Newspaper Page Text
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The Greorgia, Weekly Telegraph.
TUI-: TELEGRAPH.
jl.U'ON. FRIDAY, JANUARY 17. 1*** ! S_
4 (illrrllou of Taxes Suspended.
The following Proclamation from Gov.
Jenkins, Innod on the lOtli ins'.., we copy
from the Federal Union: ^
Executive Department, )
Milledgcvillc, 10th January, 1808. J
By virtue of the authority in me vested by
the Tfltli Section of tlie Code of Georgia, I
do hereby suspend the collection ol Taxes
now paid into the Treasury of the State by
the people of Georgia, whether spee fic or nd
valorem, until the first day of May, in the
* ,! The Ckimplroller General will forthwith
civo notice to the Tax Collectors of the sev
eral counties, and publish the same in tue
gazettes of this city.
° CitAM.ES J. Jenkins,
Governor.
Executive Department, i
Milledgeville, January 10, 1808. )
I hereby certify that tho above and forego
ing is a true and correct copy of an Execu
tive Order issued this day and now on file
in this office. . _ ,
Witness my official signature and the Scai
of this Department hereto affixed, the day
and year above written.
R. L. Hunter.
8ec’y Ex. Dept.
A DAV n THE V. S. SENATE.
Editorial Correspondence of the TtltgrapL]
Washington, Jan*. 7, 1808.
To one accustomed to look upon the United
States Sedate and listen to its debates in
times past, a visit to that Chamber now is a
matter of curiosity rather than rational inter
cat, of humiliation rather than pride. It was
then n complete body—now, a fragmentary
one, in which but a portion of the States are
represented, though recent events render
eminently proper a substitution of the term
faw reprcsented. Certain it is that the great
interests of the country, the cause of public
harmony, the behests of enlightened states
manship, have few representatives on that
floor. Tho contrast with the Senate in its
better days is both striking and painful.
Whether as regards intellect or liberal and
enlarged views of public duty, the present
body dwindles into a lager beer club when
compared with that which is illustated in
history by the glorious names of Clay,
Wright, Benton, Webster, Berrien and Cal
houn. These men have passed away, and
they have no successors.
I have spent the whole afternoon in listen
ing to a discussion of the cotton tax, the sub
ject coming up in the form of a bill from the
House, to which various amendments were
offered. It was finally disposed of by sus
pending the tax on all cotton to be raised
during the year 1863, though it is understood
by tho friends of the measure that the tax is
dead for all time. The discussion upon this
subject illustrates tbo character and capacity
of the present Senate. The Northern men
who voted for a repeal, or suspension, of the
tax, placed their advocacy squaVely on the
ground that it was damaging Northern in
terests. They cared nothing bow badly the
Southern rebels was punished, for they de
served it til and more besides; but the shoe
also pinched Yankee manufacturers, and in
terfered with Yankee and Western trade, and
consequently it was not to be borne. No
body—not even Mr. Morrill, of Vermont—
defended the policy of the tax, the only argu
ments brought forward in its favor being
that the Treasury could not get along with-
uut lt t uud lb rt no out fill! IU OlSCriHUDfttO ID
favor of cotton-growers while manufacturing
and other interests remained with the bur
den upon them. On tho other hand it was
contended that cotton, as compared
with these interests, stood on a wholly
different ground, that all prosperity defended
on its liberal cultivation, that the Treasury
could spare the money aud more besides, and
hence it was unwise and ruinous to keep
up the imposition. Letters from Northern
mm who went South and engaged in thecul
tivation of cotton last year, did more, I am
convinced, to bring about the repeal than all
other causes combined. The friends of the
measure, and especially Mr. Wilson, Mr.
Reverdy Johnson and Mr. Frclinghuysen
strove hard to relievo the crop of 1867, but a
largo majority of the 8cnatc turned a deaf
ear to all their appeals.
A word or two upon tho various Senators
that took part in the debate may not be
wholly uninteresting, as Southern readers
generally know but little of the men who arc
now making laws for their government.
Rcverdy Johnson disappoints one’s high
expectations on first sight and hearing., He
is a short, stoutly-built man, with prominent
eyes, lingo mouth, a red face and very white
hair. Iu speaking he places himself in an
easy .manner between two desks, with a hand
resting on each and one foot in advance of
tho othex, in which position lie remains usu
ally till he is ready to take his scat. He is a
man of substance, not of show. There is no
effort at oratory, his stylo being rather col
loquial, but he deals in arguments and facts,
and without passion drives them home to the
point under consideration. He seems to be
without enthusiasm, hut is always listened
to with interest. In personal appearance,
though shorter, he bear* a striking resem
blance if) our former fellow-citizen, Dr. Joel
Branlmra.
I was much pleased both with the mattersnd
manner of Mr. Frclinghuysen's speech. He
is the son of the distinguished gentleman
who ran on the ticket with Clay for Vice-
President, many years ago, and bids fair to
become a worthy successor of Ins father. He
has m«.;e enlarged views than any Northern
man I heard speak on the subject, aud as re
gards statistics, seems much better posted
than a majority of his Senatorial associates.
He has a pleasant, affable face, and, upon the
whole, is an agreeable speaker.
Mr. Morton, of Indiana, is lahie, leans on
two sticks when walking, and seems to take
a special delight iu hating everything South.
The great trouble at the South, he contended,
was, not that the negro would not work, but
that the lazy whites, who had done nothing
all tuvir lives hut frolic, gamble and lie
around grog shops, had to work now or
starve. This was what all the "howl” was
about, und they come up here now to get
protection for cotton that they may continue
in their idleness and vice. Ue is a bitter aud
malignant’cripple, an awkward and discus-
rive speaker, with no particular point about
him that I could discern.
The discussion showed a sad, and almost
criminal, ignorance on the part of the Radi
cal members of almost everything South.—
Mr. Patterson, ofN. II., for instance, thought
the South, though crushed now, had a glori
ous career of prosperity before her. Free
labor was dearer than slave labor, but (hep
the former would be twice as productive ns
the latter, and, besides, the improvement of
lauds would add greatly to the national
wealth! How does this increased amount of
labor from free negroes and this improvement
of lauds sound in the cars of Southern men
who are giving them a practical trial ? Mr.
