highest number of votes, and tho cane is to
he presented to the President to -morrow.
BT It is rumored that Col. Nickerson,
one of the oldest and most popnlnr land
lords in the South, at one time of Charleston,
but more recently of Augusta, is to become
the Proprietor of the National Hotel in At
lanta.
HOW THEVARE MANAGING IT.
It is said that the negro—and we suppose
many of the white—delegates to the Pope
and Hulbert Convention are taking up sub
scriptions in the various counties to defray
their expenses back to Atlanta. The people
who contribute to such folly are fools indeed
—they will never get baric their money nor
the worth of it.
But getting to Atlanta is one thing and
paying expenses when there, a very different
affair. How is this to be accomplished ?•
Are the constituencies of this mongrel pack
willing to pay their hotel bills for a month
or two at three or four dollars per day ? And
then there is back-board: wc presume the
landlords will certainly be shrewd enough to
insist on thin being squared before enterin
into arrangements for furnishing more meat,
bread and lodgings.
But, suppose all these little matters can be
satisfactorily arranged, what are the dele
gates to do for their pay ? Where are the
nine dollars per day, or two hundred and
seventy dollars per month (pretty good wages
for even an extra “nigger” when the common
run nro getting but sixty dollars, or less than
one-fourth for a whole year’s hard labor in
tho field !) to come from. Will thonegrocon
stituencies pay that too f How do they relish
the idea of paying these gentlemen, “niggers”
and mean whites, tico hundred and seventy dol
lars per month for playing tho dandy nnd leg
islator at Atlanta, while they are getting but
five dollars for hard labor for the same length
of time! Just think of it. Was there ever
such cool impudence 1 Wc take it for granted
that it will not be done—thnt the good sense
of the negroes will rebel against the vile im
position. .
But, wc repeat the question: where i3 the
money to come from to pay the expenses of
this Convention ? Wo have heretofore de
monstrated pretty clearly that it will not
come at all—that if tho delegates should suc
ceed in raising enough at homo to pay board
and travelling expenses, they will fail to get
a solitary dollar for their work after it is ac
complished. We have not a doubF of this.
The only way possible for raising the amount
is by taxation after the Convention shall have
adjourned, unless it remain in session all
Spring and Summer, nnd this tax the pro
perty-holders of Georgia intend to resist in
every way known to the law; and what is
more, we believo they will succeed in defeat
ing it altogether.
Then, are the delegates so infatuated with
tho dead carcass of Radicalism that thev are
willing to abandon their business, quit home
and families and work for nothing for weeks,
and perhaps months ? Wo shall see. The
truth is, the pcoplo of Georgia want no new
Constitution on any terms, and they are very
sure not to take one that is distasteful and
odious at such a price. The labors of the
Convention will bo all in vain, except that
the Constitution-makers will have to work
for nothing and find themselves. We there
fore advise them, as they havo got to a good
place, to stop just where they are, stay at
home and attend to their business, and let
Joe Brown & Hulbert finish up the work,
make the Constitution, and claim all the
glory1 .
CAUSE OF POPE’S REMOVAL.
A Washington special to the Cincinnati
Enquirer, January 3d, says:
The immediate cause of Pope’s removal
arose from these fncts, as officially communi
cated to the President: The census of Ala
bama, taken under the State laws of 1860,
showed there were 108,000 whites and 91,000
blacks. The registration, as manipulated by
Pope, resulted in registering 74,000 whites
and 90,000 blacks. The negro constitution is
to be voted on the fourth ox February. The
negroes have scattered since registration to
obtain places for the year. To counteract
the effect of this change of residence, Pope
issued an order allowing any negro to vote
merely by making affidavit that he had reg
istered. It also provided that fourteen days
preceding the election Registers throughout
the State should open the lists five days for
revision. This would allow another chance
for trickery.
Affidavits arc before the President prov
ing that a large number of negroes under the
age of twenty-one were permitted to register
nucl vote, and this would have been repeated.
Gen. Meade will allow a revision to be made,
but it will be to have honest Registers, nnd
will require tho names of about twenty five
thousand negroes to be stricken ofF, as they
were not entitled to vote under this rule. It
is believed the whites will defeat the negro
Constitution by 12,000 majority.
The same is also true as to Georgia. If
there were as many negro voters in Georgia
as were registered, it would have made the
black nnd white population nearly the same,
and it is well known the white population is
much larger. Wc hope Gen. Meade, when
bo assumes command, will investigate the
whole matter. It has been stated tous that
it was a matter talked about among delegates
in the late Convention, that there was really
registered about 212,000 in Georgia, whilst
it is published 102,235. There was a regis
tration just before the election, and no doubt
many were added to the lists.
They say 100,034 voted. If there were
really, registered 212,000, it will be seen that
even under the reconstruction bills, tho Con
vention was never called. To say the least,
neither Gen. Pope, Superintendent of Regis
tration Hulbert, nor others, who manipu
lated the votes, enjoy such a reputation for
correctness and fairness in this matter as to
satisfy the public. So we trust our new com
mander will examine into the whole matter
at once, nnd give us the truth. By tho way,
we have it from a reliable source tbat another
printed circular has been sent to delegates
from E. Hulbert, in which they are urged to
return to the Convention, that Gen. Meade
will pursue the same policy as Pope, was in
fact himself a Radical, and intimates that the
pay for the delegates is in hand. If General
Meado has any regard for his character he
will have to keep an eye on certain persons,
and not permit them to address him at all.