Davis, of Kentucky, in his homely way,
swept tho cobwebs from the eyes of his New
Hampshire friend by numerous illustrations
of the practical Working of free negro labor,
and informed him that, in spite of it all, the
South could regulate her domestic affairs and
get aloDg pretty well but lor flic fact that
tho Yankees thought they understood them
far better than - we did, and would insist upon
dipping tbeir spoon into our dish.
But ignorance of things South might be
pardoned in those who have never been
amongst us aud get all their information from
Southern white Radicals, who are busy in
tbeir intercourse with Washington and doing
all the harm they can; but tho bitterness
still felt and displayed by Northern Senators
toward tho South is wholly inexcusable. To
legislate for us in ignorance of our real con
dition, would seem bad enough; but what
are we to expect when the laws arc framed
by n en who are hostile to us and our inter-
tcrests—who regard us as enemies and not as
fellow-citizens of the same country ? During
this debate, I regretted to see sundry at
tempts to stir up bad blood toward the South
by reviving the recollections of the war and
all the sad results of that unhappy struggle.
When Mr. Patterson, of New Hampshire, pa
rades in tho Senate the horrid ghosts of
"sixty thousand starved victims at Andcr-
sonville P.nd other Southern prisons, ’ and
no less a man than Simon Cameron
rises in his place and expresses his regret that
Republican Senators seem to forget for tho
time ull the blood that had been shed and
sorrows brought upon the North by detested
Southern Rebels—a thing he had not yet
learned to do—and absolutely advocate
friendly legislation toward those who had
done the conntry so much harm—when such
appeals as these are made on the floor of the
U. S. Senate, what hope have we for reunion
and harmony hereafter? I could not help
thinking how a Senator from Georgia would
have felt, and what ho would have said, had
lie been on the floor listening to these epithets
of traitor, rebel, vagabond. God help the
country if wc are to look for deliverance from
present troubles to the little malignant minds
that now control the legislation of this once
great nation 1 If they feel thus, what return
can they expect us to make ?
Among the measures introduced in the
Senate to-day, was a bill, by Senator Wilson,
authorizing the Negro-Radical Convention of
Georgia to remove the Governor, State House
officers, and all others who receive their np
pointments from the Governor, and to substi
tute officials of tbeir own creation. Ex-
Postmaster Blodgett bas been hero for seve
ral days, and is probably employed in engi
neering through this matter in behalf of the
Convention. I have only to add that the
white people of Georgia are not without
friends in the city, and those who arc deter
mined that the whole iniquitous plot shall
be laid bare to the Senate before tho bills
comes up for final action. The negro Con
ventions arc not popular here, aud there
some hope that the measure will be defeated
after it comes to be fully understood. S.
A Patriotic Letter.
Gov. Brown’s Speed).
The following sensiblo letter from Hon
.Trriin Qninoy AAxtna wm road at tlie recent
banquet on the 8th of January at the Federal
Capital:
Quincy, Jan. 1,1868.
Messrs. J. D. Hoover and others, Committee:
Gentlemen : I have received your kind
invitation to join with you and others in cel
ebrating, by a banquet, in Washington, on
the 8th inst., the anniversary of the battle ol
New Orleans. It would be a great pleasure
to me to bo present, but I fear that other en
gagements will render it impracticable. But
absent, I shall still join you most heartily iu
the sentiment of tho occasion.
It is well for us, in these days of darkness
and trial, to commemorate the recurring an
niversaries marked evermore with white in
our national annals. There never was a time
in our history when it more was important to
awake the dormant insensibilities of mutual
good-will and national fraternity from one
end of the land to the other. It cannot be
that the generous and magnanimous men of
the North can much longer cherish or endure
the domination of vindictive passion or ro
tributive revenge in dealing with their van
quished and bleeding brothers at the South,
still less exchange the cordial welcome-hoiuc
of forgiveness for a trembling traffic in a
strained and hampered mercy.
For my own part I am ashamed of this
unmanly distrust and fearful suspicion of our
prostrate fellow-citizens. Is there anything
in the purpose or result of the war which jus
tifies the victor in such a fratricidal quarrel
in throttling his foe after he is down, ami
holding up liis hands in defeat and despair?
No brave man, in his personal quarrel, will
treat thus nn opponent who acknowledges
defeat, and renounces further warture. lint
to refuse to forgive and forget tho past en
mity of our own flesh and blood, to scornfully
sneer at bis promises and protests, and try to
extort fallacious security from his deep dis
tress, is not only an unworthy rancor and n
pitiful timidity—it is n folly of a fatal char
acter.
Men and peoples may fight, and when the
fight is over, shake hands and grow faster
friends than ever; and so might wc but for
the confidence of assured power, suspicious
demands for security, and humiliating iaipo
sition of terms. No reconciliation everspruu;.
from fear. This may not be statesmanship,
but I believo it to be human nature, and that
is a good enough substitute for me. It is be
cause I think tlint our people, both North
and South, do believe after all in deciding a
fight man fashion, and then disdaining to bear
a grudge, that I am glad that such honorable
and memorable events as that which you
celebrate should be called afresh to the minds
of all of us..
In it there is nothing sectional, nothing
narrow, nothing partisan. It was a triumph,
won to be sure by Southern skill and bravery,
but common to the whole country. Such
achievements, fitly commemorated, should
lift up the heart of the nation toa higherand
more comprehensive kindness and fellowship
than wc have known for many a long year,
and assure to the new era a resplendent bril
liancy of united progress which may even
shadow the shining memories sot tho" early
days of the Republic.
Gentlemen, Ictus never for a moment des
pair of the final result, nor fornn instant slack
in the struggle to arouse the nobler nature of
the people. Setting aside all lesser aims and
rejecting meaner issues, let as march stead
fastly to the certain victory of national, con
stitutional reunion. I can offer in conclu-ion
no sentiment so appropriate to the event
which bus called you together, or more con
genial to the spirit which pervades its pur
pose, than the poetry at the close of President
Lincoln’s inaugural—
“The mystic cords of memory stretching
from every battle field and every patriot grave
to every living heart and hearthstone all
over this broad land, will yet swell the charm
of the Union when again touched, as surely
they will be, by the better angel of our
nature.”
I am, gentlemen, very respectfully yours,
Joint Quincy Adams.
This document is quite lengthy, and wc
give below a few extracts upon the principi.l
points. The balance of the speech is rather
a message to the Convention on the subjects
of a proper Constitution to be framed, Relief
iu general, to the people and banks, defence
of Gen. Pope, and, of course, an allusion to
the fact lh.it he is not liked by a great many
persons, becauso though born of the people
and not of the aristocracy, he has held high
positions.
Upon the subject of suffrage to negroes, lie
says:
This is all Congress has required. But
suppose you as Republicans go farther, and
attempt to give the government into the
hands of the blacks, and to establish social
equality; what will he the result? You will
ctipple the Republican party, and compel
them either to reject your Constitution when
it goes before Congress, or to admit you upon
a basis already condemned by the people of
the North in the late elections.
It is certainly no time to push forward to
extremes which have already been condemned
in acivatiCf- Your attempt to do so causes
failure, and pro*‘:.‘ lct3 ... our P r , c f ent U > s . for
years to come, and win ^'. r °hal»ly end in a
worse state of things for boiJ racc ?-
then, you arc true Republicans, you snouiti
stop where the Republican party in Coogi '- ,S3
has stopped, and not embarrass them by at
tempting to lead off in advance, where they
have refused to go. If you are colored men,
you had better be content to take what Con
gress has given you. You should trust to
tho wisdom of the conquering Government
that made you free, and not attempt to grasp
moro than it has given you, lest, perchance,
you should lose all. Then, I care not whether
you are white Republicans or black Rcpub
licans, you should defer to the wisdom of
your leaders in Congress, and should stop
where they have stopped. They have given
lo the blnck man all the protection of life,
person and property which the white man
lias, with marital rights, and the full right to
sue and be sued, and testify in the courts.
And for his further protection against oppres
sion, they have given him the ballot, believ
ing the white man would deal more justly by
him and treat him more kindly to get his vote
than they would if he hnd no vote. But, my
black friend, when you look for more rights
and privileges than I have just mentioned,
you search the records of Congress, in ref
erence to tbeseStatesnndyourstatus, in vain.
Be careful, then, in your first efforts, that yon
do not lose what you now have by attempt
ing to grasp moro than Congress has given
you. Do not set me down as an enemy be
cause I give you good advice, which, lor the
present, may not be ngreeable to your feel
ings. If you do, and disregard my advice,
you may live to see that I am a better friend
than tboso who flatter you at present by ap
peals to. your prejudices and your pride.—
Ton have nothing to gain by making issues
with the white race. Remember that you
were lately in a state of slavery, and that
your people had none of the advantages of
education. You cannot grasp statesmanship
and the science of government by intuition.
Your elevation, if it comes, must be progress
ive. Do not forget that he who attempts to
leap from tho bottom to the top of the lad
der at one bound, is certain to fall. Clinch
it step by step, and you may hope to stand.
Congress for not having gone far enough on
the one hand, nor by extreme conservatives
who rave at it for having gone too far on the
other. And I deny that you represent either
thcpcople of Georgia or Congress, or theRc-
publican party, when you go back down from
them, or advance beyond them. Who made
you the judges to punish rebollion against the
Government of the United States with more
rigor than that Government has itself di
rected. Who authorized you to confer upon
the negro race greater rights and privileges
than Congress has required Georgia to secure
to them ? You bring botli Congress and the
Republican party into odium in the Stale
when you go further than Congress has gone,
and confer upon tho negroes the right to
hold office or to sit in the jury box, in their
present condition; and you misrepresent
nine-tenths of the white men who belong to
the reconstruction party of i'iC State, When
the problem is solved, if the negro race is
found competent to fill these positions, it
will then be time enough for tho State to
provide how it shall be done by them.
Platform of the Late Democratic ’State
Convention of Indiana.
The Democrats of Indiana met in Conven
tion on the 8tb, at Indianapolis, and adopted
the following platform:
The Committed on Resolutions reported the
following platform, wi.icli after some opposi
tion to the words "and preference,” in the last
resolution, was adopted, when the business
of tjjc Convention having been finished,amid
loud calls fyr Vorhees and Hendricks, the lat
ter r.apte forward gjd addressed the Conven
tion. t
Resolved, That language is inau- e Jj,
express our abhorrence and condemnation
the Radical reconstruction policy ol Congress j
—a policy condemned by cv ry consideration j
of justice and Constitutional obligation*—?
policy fraught with the most alarming appro
hensions of evil to ten States of the Union
and destruction to tho U-uon itself—a policy
that largely increases taxation- a policy that
requires a large standing army, which adds
nearly one hundred millions of dollars annu
ally to the expenses ol the Government, while
it beggars the people a policy, tho avowed
object of which is to cominue in-power the
most venal aud corrupt political parly that
ever dishonored any civilization—a policy
vindictively enacted and mercilessly prosecu
ted with the unconstitutional purpose of cen
tralizing and perpetuating all the political
power of the Government iu the dominant
party, the Radical party in Congress, and a
policy which, if not early arrested by the
American people, will sooner or later over
whelm onr National Government in one com
n;on and appalling ruin.
Second—We demand the unconditional
repeal of the act of Congress conferring ex
elusive rights and privileges upon any class
or classes of citizen- at the expense.of other
classes.
Third—That the National bank system,
organized in the interest of the bondholders,
ought to be abolished and United States
notes substituted in lieu of the National bank
currency, thus saving to the people in interest
alone more than $18,000,000 annually, and
until such system of banksshall be abolished
we demand that the shares of such banks in
Indians shall be subject to the same taxation.
State or municipal, as other property in the
State.
Fourth—That the bonds and other secu
rities of the United States, with every other
[from the Sun & Timet.
CHARLES J. JENKINS.
tJY P. O. T.
Worthiest! In whom wc trace
Tho manhood and tho matchless grace
Of him, the foremost gentleman
Of all his ago and all h brace,*
Oi’R Georgiak!