The following amounts havo been
paid by tbc general government to tlic several
States under acts of Congress indemnifying
1 the States for expenses incurred by them in
defence of the United States: '
Maine, ^'' , 5S,S4G; New Hampshire, $958,441;
Vermont, $519,404; Massachusetts, $2,055,-
C49- Rhode Island, $735,217; Connecticut,
$1 703,980 ; New York, $2,300,192—claimed,
*3 225 000; Pennsylvania, $1,989,228; New
Jersey,' $1,108,231; Delaware, $8,019; Mary
land,’ nothing; Virginia, $20,819; Ohio,
$2,194,559—claimed, $2,272,000; Michigan,
$340 400; Kentucky, $2,116,034; Illinois,
$8 888,845; Iowa," $100,000; Wisconsin,
. $024,403 ; Minnesota, $103,433 ; Kansas,
*“®»tedl oss thocatastropholn property $9 800 ; Missouri, $7,900,089; Indiana,
U *K0,000 to $100,000—the worfti of the $587,015. Total, $30,933,459. Whole amount
$175,000. claimed, $40,205,000.^
'...lannarv l.-Generri W. T. B8T The Tallahassee Sentinel learns that
7 t m «, who was ordered to the command corn is being sold in large 5 aantiUcs in s«ne
l ®« Eastern Divi- : on reported at bead- ; portions of the State at lrom fifty cents to one
to-day and received a formal transfer dollar per bushel, to parties who are slnppin 0
Command 1 rnni it to Savannah.
XX? ATT a T7K All ADDRESS
GOVERNOR H. H. HAIGHT,
OF CALIFORNIA.
OconT to Feel Happy.—The editor of
the Montgomery Mail has received a letter
from Washington city, written by a gentle-
man “well known to our people,” from which
the following is an extract:
I have not left anything undone to have
them removed, particularly Swanc, and your
eoitorial, a copy of which you sent me, and
jtmcli I handed in person to the President,
had more to do with their removal than any
thing else.
HTTlic Conservative Executive Commit*
tct: of North Carolina lias called a State Con
tention of Conservatives, to meet in Raleigh,
the 5th of February.
C5?“Ths following is the European dis
patch alluded to lately in our telegraphic
columns, referring to Fenian discoveries in
Paris:
BacssKLs, January 4.—Le Nord has re
efed intelligence from Paris that tho head-
barters of the Fenian Brotherhood on the
continent had been discovered in the Fnu-
tonrg du Temple, in Paris, and seized by the
trench police. A large quantity of letters
and other documents revealing the plans of
organization, and a list 04 Head Centres
P* the Brotherhood were found on the prem-
***^ and had been forwarded by the French
‘othorities to London. The account in Le
“ordalao states thnt among the documents
Wpught to light was one containing the de-
■pi-3 of a plot for destroying a portion of the
voanocl Fleet by fire. ’ Other papers of a
‘tntlar character were discovered and placed
*n the hands of tho British government.
ai- f *In Ohio, IhoStnto authorities are ar
ising claims caused by the Morgan raid
Jccosa1 the Ohio river during the war. A
item in these claims is for property
-en for public use by Union officers dur-
8.the raid. This branch of these claims,
r . , c ‘‘the United States Government is ex-
RClcu to pay, amounts to $500,000.
® The ill-fated steamship Raleigh had
b hoard forty-five pa^H-ngcrs in all, of whom
-tj-onc arc thus far reported saved. The
Fellow Citizens: Before alluding to matters
of local concern, the posture of national affairs
renders it proper that I should express frankly
certain views upon the great questions of pub
lic policy now pending before the country.—
They have been formed after much anxious
reflection, and seem to me worthy of the con-
sideration’of all good citizens, without dis
tinction of party. There is nothing which
all of us have more at heart than the pros
perity and true glory of our country, and the
perpetuity of our free institutions; and those
questions which relate most nearly to these
great objects demand our first and most earn
est attention. It is not to be disguised tbat
wc have arrived at a critical period of our
country’s history, and that the capacity of the
people for maintaining a constitutional Gov
ernment i3 being subjected to a severer test
than ever before.
We ought to approach the consideration of
the issues before us with charity for each
other’s opinions, mindful of our obligations
as citizens of a common country; anxious,
each and all, to maintain the Federal Consti
tution inviolate and to preserve the Federal
Union in the spirit of our fathers. Whatever
our paity relations may be, our interests are
inseparable, and our motives and objects
should be identical. Political parties will
exist in every country that is free; yet party
spirit, when carried to excess, is the bane of
republican governments and constantly en
dangers their stability. Blind prejudice for
or against party names disqualifies men for
the duties of good citizenship, because it
paralyzes their judgments upon political
questions. All parties, at some period of
their career, commit errors, and infallibility
cannot be predicated of any man or body of
men. No party can justly claim a monopoly
of patriotism or intelligence. The masses of
all parties are sincere in their convictions,
and honestly desire the real welfare of their
country. Aspersion of motives and abusive
epithets provoke recrimination, produce
alienation and bitterness of feeling, and
ought to be condemed by all good citizens.
At the time my predecessor was inaugur
ated a gigantic civil war was in progress,
which taxed tho whole energies of the coun
try. The pcoplo of the Southern States had
rebelled against the authority of the Federal
Government, and, instead of relying for re
dress of alleged grievances upon peaceful
means, undertook to assert their indepen
dence by force of arms. After an arduous
struggle of four years, the war was terminated
by the complete triumph of the national
forces and the suppression ot the rebellion.—
Those in arms against the national authority
surrendered without any conditions other
than such as were agreed upon by the Gen
erals in the field.
The right of secession claimed to exist by a
portion of the people of the Southern States
was never recognized by the people ot the
Northern States, and has been extinguished
finally and forever by the result of the war.
Indeed, it cannot seem otherwise than strange
that any persons could be found to advocate
a doctrine so destructive of the ends of a
Federal Government. A right of revolution
exists always when oppression is practiced
for which there is no other adequate redress;
but the right of any member of the Union to
withdraw at pleasure, and thereby extinguish
Federal authority over its citizens, could
never be recognized without assenting to the
practical repeal of the Constitution and the
abolition of the Federal Government. No
Government existing by so frail a tenure
could command respect at home or abroad.
Such a doctrine needs no discussion before
the people of California, for it has been ex
pressly repudiated here by all political
parties.