IIow from his grave tho pure and grand
Old Oglethorpe would clasp his hand
Across thccenluricsl llow smile
In those true eyes, that guard tho while
liis State from plunder and the torch 1
Watching from pinnneie to porch!
From broad foundation to tho height
Of her last keystone, where we write
Tin- name among the chiefc.-t great.
The Wise—tho Ju-t—the Moderate
The treble Pillar of the State!
•Witness: Johnson, Burke, Goldsmith, Hannah
Moore, the King, Queen, Court and Council, and all
the lights of his age.
WASHINGTON CORRESPONDENCE
Upon the subject of disfranchisement and description of property, should bear itsequal
the question of office holding, he says: portion of taxation for State, county and mu
A few words here on the subject of dis
franchisement. The constitutional amend
ment disqualifies a certain class of us to hold
office till relieved by two thirds of Congress,
but does not prohibit us from voting. The
Sherman bill disfranchises us, and denies us
the right to vote pending the reconstruction
or in its own language, we are excluded from
voting " in nil elections to any office under
such provisional governments.” Under this
act of Congress, then, we cannot vote so long
as the government is provisional. And
remains provisional till we are admitted to
representation in Congress.
Here the disfranchisement from votinr,
Imposed by the act of Congress, stops, and
any provision in any State Constitution
which disfranchises any white man fer coo
ncction with the rebellion, beyond that pe
riod, is outside of the acts of Congress, and
not required by Congress or the government
of the conqueror. And I do not hesitate to
say, and I believe I speak the sentiments of
large number of the members of this Con
vention, when I say I will support no State
Constitution which disfranchises any white
man in Georgia, not a convicted felon, or an
idiot, or lunatic, for any indefinite or unrea
sonablc period after that time. Fix upon
day by which we may reasonably calculate
the State will be readmitted, (I will not
quibble about a few weeks if the time is rea
tunable) and alter that day, give every white
mail the ballot. It we must hnve universal
suffrage, let it bo so in fact—plain and situ
pie. If every black man over twenty-one
years of ago must vote, the same privilege
must be allowed to every white man. I will
never consent to tho disfranchisement of a
portion of my race by the constitution of my
State, and I warn you now, that any consti
tution which attempts it will be defeated
and defeated by the votes of a large wing of
the reconstruction party, who are as sincerely
the friends of reconstruction as the most
Radical member of this body.
You act unwisely, therefore, when you go
a step beyond what CoDgress has required ;
and you have no assurance that you will be
admitted with a constitution which exceeds
the limits prescribed by Congress.
Why should you wish to go beyond the
point, where Congress lias gone ? Arc the
terms dictated by Congress, in the opinion of
the Convention, too lenient to the South ?—
lie who thinks so, not only reflects upon the
wisdom of Congress, but misrepresents the
people of Georgia. Has Congress failed to
disfrancisc as many persons, or for as lon_
time, as the people of Georgia, whom you
profess tort-present, require? Will you, iu
the face of Congress and in defiance of the
wishes of your constituents, take the respon
sibility to extend the disfranchisement be
yond the period fixed by Congress ?
Are you to be more radical than Congress?
Do you accuse the Republican party, now in
power, of having failed to give the black race
in Georgia all tbo rights to which they are
entitled ? Congress, at the commencement of
the war, found the negroes slaves. They
have made them free and given them all the
civil rights which the white men have, with
he political right to vote added. But Con
gress has not, by any act, conferred upon
them the rigut to hold office iu Georgia,
with the single exception that they may be
registrars of voters. Do you, who profess to
he radicals, arraign Congress or the Repub
lican party for having failed to go far enough
confeiring rights upon the freedraen
this State? Will you go farther than
Congress has gone, setting yourself up in de
fiance of its will? If you do, yon act with
n-at presumption, and deserve the rebuke
hicli you will very probably receive at tlieir
hands.
If you say Congress lias given the negro
the right to hold office in the District of Co
lumbia, I reply it has ODly given the right to
ote in Georgia, and has not even given that
ght in Ohio.
When the reconstruction acts were passed,
took the positioh at once in favor of acqui
escing in them in good faith, as the best we
could do. Not as a matter of choice, but as
matter of necessity. I then believed, and
still believe, we must take that or do worse.
But I did not then go, nor have I at any time
since gone, flirt her than ( Congress has required
in conferring rights upon the black race,orac-
quiescing in the temporary disfranchisement
faportion of the white race, myself includ
ed. My record on this subject is before the
country, and I challenge my enemies to deny
this asrirtion. And I now say that I stid
stand upon the reconstruction acts of Con
gress as the terms of the settlement; and I
will support them *o the end in honest, strict
good faith. And I will neither be driven off
of them by extreme radicals who condemn
nicipal purposes, tuid to that end tlie bonds
’and other securities of the United States
ought to he taxed by Congress for national
purposes in an amount substantially equal to
the tax imposed on property in the several
States for local purposes.
Fifth—That we aro in favor of the pay
ment of Government bonds in Treasury notes,
commonly called greenbacks, except where
expressly made payable in gold by law at
the e»r’iest practicable period.
Sixth—That the unjust and iniquitous
tariff laws now in force ought to be repealed,
and a tariff adopted looking to the revenue
only.
Seventh—That the monstrous extravagance
of the Republican leaders in the administra
tion of the Government, at all times and all
places, lias been profligated to an extent un
exampled in history ; that for the hundreds
of milliops expended by them since the ter
mination of war, they have nothing to show
save severed States, military despotism, op
pressive laws, usurped power, and a mutila
ted Constitution ; and that the burden of a
taxation too grievous to bo borne demands
their removal from nil places of trust, and a
thorough course ot retrenchment and reform.
Eighth—That we are opposed to confer
ring the right of suffrage upon the negro;
and that we deny the right of the General
Government to interfere with the question of
suffrage in any of the States of the UnioD.
Ninth—That it is the duty of the United
States to protect all her citizens, native born
and naturalized, iu every right, at home and
abroad, without regard to the pretended
claims of foreign nations to perpetual allegi
ance.
Tenth—That the attempt to regulate the
moral ideas and appetites of the people by
legislation is unwise and despotic, and we aro
opposed to that class of legislation which
seeks to prohibit the people from the enjoy
ment of all proper appetites and amuse
ments.
Eleventh—That we shall ever hold in
sacred recollection the dead who freely sac
rificed their lives in defence of our once glo
rious Union, that the present and future gen
erations might enjoy the rich inheritance of
a form of government that secures an equal
ity of rights and privileges to all the
citizens thereof; that the nation owes
to the surviving soldiers and sailors of
tho Union the highest mark of praise and
gratitude for the great sacrifices they made
in the late war, and to those disabled in the
Union and the widows and orphan children
of those who fell in battle or died of wounds
or in the military service of the Union such
pecuniary aid as will enable them to enjoy
the substantial necessaries of life.
Twelfth—Time wc recognize in the restorn
tion measures of Andrew Johnson, President
of the United States, a policy .which would
have given peace, security and prosperity to
the States, and dispelled the dark clouds
caused by the vindictivo measures of a Rad
ical Congress. The adoption of the Presi
dent’s policy would, in our opinion, have
saved the uation the expenditure of untold
millions of treasure, lessened the burdens of
taxation, aud secured peace to the South aud
prosperity to the Union.
Thirteenth—That Mnjor General Hancock,
by his orders at New Orleans, reinstating the
civil law and dethroning military despotism,
has manifested the highest respect for consti
tutional liberty, for which lie deserves the
highest commendation of all friends of a
constitutional government and -who revere
tlie noble profession of arms. Like the great
and good Washington, this gallant soldier
has learned to respect the civil rights of all
good citizens, aud to declare that, in time of
peace, military tribunals should have no
place in our jurisprudence. Eternal honor to
the soldier who refused to rise above the
laws!
Fourteenth—That wc congratulate the
Democracy of Ohio on tlie gallant political
campaign that closed on the 8th day of Oc
tober, 1807—a campaign marked by the
highest order of devotion, ability and effort—
nnd that prominent and close in association
in the minds of our fellow-citizens in Indiana
stands the name of George H. Rendleton,
identified with the vital .measures upon which
our party euters the canvass of 1868, togeth
er with his ability as a statesman and his
high personal qualities, all of which enti
tle him to the commendation of this Conven
tion as a true and consistent Democrat, and
one who has our entire confidence and pref
erence.
fFrom, the AthiTita Intelligencer
AH CONVENTIOXESI.
BY JAMES MAURICE THOMPSON.
The Whites must rule the land or die;
Tho i-urposo stirs in hearts offteel;
With ImrninK chock and fia-hing eye
Wo wait what waiting may reveal.
But come what may tho Waite’s must hold
What white men s patriot valor bought—
Onr grand-sires’ ashes, not yet cold.
Hallow the soil for which they fought.
Shall low-bom scum and quondam slaves
Givo laws to those who ownthofoil?
Not by our grand sires’bloody graves.
Not by our homesteads bought with toil.
Our rights are rootid in our lands.
Our law is written in the sky.
Fate flings tho fiat from her hands—
Tho Whites shall rule the laud or die!
There is a stony energy
Locked in tho honest white man's will—
There i3 a passion lifco the sea
That clasp3 the shor-s of freedom still:
Though banded Cossack dare tbo day.
And soulless vameyres fill tho nights.
The di- tant ominous thunders say,
.Mono save themselves shall rulo the whites.
Our arm-rare dawn, wo kiss the rod
And only ask for honor’s dues;
You arrogate tho power of God .
And curso us ns lie did the Jews:
Beware! the lion only sleeps.
Givo him bissbaro and keep him still.
Another thrust and up he leaps.
Dire passion mastering all his will!
Wo have no gnawing greed for gold—
No burning thirst for wanton power.
But wo will lord it as of old,
And make tbe land bloom like tho flower.
Or. if oppression goes so far
As cramps us under slave-born men.
Again shall roll the oar of war.
To c drum nnd cymbal clash again!
Bing through tho land tho dirge of shame.
The requiem of greed and lust.
Drive back tlie Cossacks wlienco they came.
And grind thess vampyres in the dust;
Then shall ihe cry of hunger cease
The horrid fiend of murder fly.
And all our valleys sleep in peaco I
The Whites must rule the land or diet •
Hold fast, brave hearts, tho day is nigh
When howling conclavts dare not meet—
Wheo all these mongrel fiends shall fly
To souio putrescence-daubed retreat 1
Blow Fate's decree from sea to sea.
From sky to sky, from realm to realm—
Our ship of State cternally
Shall have a White Man at her helm !
,° t,le Southern
inations of I 15
LUTES.
BY A. J. RYAN.
Go. down where the sea waves aro kissing tho shore,
And a.-k them * by do they sigh;
Tho poets have asked them a thousand times o'er—
But they’re kissing the shore as they’vo kissed it be
fore—
And they’re sighing to-day, and they’ll sigh ever
more;
And ask them what ails theta—they will not reply.
“Why doe* your poetry sound like a sigh ?”
Tho waves will not answer you—neither shall I.
Go. stand on the beach of the broad boundless deep,
When tho night st* rs are gleaming on high;
And hear how the billows aro nmniiu in sleep.
On the low-lyingstrand by tho surge-bcateu steep—
They’re moaning forever, wherever they sweep.
Ask them what ails them—thev never reply:
They moan, and so sadly, but will not tell why.
"Why does your poetry sound like a sigh?”
Tho billows won’t answer you—neither shall I.
Go, list to tbe breeze at the waning of day.
When it passes aud murmurs “good-bye;”
The dear iitt le breeze b How it wishes to stay
Where tho flowers are in bloom, whero tho singing
birds play; •
How it sighs when it flies on its wearisome way?
Ask it wbat ails it—it will not reply:
Its voice is a sad one—it will not tell why.
“Why does your poetry sound like a sigh?”
Tho breeze will not answer you—neither shall I.
Go. watch the wild blasts os they spring from their
lair.
When tbe shout of the storm rends the sky;
They rush o’er the earth, and they ride through the
air.
And they blight with their breath all that’slovely and
fair;
And they groan like tho'ghosts in “tho land of de
spair.”