Not only has the war put an end to any
claim of such right, but slavery also—the
great subject 01 contention between the North
and the South—has perished in the struggle,
and can never, in any form, be revived. The
object of the war upon onr part being avow!
edly the enforcement of the laws nnd the
preservation of the Union, it is a remarkable
fact that, although the war was successfully
closed two years and a half ago, the Union is,
apparently, no nearer restoration to-day than
in the Spring of 1865. The reasons for this
fact, and the effect of the policy pursued by
Congress, I propose briefly to examine. .
In order to arrive at correct conclusions on
this subject, there must be a disposition to
lay aside preconceived opinions, and, in a
spirit of candid inquiry, to aim at forming a
correct judgment as to what policy will pro
mote the highest good of the whole people.—
This is the duty of every citizen, for upon the
right solution of the questions involved may
depend the preservation of the Union and
the Government
The love of country is justly extolled as one
of the noblest feelings of the human breast—
In the mind of every American this feeling is
strengthened not merely by a contemplation
of the greatness of his country, its territorial
extent and unexampled resources and pro
gress. but by an appreciation of the beneficent
system of government framed by the Wisdom
of our fathers, and which ha3 been for more
than three quarters of a century the admira
tion of tbc world.
No standard valuation could express the
worth of our free institutions, and language
could hardly give an adequate idea ol the
sacrifices by which these institutions were pur
chases. Their excellence consists mainly in
two elements; first, that they afford to tfie
people the free choice of their rulers; and se
cond, that under our system the powers of
Government are defined nnd limited by writ
ten Constitutions.
The forms of government which prevail in
Europe are chiefly monarchical. The defect
in such forms frequently consist not merely in
lack in popular choice, but in lack of re
straint upon tlie power of the monarch—un
limited power in the hands of a King; in
other words, an absolute monarchy is a des
potism which may be mild or cruel, accord
ing to the qualities and character of the sov
ereign. There is no intelligent reader of his
tory who is not aware that an unlimited
Democratic government is more objectiona
ble and dangerous than an absolute mon
archy. It is a familiar saying, thnt one ty
rant is preferable to a multitude. The ob
ject or checks nnd limitations under a
Republican government is to protect the
minority from oppression by tbe majority.
It is Stated by all intelligent writers tlmt
there is no more danger of the overthrow cf
free Governments by legislative usurpations
than by any other cause. The reason is ob
vious. The v«ry number of the legislative
body destroys all sense of individual guilt or
responsibility. The temporary majorityclaim
to represent tho will of the people, and under
the leadership «f extreme men are prone to
oppressive measures against tho_ minority.
The people are sometimes carried away by
excitement and passion, and misled by de
signing politicians. They rarely fail, how
ever, upon reflection, to see the right and
correct their error. • • •
The safety of our Constitution consist in
the virtue ami good sense of the mass of the
people, which will prevent them from pur
suing an}’ pernicious policy if they have suf
ficient time for reflection before the mischief
becomes irreparable. ' . .
One object of constitutional limitation is to
secure this time for passion to cool aud for
reason to prevail over prejudice. If, how
ever, either the Legislature or Executive dis-
regard'the limits upon their power fixed by
the people in the organic law, the xi uole vir
tue of our system is gone, and what we sup
posed to be a constitutional republic becomes
the mere tyranny of a majority. Such a
Government would be the worst form of des
potism, aud lienee tbe vital importance ol
confining the Legislature and Congress within
the sphere of their constitutional powers.
Upon this depends everything valnable*»n our
institutions—the protection of our lives and
It has been of late common to deride all
appeals to the Constitution, and to speak of
the powers of Congress as though Congress
were the creator ot the Constitution instead
of being its creature. Such sentiments tend
to the destruction of the Government; for
what is the framework of government but
the Constitution? It is not the President
nor Congress, nor the Supreme Court, nor all
combined. It is the written Constitution
adopted by the people as the organic law
Those who advocate the doctrine that Con
gress can override tho Constitution, or act
“ outside of the Constitution,” or under the
pica of necessity exercise powers not granted
by that instrument, are aiding to establish a
principle that will destroy whatever is sacred
and valuable to our free institutions. Legions
of armed foes could never accomplish so
much to destroy this admirable framework
of government which wc have inherited from
our fathers, and which we hope to transmit
as a priceless legacy to our children.
In a strict adherence to the organic law
our only safety. There are certain personal
rights secured by it for which we have no
other guarantee whatever. One is the right
to be tried by a jury for alleged criminal of
fences, which has justly been termed an ines
timablc right. It has from time immemo
rial been regarded as the palladium of civil
liberty. Without it there is no security for
a fair and impartial trial. Tho privilege of
the writ of habeas corpus is another of those
rights which affords a security against illegal
imprisonment. This has been tbe boast of
every lover of liberty in England nnd this
country for centuries. The security of pri
vatc dwellings against unreasonable search
the right to be protected against prosecu
tions lor capital or infamous crimes, except
upon presentment of a grand jury; the free
dom of the press, and tho subordination of
tho military to the civil authority, are also
guaranteed by the fundamental law. These
rights are as precious ns life itself. Without
them, life to a freeman would be ot little
value. Tens of thousands in all ages have
preferred torture and death to a surrender of
those personal rights which arc so dear to
the heart of every American. The only so
curity for them, however, is to be found in
the provisions of the Constitution, and in
the determination of the people that those ^ re ? 8 '
provisions 6hall bo respected by the public
servants in Congress, and in all departments
of the Government. It is useful to recur to
elementary principles like these, which in
times of excited passion are in danger of be
ing lost sight of and undervalued; and no
legislation which cannot stand the test of
these principle! ought to be countenanced
for a moment by the people.