Ask them what ails them—they never reply;
Their Voices are mournful, they will not tell why.
"Why does your poetry sound like a sigh?”-
The blasts will not answer you—neither shall I.
Go, stand on the rivulet’s lily-fringed side, .
Or list where the rivers rush-by;
The streamlets, which forest, trees shadow and hide.-.
And tbo rivers, that roll in their oceanward tide, *
Are moaning forever, wherever they glide.
Ask them what ails them—they will not reply;
On, sad-voiccd, they flow, but they never tell why.
“Why does your poetry sound like a sigh V'
Earth’s streams will not answer you—neither
shall J.
When tho shadows of twilight are gray on the hill,
And dark where the low valleys lie.
Go, list to tho roioe of tho wild whip-poor-will.
That sings when tbe songs of tho sisters are still.
And wail3 through the darkness so sadly and shrill,
Ask it what ails it—it will not reply.
It w. il* sad as over—it never tells why?
“Why does your poetry sound like a sigh ?”
The bird will r.ot answer thcc—neither shall I.
Go. list to tho voioes of earth, air and sea
And the voices that sound in the sky;
Their songs may be joyful to some, but to me
There’s a sigh in each ehorti and a sigh in each keg.
And thousands of sighs swell their grand melody.
Ask them what ails them—they will not reply ;
They sigh—sigh forever—but never tell why.
"Why does your poetry sound like a sigh ?”
Tbo voices won’t answer you—neither shall I.
[Savannah Item» <t- Herald.
spite of the uiachi^„,, llJU3 OJ j. 0U( .
enemies. What is it that has made t’ lL . -T ’ *
of the West and tbe Northwest sop-,, '
and wealthy ? It is their capacity f r - t: ‘
ing grain, hogs and cattle. Well, j n p' '
capabilities, the'Southern States snrp -
Wcstern States two to one, both in the,
titv and in the quality of tbe articles
Tlie superior quality ot Southern wheat'*^
flour over those of the North and West ^
the superior price that they commandV^' 1
the markets of tlie world, have been k ^
and acknowledged for many tears n ^
this, we have the highest agricultural
luZf.tj for s.tying that, the great West to
erto called tlie granary of the-world ' !a '
now very little food to spare for export,’ t*
Southern readers I need not say a word ah 1
the capabilities of Texas as a grain fa j:
and a cattle raising State. The hundred
emigrants who are pouring into that '
from Europe and our Northern States
ciently attest that its advantages are to"
ing known an-, recognized. So it will bei
all the Southern States. Let. the Soatto
people resolutely set about the"coltivatic-n ■<
grain and Ike raising of cattle; aud j a
doiDg, while securing their own prosper^
they will strike the deadliest blow at th^
Radical enemies at tho North.
, , ^ * Warwick.
Resolutions of the Late Democratic si I
Convention of Ohio. , I
The Democrats of Ohio met in Conreolion
at OlU' 1 '‘ ,,us ; nnrl »fter harmonious
adopted tlie following resolutions:
Rcgolvt <1, That the DaBtocracy of Ohld ecnrjt I
Mates the country upon the Improved feto ,|
political aflairs, as evinced by the Stare electio-*
Sr tint ttoa (hit tte? look forward with bopcui
roLlitkuce to the result of thatmoLat,Et03.y r r.‘
Kle upon which depends, in so great a draritttj
future pescc and prosperity ol the Union 1
Resolved, Thu we are unalterably oppj;^,.
tho doctrines which lead to consolidation jutf.'!
renew with unflagging z -al and energy onr jm,.‘
meut to that political creed which ha- ever to
so staunchly adhered to by our orgatoyT
through days of trouble and disaster a«
good fortune aud prosperity, which w»s thiua
pressed by Thomas Jeflersou; “Equil ud
justice to all men, of whateverStateorptr.-.^
religions or political; peace, commtrce,
est friendship with all nations, entanc!-- Y
acces with uone; the support of the
ernmeuts in all tlieir rights as tbe mostcua,^
administration of our democratic conctrni gj
thn surest bulwark a_uinst anti-n*H';M.« -
THE GREAT ENCHANTER.
“Sleop makes us all Pashas.”—Bedouin Proverb.
Sleep is the poor man’s warmest cloak!
His treasurer to dispense
His lavish aims, and turn to gold
His scanty pence.
Ho heals the siek man in a dream,
And sets the fetters free:.
Ho call* tho begcar from his deu
To golden luxury.
He crowns tho bounded exile King,
Itnver.-cs Fate’s decree:
And bids the briefless Pleader rise
Judge of tho Common Pleas.
Sleep joins tho parted lorers’ hands;
Wreathes tbe starved poet’s brow;
And calls tho hero, still unknown.
From lonely village plow. - *
Sleep holds tbo resurrection keys.
And roin his shadowy plain,
Down Memery’s long and cloudy vanlts,
Tbe dead come back again.
Sleep comes, liko death to all—
Divine equality!
Blesses the monarch in hii state.
The slave upon tho sea.
Sleop brings our childhood back again,
Tho only Golden Age:
Sleep 1 0 thou blessed alchemist,
Thou holy Arcliimagc.
Personal—Information wanted of a young
man, Alexander McDaniel by name, about
five feet bigb, light complexion, and sharp
features; a marble cutter by trade. Said
McDaniel 1ms a widowed mother in Colum
bia, wbo is rapidly declining in health, and
is anxious to see or hear from her son. Any
information thankfully received. ,Address A.
D. Marchant, at Columbus, Ga.
25?” Ole Bull arrived in New York in tbe
steamship Russia on Wednesday. During
the last ten years ho 1ms been playing in the
great capitals of Europe with the same suc
cess as in former years.
The Malignant Temper of the Fortieth Congress—
Action of the Senate in Relation to the Cotton Tax
—Destruction of the Cotton Interest in the United
Stat9s—Means Whereby tho South can Defeat the
... Machinations of her Enemies.
Washington, January 9,1868.
Congress has now been in session three
days, since tbe recess', and I aui sorry to say
that the bright anticipations which were en
tertained before the adjournment have not
been realized. There. were indications, be
fore the recess, that when the two Houses
came together again, their action would be
marked by more wisdom, and hj more for
bearance and moderation than heretofore.
But a Radical Republican must be composed
of strange materials. The same circum
stances that have a softening and humaniz
ing effect upon men in general—that- enlarge
their hearts and make them disposed to feel
charitably towards their fellow-beings—have
a directly opposito effect upon Radical Re
publicans of the North. The Radical mem
bers of Congress come back from their Christ
mas dinners and their Christmas festivities
with their hearts rankling with the most
bitter feelings of hatred and revenge towards
tbe Southern people. While those two slial-
low-pated tyrants, Pope and Sheridan, were
in command at the South, these Radical jjoli-
ticians were satisfied, because not a - day
passed without some atrocious act of wrong
and outrage being perpetrated upon the peo
ple of five great anti populous States. But
the condition of affairs in these five States
has entirely changed since 6en. Hancock
and Gen. Meade have succeeded to the
thrones which Congress has set up at tbe
South. The authority of the civil laws and
of the civil Courts is once more supreme
throughout tho length and breadth ot those
five States. The habeas corpus bas ceased to
be a myth and a fable, and bas again become
a reality. Five millions of people find the
chains of military despotism struck from
their limbs, and once more begin to enjoy
the sweets of civil and constitutional liberty.
Nor Is this the worst prospect before the
Radicals. They sec that the rights which
have thus been magnanimously restored to
the people of the Southern States (and of
which they have been shamelully deprived so
long,) will not again be taken away front
them, but wiil be exercised to the full, and
will, moreover, constitute the basis upon
which will be built up, in less than two years,
the firm and solid structure of constitutional
liberty. Such, the Radicals see, has been the
result of the action of President Johnson.—
All their plans for the degradation and hu
miliation ot the • Southern people have thus
been blown to the winds. Under these cir
cumstances their wrath is beyond all bouuds.
Against the President, and against tlie peo
ple whom he has delivered from oppression,
they breathe nothing but threats of ven
geance. Nor are these threats altogether
idle wind. • Although their majority in this
Congress is not so great as in the last, still it
is large enough, in both Houses, to carry any
of their measures over the President's veto.
Conscious of their strength in this respect,
they have determined to exert their power
to the full, and if possible, to embarrass
General Hancock and General Meade by new
legislation, while at tbe same time they im
pose fresh disabilities and disfranchisements
upon tbe people of tlie South.
As illustrations of this hitter feeling upon
tho part of Congress, take the action of the
Senate yesterday in relation to the cotton,
tax; and the passage by the House of the
new bill of Tiuddeus Stevens, providing for
tlie ratification of the action of the negro
Conventions now in session at the South by
negro votes. Instead of repealing the cotton
tax ia good faith, the Senate merely repealed
it for the year 1868; and then, adding in
suit to injury, passed a special proviso, pro
viding that Congress might reifnpo3e the tax
after this yearl In this execrable shape, the
bill went back to the House. One Republi
can Senator alone, Mr. Wilson, of Massa
chusetts, had the courage and manliness to
declare himself iu favor of the complete
abolition of the cotton tax; and in tiie course
of his remarks he characterized the adminis
tration of the internal revenue system in this
country as the most corrupt that was ever
known. The notorious "whisky ring,” owin
its origin to the stupid and ignorant legisla
tion of Congress on the subject, has its cen
tre in this city, and its influence and power
is unbounded. When it can offer, as it did
offer a few days ago, fifty thousand dollars
to a prominent public man for certain ser
vices, even Republicans begin to.tliink its in
fluence and power ought to be curbed.
But to return to tbe cotton tax. In an
able and powerful speech delivered in the
Senate a few days ago. Mr. Sprague, of Rhode
Islaud, who is himself a large cotton manu
facturer and cotton planter, demonstrated by
simple facts and figures, that tbe radical leg
islation of Congress has struck a death-blow
to tbe cotton interest in tbe United States:
that cotton can no longer be profitably raised
in the Southern State?, owing to the utter **fo|*l a *!!**°.’.nTrtU
’ ” we pledge the Democracy ol Onto to .
in all constitutional nn-a ures to relieve tin- -
people ot the South from the negro govern: i
now being lore :d upon them. . I
Resolved, That the Latitude and e 41 ’*” 1 ”.J
our soldiers in tl.e recent civil war 1:1- I
the Union entitle tiai.i to the gratitude
country, und they should ever be rememur- 1 ’ ■
it In its bounties. I
Resolved, That tho Democracy of the
have neither the :.j • e nor d.-slre to *
list: slavery or a-s nine any portion <*- th* 1 |
the States lately in rebellion.
A little girl happening to hear her
mother speaking of going into half mourning,
said : "Why are we going into half mourn
ing, mamma; are any of our relations half
dead f’
The correspondent of the Baltimore
Gazette says: It is understood that the un
represented States will send delegates to the
Conservative Presidential Convention; that
it is in contunjdation by the whites of the
South to hold separate elections for Presi
dential electors, and to disregard the Recon
struction acts in this respect. The same
writer thinks that with an actual united
South, and majority of the Northern States,
Congress would not dare to inaugurate a
President upon the strength of the negro
vote.
Dead.—Torch and Turpentine Bingham,
the Radical leader ot the Alabama Menage-
tie, is dead.— CvL Sun.
destruction of tlie system of labor there;
and to cap tlie climax, that Great Britain is
now independent of this country in tbe mat
ter of cotton, and produces all she requires,
of most excellent quality, from her own colo
nies in other parts of the world. These grave
statements, made by a Republican Senator,
and by a man whose whole welfare in this
world is bound up in the cotton interest,
would have produced profound conviction in
the British Parliament, or in any other as
sembly composed of statesmen.
But the Radical Senators virtually say—
"This is exactly such a state of things as wc
desired to briug about. We know that we
cannot keep the Southern States out of the
Union forever. We fear that they may even
be restored in three or four years. But we
are determined that when they do come back,
they shall be shorn of alt their sireugth and
all their power. Wo have no idea of allow
ing the Southern States to again assume that
jmsition iu the Union which their former
wealth enabled them to maintain. They
must come back to us poverty-stricken, and
with negroes controlling their governments.”