• It lias always been a political and legal
axiom that the Federal Government is one of
enumerated and delegated powers. It can
exercise no powers except those expressly con
ferred, and such incidental ones as arc neces
sary to the proper exercise of the powers
granted. All powers not thus granted arc
reserved to the Slates or to the people. The
powers delegated to the Federal Government
are for certain specific purposes. Tho State
Governments exercise all powers not pro
hibited to them by the State or Federal Con
stitution. The result is that the several States
have exclusive control of their local and do
mestic concerns, while certain enumerated
national powers are intrusted to the Federal
Government. Upon no other basis could our
system permanently exist, for it would be
idle to expect a legislature, in a Capital three
thousand miles distant, to legislate intelli
gently upon the local interests of the people
of California. Upon local affairs, exclusive
State authority, and upon national affairs ex
clusive Federal authority, as defined and ex
pressed in the Constitution, arc the only con
ditions compatible with tho perpetuity of the
Union. A consolidated republic, with legis
lative power exercised at a distant Capital,
would become odious to the people and
would fall to pieces by its own weight. A
strict construction of the Federal Constitution,
instead of weakening, strengthens tlie Union.
The opposite consttuction leads to profligate
legislation to interference with the domestic
affairs of the States, and tends to alienate the
affections of the people.
Tbe late war was waged on our part to en
force tho.authority of the Federal Govern
ment in the Southern Slates .and prevent the
disruption of the Union, and not to destroy
the liberties of any portion of the people or
create a negro empire on our Southern border.
At the commencement of the war Congress
made a formal declaration of its object in a
resolution that “the war was not waged on
cur part in any spirit of oppression, nor in any
spirit of conquca or subjugation, nor for the
purpose ot overtirowing or interfering with
the rights or established iustitutions of those
States, but to defend and maintain the su
premacy of tho Constitution and preserve the
Union with all the dignity, equality and
rights of the several States unimpaired.”
This solemn pledge aud declaration of the
object of the war was repeated by the execu
tive and legislative departments on various
occasions, and cannot be violated without a
breach of public faith and a stain upon our
national honor.
In our diplomitic correspondence with
foreign powers, it was declared explicitly that
the suppression of the insurrection would
leave the insurgent States with all their rights
intact. An unvarying series of acts nnd
declarations by the Executive and Congress,
from the outbreak of the war to the present
time, all proceed upon tho hypothesis that
the ten Southern States are not out of the
Union, but States within the Union and with
in the pale of the Constitution.
Their separate existence was recognized in
the adoption of the constitutional amend
ment abolishing slavery; in official inter
course with the other States and the General
Government; in the appointment and con
firmation of judicial aud other officers for
them, and in the universal admission that
they must bo counted iu determining whether
tho' amendments last proposed have been
adopted by a sufficient number of States.
The Acts of Congress admitting such of
them as came into tlie Union subsequently to
tbc adoption of the Federal Constitution
stand unrcpealed and irrcpcalable; some of
them are of the original thirteen which
achieved independence ami organized the
Government.
Part of their sovereignty was delegated to
the Federal Government for certain national
purposes, but their existence as States cannot
be destroyed by any lawful or constitutional
authority.
We fought throughout the war on the side
of the Government for tho principle that their
ordinances of secession were void, and that
they wero still oubjett to the uonstmujou
and laws, and we establish our doctrine by
the success of our arms.
If our doctrine was correct, and our declara
tions were true, wc were not waging a war of
conquest, but one for the maintenance of the
Constitution and the enforcement of the laws.
Either they were and arc in the Union as
States, and their citizens bound to obey the
Constitution, and entitled to protection under
it. If wc admit this latter proposition, wc
admit that wc have been waging a war of
conquest for dominion, and not a war to
maintain the Constitution aud preserve the
Union. Such an admission would dishonor
us in onr estimation and in that of the civil
ized world. The very acts of Congress which
seek to ignore and extinguish tho State Gov
ernments recognize their existence by author
izing, in certain contingencies, Department
Commanders to remove executive, legislative
and judicial officers of those States, aud de
tail military officers to assume the functions
of the persons so removed.
Tho reconstruction policy of Congress is
tacitly permit the suppression of public journals I ciple of justice is involved, anymore than in the
by military orders, and allow no appeal from mili-1 case of females or minors, or foreigners not;
tary sentence, except in capital cases, to the dent-1 naturalized. Nor does the negro need tho ballot
ency of the President. They assume the control of to protect himself any more than either of the
the elective franchise, which the Constitution other classes referred to; cn the contrary, it is for
vests exclusively in the States; and after disfran- the good of both of those races that the elective
chising a large class of the white population, con- franchise should be confined to the whites. Tbe
fer the right of suffrage upon all negroes over 21, aid of Africans aud Asiatics would be an evil, and
without regard to qualifications or its intelligent not a benefit. It would introduce the antipathy
exercise. I of race into our political contests aud lead to
This is briefly the nature of the reconstruction | strife and bloodshed. The opposition to giving
policy of Congress. It takes from the white peo-1 the negro and Asiatic the ballot is not based upon
pie of ten States their constitutional rights, and I prejudice or ill will against those races, but upon
leaves them subject to military rule; and disfran- a conviction of the evil# which would result to
chises enough white men to give the political con-1 the whole country from corrupting the source of
troi to amass of negroes just emancipated and al- political power with elements so impure,
most as ignorant ot political duties as the beasts It is not a sound reason for conferring tho elec-
of the field. I tive franchise upon the negroes if it wore true
In theso measures Congress commits the sole- that they need more protection. Upon this
ctsm of legislating martial law; that is, under theory, the more helpless and ignorant the negro
a constitutional Government in a period of pro- is the more propriety there would bo in admit-
found peace, the National Legislature enacts ting him to the ballot-box and making him a
that in ten Stales of the Union there-shall bo no I legislator and a sovereign. Our free institutions
law but the will of tho Department Commander, rest upon the virtue and intelligence of the poo-
and that tho political power in those States shall pie, and upon these qualities is based the only
be given to tho negroes, who can thereby control hone of their preservation; but this doctrine of
their domestic administration and send to Con- negro suffrage, so persistentlv advocated by
gross negro Senators and Representatives to Senators and Representatives in Congress, pro
assist in making laws to govern the white people poses as a basis forropublican institutions brutal
of the North. Thus the reconstruction policy of ignorance and barbarism. So far from the ballot
Congress is tho subversion of all civil govern- protesting tho negroes, it would eventuate in
ment under military rule, the abolition of those I their destruction. Tho effort to give it to them
personal rights guaranteed by tho Constitution I by military force has already created a feeling
and held sacred sinco tho^ Government was I of hostility between them and tho white popula-
formed, tho subjection of the whit® population tion of the South. Theso inferior races have
of tho Southern States, men, women and chil- their civil rights, as all good men desire they
dren, to a mass of ignorant negroes just freed should have. They can sue and defend in tho
- s ^ av ? • Courts; acquire and possess property; they have
This policy sweeps away in ten States all safe- entire freedom of person, and can pursue any
guards of personal liberty, trial by jury, writ of lawful occupation for a livelihood, hut they will
habeas corpus and security of private dwellings, never, with tho consent of tho people of this
and leaves every civil officer—executive, legis- State, either vote or hold office,
lativo and judicial—to hold his position at the The foregoing views upon national affairs will, I
pleasure of tho military. trust, ho received in tho spirit by which they are
It then confers the elective franchise on the prompted. The lives of individuals are brief when
blacks, and provides a system which gives them compared with those of nations like ours. But a
(though actually a minority) a voting majority few years and we who arc now bearing the respon-
over the_whites, making thoscStatcs ncgroStates; I sibilities of American citizenship will have passed
introducing the negro intoFederal offices, and giv- away, leaving to our successors a legacy of consti-
iug him power to participate in Federal legiVla- .rational freedom, or a spirit of lawlessness and
tion. That any white man con!d be found on this disregard of constitutional obligations which will
continent to sanction a policy so subversive ol lead to revolution and anarchy. We have a corn-
rational liberty, aud in the end so fatal to tho Union monoountry, whose past glories arc our joint heri-
aud tho Government, la n subject of unceasing as-1 tage, aud whose destiny in the future, whether of
tonishment. glory or of shame, is the destiny of ourselves and
These measures are a violation of the fundamen- of our children,
tal principles of the Constitution and of liberty; of Let us treat our Southern countrymen with that
every dictate of sound policy; of every sentiment spirit of charity and kindness which is our espe-
of humanity andof Christianity; and are a disgrace clal duty, considering that we are fully as liable to
to our country and to the ago in which we live, err 03 any other of our fellow men.
In using this strong condemnatory language I am « ♦ «
not insensible to the iact that thousands of good J ARRIVAL of IIox. Jefferson Day;0, —
The Southern States and the National Dem
ocratic Convention*
The Columbus Crisis recommends to the
Ohio State Convention, which is to assemble
on the 8th instant, the adoption of a resolu
tion to the following effect :
That the Southern States shall be entitled
to tbe same representation in tbe next Demo
cratic National Convention that they had in
the Charleston Convention in I860, and tbat
we renommend to the people of all the Slates
where bogus constitutions have been forced
upon the people against their will, and con
trary to their wishes, that they assemble at
the proper time and place or places, and
nominate an electoral ticket to be voted for
at the next Presidential election; end that
upon the regular day for the election of Pres
ident and Vice-President of the United States,
they repair to their usual places of holding
such elections, and proceed to hold said elec
tions in conformity to the- laws as they ex
isted prior to the late Southern rebellion and
Radical revolution ; and that the Democratic
party of Ohio will insist upon the legality of
said elections, and use all the peaceable, legal
and constitutional means in their power to-
uphold and maintain the same.
The Louisville Courier remarks as follows:
TYe shall be rejoiced to see the adoption of
such a resolution by the sterling Democracy
of Ohio. No proposition can be clearer than
that tlie Democracy of the Southern States
are entitled to representation in the National
Convention; and as States of the Union their
citizens have undoubtedly the right to vote
for Presidential electors just as if no attempt
had been made to supersede the legitimate
State authorities with bogus negro govern
ments. We trust that not only the Ohio State
Convention, but every other Democratic
State Convention, will take the position indi
cated in the proposed resolution.
Greeley on Southern Relief.
appear to approve of the measures of. Con- T i, Ouba* "which lias hepn cxnect
;, nor do I presume to sit in judgment on , , st eamsnip v-UDa, wmen nas Deen expect
their motives. Many of them, doubtless, are Itwo or three days, arrived last evening
unconsciously influenced by the passions andTc- at 7 o’clock, from Baltimore via Havana,
sentments of the war, and in their anxiety to guard bringing among her passengers ex-President
against an imaginary danger, sanction principles D av is and Mrs. Davis, whor are on their way
the tendency of which is subversive of Republican . v—n,„_ »_ n.rs»
institutions. Others have accepted the represen- *•? . c . l0mc °* Davis brother in Mis
tations of partisan leaders and presses without ex- sissippi..
amining and judging for themselves. Notwithstanding tho inclemency of tlie
I entreat all such to pause and ask themselves weather, and the lateness of the hour at which
9 bli r» r n B wi t i!i r i?PPa t wui. P t , n i ^’ ^ 1C steamer arrived, there were many of his
and where will it end ? Do we indeed wish to eu- „ . , • , , ■, r ,
slave and degrade onr fellow citizens of the South-1 friends who w ent to greet him, and to wet
era States? Was it for this that we expended so come him once more to a city which he visits
lavishly our blood and treasure to preserve the now for the first time for many years, and
Union? Neither our gallant soldiers nor the where he has friends as true, as devoted, and
Northern people ever cherished any design to op- warm-hearted as anv man ever had anv-
press the Southern people, nor to erect another as . " arm ucartcu as aD J nlan c ' cr naa a -
St. Domingo on our Southern border. A policy Where.