Therefore it was that Senator Sprague’s able
speech was like water spilled upon the
ground. If any measures can be devised
that will still further depress the cotton iu
terest, those measures will be sought out and
adopted.
It would seem, therefore, that cotton plant
ing and cotton raising, as these ojrerations
have been heretofore conducted in the 8outh,
must be abandoned ; for the simple reason
that that interest has been killed by Radical
legislation. If the South depended upon
cotton along, and upon negro labor alone, it
might well lie down in despair. But your
rich Southern lands will yet prove a source of
the surest bulwark aeainst anti-repaW:ein lit
deneies; the preservation of the Geumi ttoi*
ment in all its whole constitutional rigor as is.
sheet anchor of peace at home and tzktyabroit
a jealous care of the rights ol elections by thepro-
pie; the supremacy of the civil over the milian
authority.”
Resolved. That we condemn the legality
usurpations of Congress, anil particularly Haw-
oral acts of reconstruction, so-called, as.viol*,
of the Constitution—the compact betwett ut
States—and a? utterly subversive oi every priri
pic of sell-government that distinguishes a iu
people.
Resolved, That we are opposed to anymeastrs
which recognize that the integrity of the Uiig I
was ever broken, that any of its members I
ever out, aud that we determinedly insist tta: a J
Southern States, no longer being insnrreciio:n j
or at war with the Federal Government, ife n;-1
tied to the lull State r-.-c.-_: r . • I
tional representation in Congress, aud Uut ok- I
toral colleges be given to all the Slates, and th: I
a denial oi it to*them by Cor.gr. ss, and its eSunl
to dictate by military force a governmeulfortl.a|
are unconstitutional, revolutionary and despot I
Resolved, That we are opposed, noth in po& I
pie aud policy, to negro suffrage; that the its I
of Ohio having, by" the emphatic majority s'
SOLOS >. it faOM it lor berselt. is strongly opyad
to this forced imposition upon other Statu, u! I
we Btigraatize such an imposition by the F.fci |
Government as a most base usarpalion.
Resolved, That the practical effect of ffe
called recoi ; ruction acts of Congress is to dear-1
er over ten States to the political and foeiaiciir
|trot of- nuiniii. ai>d.to place the lives, liberty I
and fortunes of the white men rcsidic; than I
into the hands of a barbarous people, auvil
inevitably Fed to a war ol races or theatric®!.-
tion ot the South.
Resolved, That notwithstanding theetonm®
and conceded frauds in the creation or thepiiUz
debt, the iaitb of the country is pledged to ill I
payment, principal and interest, .accordingtoil: I
terms of the several acts of Congress undrrvhial
the bonds representing the debt weieitrntd,t | - : l
not otherwise; and that we are oppo£tdtoa!|
plan for extending the times bl payment, ttrasisr
i-rtoftitf II a amount ot gold inter.,tt to
than the principal; or to any declaration by U-J
gress lhai the principal is payable'in poll!, whel
would virtually add more than a honsinaa- t
lions to the burthen ot the debt and people-*!
insane policy, of which these mta.ures »' I
part.
Resolved, That neither forgetting aor aoy
ing bur aucient faith that gold and silver c
form'the currency received by Che Gov.-raB.;
for their issue, and that, by the withdrawal <|
the monopoly granted to tho Naiional Buol
this result can bo accomplished without an u-|
due or dangerous increase ot paper money,k’I
the only circulating medium, thus relievingI
people of the burden of a debt, the tendenfj 5 l
which is always to corrupt and enslave our w'-1
amneoL and irons Uso reproach of paying > Jr l
vored class in gold, while discharging itsorSI
to all others, including pensions to
soldiers, in an inferior currency. I
Resolved, That this plan violates no la*,
pairs no contract, breaks no faith, and, iaia]JI
of retarding a return to specie paymeatA bJ 8 !
shortest, becauso the only safo way ol re.:
that end.
lies rived, That ::!1 prop-rty of lii ' I
including the Government bonds, which r*e* : ™I
the equal protection of the Government, ih.s-l
bear an equal share oi its burdens. |
,, Resolved, That wo indignantly reject theprm-1
ciple derived from the feudal system that t-| I
musses of tlie people belong to the " I
under which they live, which, in anothei l'~ I
is contended for by tbo monarchies of Eortp I
including Great Britain, which holds tnato; j
a subject always a subject; tbatwe.oa the « J ;I
trary, maintain ihat an individual cat, by-eo. I
gration and residence in another country, I
swear his allegiance, and be admitted‘t.o*-1
the civil and political rights of his newhi'P ■!
that American citizens by adoption and nan
ization are entitled to all the rights a* W 1 ""-1
Abe, United Btafes end foreign power*
claimed by our native-1. .rti citizen*, ana th>
is the duty of tho Federal* Government py I
tect and maintain them by every means wi.—I
its power. . I
Resolved, Thst'lhe pe«{il6 will snsDm JK"
Johnson, President ot the United btstca, 13 I
issioual usurpation, an-- I
;a r : { v.- wnip!- 3 -- : ;
many parts of the State, Sln-nff# “ l ' 1 I
ignoring the ordinance passed 1>J t* 11,1 |
vention suspending temporarily .**■
sales of property, and have !-t. n
just as if no such ordinance existed,un.k 1 |
pica of ignorance.
;Utf”On New Year's Day King v >' : |
Prussia, sent the French Emperor a
C0VZ*
autograph note, which was answered *-
same conciliatory spirit. -j I
er feeling has P^l
in public circles since publicity 1,1
given to this intelligence, and nowIit‘>- 1 * |
better received than on the Bourse.
JjgU’By order of General Grant^
companies of soldiers have, Within • :
week, been sent float Washington -e ...
in South Carolina and other
point
States, to aid in pr.-servin
• order.
Rev. J. H. Campbell, of i , :
has been called to the charge ci the
Church in Bainbridge.
J5^“It is now thought that Coii P r J^
pass some taw by which the goure®
the Southern States will be murp ' .
And it is supposed that Congress w . ..
declare the constitutions enacted )
groes operative without a couhrmat .
of the people.