which has led the white population of ten States This spontaneous tribute of affection and
of the Union to consider the necessity of exiling respect was rendered to Mr. Davis not merely
themselves from the soil in which sleeps the dust f rom common sympathy and common suffer-
of their kindred for generations, and which is hal- : .£• . -
lowed by the patriotic deeds of an heroic ancestry I in S in a cause 111 W Inch all were w\ olved
and the associations of childhood and youth, is but from a sincere appreciation by Ins friends
not a policy which ought to be adopted by a mag of the grand qualities that have ever marked
nanimous and Christiin people; and this is pro- Mi\ Davis as a statesman of tho first order, a
ssaijsss’ofr-iSi.sf’si.s"^oru» ?nT d.«ii^,..g. n .icm„
flesh, eons of sires who fought side by side with 1every relation in liie, and. a man whose
our own in tho Revolution, sons of patriots and I record in all tho respects of purity and honor
statesmen who assisted to establish the foundations will stand equal to that of any other who
part bas lived in this or anv other age. On behalf
indebted for the very liberties we now enjoy. c , - ., , - r.. , . .,
It is insisted by those who argue in favor of thousands of friends in this city, we
tho reconstruction measures, that the Southern I extend to Mr. Davis a welcome to our homes
people rebelled, and that rebels ought not to I nnd our hearts.—iV O. Crescent, 1st.
possess political rights or franchises; that the
disloyal whites. cannot bo trusted, and that, g^VBrvt. Maj. R. K. Scott; Assistant Com*
g" rCl the contro1 shouId be S‘ vcn t0 the I missioncr of Bureau It. F. & A. L. for South
Tho answer to this is plain. No man or class Carolina, issued, on the 1st inst., a circular
S.3S . u rf.iis , ;, f r.2iss?ss7s^ k p; >«». >» p™-
after a fair trial and conviction. Wo cannot [graphs:
overthrow republican government and civil lib- whenever from lack of means the contract
ig^?* “.op «
people of those S totes with tbe right of self gov- l» htlontciL tho apportionment of tho gross
eminent, unless wo mean to abandon republican proceeds should be made as follows: lo
institutions altogether. Besides, it is not true the land one-third; to the laborer one-third;
that there is any disposition among tho people the capital consisting of work animals and
of those States to repeat tho experiment of scces- their feed, implements and fertilizers, one-
third; ofU.0htborortotomln.f.
of most of life comforts, and in some localities of U P°“ Hj 0 completion of tho gothonng and
tho very necessaries of life. Tho cry for bread [ marketing of the crop,
as como to us from their famishing households. | It is more than probable tbat tho majority
ley havo in good faith submuiua to me results of planters will bo obliged rrom wdnt <ft
of tho war, and disclaim all idea of secession or funds to adopt the latter system, or some
of resistanco to Federal authority.. Their right 0 *} ier approaching in its nature, but differing
Citizens can be legally tried and punished for | tive than tho one-third suggested for the
(reason or for any other crime, but States cannot j laborer, should in my opinion be tendered
he deprived of representatives without revolution- 0 r received.
iziug the Government. We have fought against -**• .
the principle of secession, and have established Vice Presidents of tiie Conservative
the doctrine that no State can withdraw from the qlpb of Muscogee County.—Dr. Jno. E.
Union. Tho States arenot out of the Union, un-U, i of „
loss we talsify all our professions during the war, Bacop, Chairman of the late Conservative
and if they are in the Union, their representatives meeting, has made the lollowing appoint-
arc entitled to admission to Congress. A Con-1 ments of Vice Presidents for the Conservative
resolution of the
long
Salisbury,
Chas. E. Booher,
W. J. McAlister,
D. W. Wolfson,
Jacob Burrue,
Abo Gammcl,
Asa Lynch,
Berry Willis,
Gray Harris,
Dr. J. L. Cheney,
[ Columbus Sun.
property, and the security of our liberties.—
These fundamental principles cannot be too
often repeated, ortoo deeply impressed upon j ities,^ thereby abolkbingthe writ of babeascorpns;
the popular mind and heart. ! they ignore presentment by grand juries; they
March 2, 1SG7, one passed March 23, 1807,
and 6nc passed July, 1807, two years after the
war ended.
These enactm aits asstmia tbat ten of the 8; uth-
i- states a e conquered territory, and ] roeeed to
fiivit! • them into tive military districts, each under
the command of a military officer not below tlie
grade of Brigadier General. They abolish iu ef
fect the riuht el‘trial by jury, aud make the ac
cused subject to trial by military commissions;
they prohibit any Interference by tlie State author-
administered in such a spirit or upon such princi- T. K. "Wynne,
pies. . I A. R. Lamar,
One man may think every one a traitor who is T n t m vr ]\r c Illienv
opposed to permitting negroes or Chinamen to T , 7-. * . * ’
hold office or sit on juries. Another may think |."°“ n
every matt disloyal who is opposed to forcing ne- J. J. McKendree,
gro suffrage upon all the States, in defiance of the Jos. F. Pou,
Constitution. The late proceedings of Congress j; ^ Faber
in the case of Representatives from Kentucky il- T ’ r ‘p Ar f„ r ’
luslrate the principle involved. Tbe people of a y 22 vorier,
Statu which has never seceded or rebelled, which N- M. Bivins,
furnished about as large a proportion of Eoldiers, D. W. Champanc,
aud performed as much service, and suffered more
loss for tbe Government than anj Northern State Alabama Gold.—Mr. Burwell Lamer, who
ofequalpepulation, by adecisive majority elected ji as a California experience, estimates the
Representatives to Congress who were refused - ld of the ]d foun d in Cleburne countv,
auts 8 appeared P T ’ S ° Alabama, at 96 per cent. He and Captain j.
This proceeding was both an indignity and a M. Cunningham, of Lauderdale, have leased
wrong to tho people of Kentucky, aad a prece- the land. The Huntsville Democrat says:
dent full of evil import to every other State. It “The gold is found in the northeastern part
is not tho right of a majority in Congress to die- 0 f Cleburne, in a quartz veiu running from
“ r'.’r* "A* sssii;
have qualifications prescribed in tho Constitu- b e ' t,r J rich and extensive. At a point twenty
tion. Beyond these, the peoplo who elect arc miles southeast, parties with very imperfect
the exclusive judges; otherwise the right of rep-1 machinery, have obtained a very large per
resentation would be of little worth. Democratic cent, of gold from the quartz/
representatives might bo excluded this year and
Republican representatives tho next. "V ermont Belief for TBE South.—A Washington
and Massachusetts have no moro right to pre- .....
scribe tests of loyalty for representatives from special of the 4th says:
Kentucky and California, than Kentucky The p rcs i dc nt is gathering all information
and California havo for Vermont and Massachu- ; n the possession of thcAVarDepartmentre-
If, during the war of 1812, the representatives lative to the destitution in the South, and
from Massachusetts had been denied admission ba3 called upon Gen. Grant for a report on
to Congress for opposition to the war, or at a later the subject. Gen. Howard will,to day,ro-
period, on account of legislation nullifying the mit reports of tlie different commanders
Fugitive SJavo Law, that Stato would have had South on the subject.
just ground for complaint. Gen. Cauby favors relief to tlie planters by
tottl* tttttl tail.* provtaions, liens on
people of tne Southern States, with their slaves crops as security.
emancipated, which should excite any lcar on the Gen. Grant ha3 approved the plan of Gen.
part- of a powerful and victorious Government ?— Howard to supply provisions from the funds
It is inconceivable that any peraon should sen- Freed men’s Bureau to oeraons actually
only apprehend resistance to Federal authority I or i. ne . rrefOMten a mtreau to persons aciuany
tor a generation to come, it tho people of thoee I suffering in the South, on the security ot a
Ototn>« ara u*t ^vwlvd 4* Uy •»■■■*■•* j lion an flin nrnpo, anrl i nef riintinn 0 l.c» * *-■ r X * w
persecution and oppression. I into effect are expected to be given to the
Had their representatives been admitted to Con- Assistant Commissioner within a week,
ress in December, 1SG5, quiet and harmony would m
aTO been restored long before this time, and in- ? p Meeting —The Con
dustry would have revived there. Population and I JfiHTHljAIASnC CLUB MEETING, ine c n
From the N.Y, Tribunal
The South is to-day rich in land and poor
in almost everything else. Part of her soil is
badly cultivated, the larger portion unpro
ductive, while her mines are unopened, and
her water-power runs to waste, because she
has no capital wherewith to develop and
improve them.
The very best thing that men of means can
do for the-South and for themselves is to in
vest liberally in the purchase of her lands.
They arc amazingly cheap—often offered for
less than one-quarter of their intrinsic value,
yet offered in vain. Money wherewith to
buy them is not found at the South; the few
who possess it have too much land already.
Families which hold a thousand acres of
mainly good soil, but generally in bad con
dition, are absolutely liarrassed by debts of a
few hundred dollars, and know not how to
meet them. They try to borrow, but no one
wishes to lend them; the security is good,
but repayment is slow—those who made ad
vances to Southern planters iu 1865, exjtcct-
ing payment from that year’s crop, are often
awaiting it yet, with a cloudier )>rospect
than that of two years ago. It is not possi
ble to obtain loans in such amount as will
afford sensible relief to the South ; but real
estate is so low there that money can be in
vested to gieat advantage, even though the
land werelo He idle and taxes be paid on it
for the next two or three years.
There is no question of willingness to sell;
the owners must sell, or the sheriff will save
them the trouble. At least a quarter of the
soil of the former slave States is in the mar
ket at low prices to-day. Some of it is as rich
land as the sun ever warmed; far more has
never ye.t been ploughed to a depth of six
inches, and though worn and exhausted og
the surface, is deep and strong below. There
arc thousands of acres cf choice timber in
market for sums which a quarter of their
trees, properly dealt with, would pay, leaving
the residue and the soil clear profit. There
are water-powers ot great prospective value
which are not counted at all in tbe prices
asked for the estates which include them.
Beds of ore and mines of coal tiat will soon
be worth teDS of thousands of dollars are in
cluded in tracts of mainly timbered land
that are offered for $20 per acre or less;
while plantations of one or two thousand
acres seek purchasers for las than the cost of
their buildings.
Laborers in abundance cling to or surround
those plantations, anxious tole hired for ten
dollars per month and rations that would
cost less than five dollars more. As good
labor as theirs cannot be hired this way for
less than thirty dollars per month (including
board,) and tbe blacks expect to work long
aud hard in the crop-making season. The
peach, the grape and the strawberry, may bo
grown luxuriantly almost everywhere; so may
early vegetables along the coast; tea aud silk
will yet be Southern staples. Lands thnt
were worth twenty dollars per acre for cotton
growing, but would rarely command that
sum, will be eagerly bought for ton times that
price wheu covered, ns they will be, with
orchards and vineyards and accustomed to a
more varied and thorough culture than the
rude husbandry of tlieplanteiywho will learn
how to make a better living from a hundred
acres than lie overdid from a thousand.
Every dollar invested by strangers or im
migrants in Southern lands does good to
every interest and section. There are thou
sands of extensive landholders now dodging
the sheriff, unable to hire and pay labor, un
fitted by embarrassment for any earnest, per
sistent effort, who, if they could sell half their
land even at a sacrifice, would be once more
on their feet. They could pay their debts";
they could buy seed, implements and fertili
zers, they could hire, feed and pay laborers;
and they would thus produce far more on tho
residue of their estates than they now do on
the whole. And the purchase-money, after
paying scores of debts, would return to the
North in satisfaction of debt or in payment
for new purchases, and would thus do more
good here than though it had never left us.
Men who would gladly revive the flagging
energies of the South, lighten her miseries,
and restore her to vigor and prosperty ! take
or send down your money and buy Southern
lands!
Josh Hillings on Cupid.
capital would have flowed in from the North and | servative Club bad a large anti enthusiastic
Europe; but neither population nor capital will meeting last night. The Theatre was crowd-
.—.... 1 v !„n -■->’*» at C( f an d the audience manifested the greatest
interest in the proceedings. Mr. Pearsall
made an excellent and practical address, du-
trust themselves where civil rights exist only at
the pleasure of tho military, and the negro has
political control.
The policy of Congress adds to the burdens ot
taxation by keeping on foot a large military force
at the South, with the expensive machiuery of
Frecdmcu’s Bureaus, and impairs public and pri
vate credit by creating a feeling of insecurity and
apprebension 1 or the future.
The policy or propriety of admitting the blacks
to the right ef suffrage belongs to each State to
determine for itself, ilad Congress been able to
cuntrol this subji ct, both negro and Chinese suf
frage would probably- have Been farced upon the
people of California" against the will of the vast
majority. Ignorance of t'ne effects of such legisla
tion would havo in tlie ted upon us evils absolutely
in’olerable.
8o far as California U ctiuccrucd, the people ol
this State have expressed their opposition both to
negro and Chinese suffrage. It ia a question not
of inalienable rielit, but simply ol expediency.
The question is, whether it will be for tbo greatest
embodied in several distinct measures, the good’ol the greatest number to confine the elec
principal ones of which are what are termed tive Irarehi-e to the whites, or to extend i to tin
the 3filitary Reconstruction bills, one passed
negroes and Chinese. A portion of those persons
iu this State who favor negro suffrage hesitate to
advocate Chinese suffrage, but the Congressional
p itlcy makes no distinction.
On 'be contrary, tbat policy proposes to ignore
a’l discrimination in political privileges, founded
on race or color, indeed, theru is no liue tbat oan
be diawn, unless suifragu in confined to the white
population. II it is a question ol justice, as some f .
assert, and • .stuv r. q lir. - the ball, t to be given ■ various attl
to tbe negro, then it equally requires tho ballot to which they
_j given To lire Chinaman. If tbe negro requires
the ballot to protect himaclf, as other.-' assert, then
till- Asiatic il t d- it to protect himself. Tln-rs is,
however, no truth in cither sUteaic-ut. No prin- pa.:eu unay
ring which Gen. John. B. Gordon appeared
upon the stage and was received with loud
nnd continuous cheers. Gen. Gordon ad
dressed tbe clnb in a most earnest and elo
quent speech. He bade us be true to our
manhood and self-respect, and fall as martyrs
rather than suicides. Tlie General was fol
lowed by Gov. Watts, Gen. noltzclaw, Gen.
Troy and Others, their earnest advice being
listened to with tlie utmost attention and
approbation.—Mont. Mail.
HThe English are groaning over an in
crease of a penny in the pound in tbe income
tax caused by the Abyssinian war. This
makes the aggregate live pence in thepound,
equivalent to a little over two per cent, in
come tax ; ours is five. The tax in England
is imposed on the average income for three
years, and all incomes on £100 or $590 are
exempt. With us the exemption applies to
all under $1000. But our income tax is more
than twice as heavy ns the English, to say
nothing of the taxes on manufactures aud
tides of common consumption, in
are more than four times as high.
The day for our exulting over other nations
It is real singular what a man-killer and woman-
killer the god Cupid is, for one of his heft.
He is pictured out on paper about the size of a
pair of wings about as large as a boss butterfly’s,
and is armed with a bow and arrows, that might
possibly answer to kill bumble bees at four puces.
This little lctiow it<to b„= B ea more game with
his wooden shuteing iron than all the shot that
uns ever been built can brag of.
He has in his quiver innumerable arrows, sum
few of them dipped in genuine love, and feathered
witli good sense, but most of them would seem
too trilling tew beat all dangerous if I hadn’t, with
my own eyes, noticed him at work witti them,
both at male and female game, both sitting and
llyiuir, and seen the many ded shots he had made.
I have been at sum plains for the last tew sezens
tew watch h'.z manoevers, wbare I have happened
tew be, and the following record is a laithlul his
tory of this little chap’s blcody bizz:
Ben Slocum, aged nineteen years, weigh about
oue hundred and ninety pound-, and a good eater,
at work by tbe month lor farmer Brown, hoeing
corn, received his death wound from a garter be
longin': to Rachel Tuoktr, Brown’s hired girl, as
tho saia Tucker was learning tew jump tho rope
down the garjea.
Kate Frcelove, youngest daughter of I. S. Frce-
love, Esq., who could play big on the piauny, and
had studied Latin one quarter, was shot thru and
thru by a paper of Stuart's mixed candles that
Frank Fever sent lur.
John Davis got his mutton cooked by a spit curl
that was dangling on A lu’cKnc's forehead.
Bill iVethcrby, a dry good’s clerk, died sudiltn-
ly by Fitting in range of one of Koxy Matthew’s
swe’.-te-! emlli s dartedacrost the cou.,te>-.
Sally Munson diseased without a struggle.—
Cause—Dick Fenton’s No. 7 patent leather boots,
and California soltaire.
Sam Benson, butcher, wounded with a hoop
skirt, got better ; then was struck di ed by a false
calf in tbe Bowery.
Lawrence Peters, r.god 00, and forfiO jeara acon-
sistent bachelor, lived only an Lour, in great ago
ny, after eating warm apple pies at Widow Steb-
bin’s.
Frank Hunter, maimed for life, by a biack ba'
moral with an orange stripe iu it.
It is liirite.l that M. Bt-ulicr draws his
inspiration from Eugenie rather than Napo-
o Icon, and that ho looks to becoruiug the
! ;□ the matter of light taxation seems to have j Richelieu ofrlic Regency w hen Louis fills the
tomb of the Third Napoleon