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The Greorgia Weekly Telegraph.
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^ZTcovR* ON tub first Gh-wiia
err** 1 * terc cting reviewoftliclatcilccis-
Lreme Court on the complaint
fcrf2* t «of Georgia, by Judge Nicholas,
w jii be found on this page.—
upon the distinction between
political rights arc very strong.-
. tcare 1,ow much authority can be
L : f (jcbaM of such distinction as af-
r v. jurisdiction of the Supreme Court
1 j„ the last resort of the States
v ,topic, common sense proves that it
: ' ; | r j|r abdication of authority in the
i ,c ‘* ^ytlidt both States «U»d people
hmit * 0 outrage and wrong—the Law,
f^mjjeJtJ, can give them no relief.
i‘- 1 _itbout further comment, wo leave
^li of Judge Nicholas with the
^ , 1<t Bates.— 1 The tfgival of tliSi
I with l»ia flag was the sensation of
T : ',, ybo firemen had made arrange-
tofii* 0 ®® a ® ret cl ° SS rccc P tion > h ut
i 1 ^ 8 of Ids approach was not given in time
: preparation, tmd consequently the
r out a detachment of policemen,
; ‘-chief who escorted him through
.. rt0 the Lanier House, where quarters
II hen engaged for his accommodation.—
r\ Bani bers lined the sidewalks ns he
’" 1 ea flag > n hand, and while nil were
Pf (0 ste and welcomo him, thcro wns no
r G 0J demonstration. . After cuteriug the
«tbmen'*pa r l° r at the Lanier,he was called
hr a Urge number of loading citizens mid
1 «welcomed. The Mayor soon np-
^ and in' a brief address, in behalf of
\ople tendered him the hospitalities of
'div during Ml sojourn, assuring him thnt
. h j,e and U» flag could only meet with re-
c and kindness at the hands of the peo-
' of Georgia. Alter a word of thanks the
oeant retired to his room, and tho crowd
Merced, though ho received many calls
L our citizens during tjio afternoon.
^. , ean t Bates is a man of delicate statue,
jipnarently not of robnst health. His
is pleasant, but pale and tbcughtfnL He
without pretension, and appears to be en-
m! in a modest discharge of what hi con-
ic» bis duty. In vindicating the people
ibc South against the aspersions of their
siies North, he is doing us a real service,
libould receive our thanks. Ho arrived
L lour o’clock, attired in a black velvet
set sad pants, high-top boots and felt bat,
U tied about bis waist, and bis flag,
ib is of considerable size, borne in n belt.
[*i!l remain with us to-day, and will re-
r his journey to Washington, via 3111—
jrtille Augusta, Columbia, etc., Wedneg-
l [caving Macon at 3 p, jl, and reaching
;!".lgevilla at 4 r. m. precisely on Tburs-
Otitn or a Well-known Georgian.—
A private letter trom -Eutonton inforpls us of
i:Jc»th of-Jos. A. Turner, Esq., which og-
cn Friday last. Mr. Turner has fig-
d! largely as a political writer for the last
ntlvc or fifteen years. He has at- various
tas f.litod newspaper and periodicals, but
sbeir known as editor of "Tho Country-
paper which he published weekly
iresny yearson his farm in Putnam county,
Hthebame of which he assumed in all bis
p!*queot writings for the press. Asa wri
t-lie vas original and somewhat eccentric,
iv.ilisjs presented liis points effectively.
:;«!aij independent thinker, honest In his
pnktions, and entirely fearless in their ex-
Mrion. If he .had faults, let them bo bn--
islwith him; he had a good heart and
pynoble and commendable trnits of ebar-
icur which his friends will cver ; ‘ preserve
rto in their memory. Peace to his ashes 1
lit Stephens.—Hon. Alex. H. Stephens
a*d s night recently at Springfield, Mass.,
: his way to Boston. lie was visited by a
:Tiber of gentlemen, but avoided all ref-
pnee to political topics .in his conversation,
id when asked concerning the present con-
ct between Congress and the President, said
bad not read the latest papers.
IXTEACIUIENT IN THE SENATE,—TllO NeW
fork Herald’s Washington special claims
at Messrs. Trumbull, Fessenden, Anthony,
Upton, Sprague, Van Winkle,- Willey nnd
erman, Republican members, will vote with
p Democrats on the impeachment question,
Hi that impeachment will be defeated by the
I >va»to, as there is no charge on which to base
nivictinu, and fears arc entertained that the
artsure wifi l»e unpopular with the. people, j
PscnvOLOOT.—It would bo a curious filing
tn analyze the Mate of mind of a man who,
'ier voting at half-past 5 r. m. fp impeach
the President of high crimes, would three
t'w* afterwards jump into a carriage and
rifle ap to pay a visit of personal respect to
■.at very officer, and take him by the hand,
ftcra were just two such men. Are there
«y more 1 . "" •
lie dip tbo foregoing paragraph from the
Ktthnal Intelligencer. The nmount of
tbtek possessed by those two men is so re-
nukable, even in this impudent age of tho
*«W that their nanes should be given to
’is public. No man unacquainted with
Ifashinston society . could regard such a
thing at possible, hut it is doubtle-s true
“A tke President bad to submit to their
to*presence.
8^*Southern pnpers call . Scmim-s the
“ w ° of the sens.” Appropriate; he did
"••atseizing than nt fighting.— /Won Post.
Crrtainly lie did, for that was liis special
huinen. But if you doubt his fighting
••■V. Mr. Post, just a.-k the Yankee c»m-
•■^f -leri of the Ilattcras and ICcarsage.
. “Radicalism can do itself no good by
•*f*»ching the President. It is only laying
“P for itself* wrath against the day of wrath.
•• cannot bring to itself more power than it
--•early exercises. The President has not
-••’ngth to resist auy of its acta, or, if he has,
A®**n’t exerciso it.
‘‘Hold Ben Wade shall be hoisted into the
evidential office, he and the Congress to-
jj^cr will have no greater power for ibis*
■ri than Congress alone bolds and use*
*0W.”
t* 3 says the Louisville Journal, and it speak*
.-•ictly go far as the South is concerned.—
j* despotism over us is complete, and no
'"•'■jecan augment its power or add to the
.: ‘-"-ess of its aspects. But it is different
*. utl l be North. They arc the people whose
*W*ind liberties are involved in the pres*
} Mrn ggle, and they will be wise to look
• • than in time. With every branch of
'1 5 lVcrnmi; at radical, and marching on to
* C48 *Otnmation of tbeir plan* without ro-
Mli
n giit or the Constitution, it will be a
qjg. ° i
• RUm I'ov the Northern people to work
"• w long will it take them to be brought
' 0ttf itrvilv condition.
TIIK MOST DISGUSTING OF ADI,
“HUMPS.”
The 'Rump Congress is to be viewed chiefly
with reference tbits usurpations and the dan
ger of the overthrow of the government atits
hands. The “Rump” at Atlanta, though, is a
peculiar institution, remarkable fur the insig
nificance of its component parts and the utter
disgust that it inspires in the breasts of all de
cent people everywhere. They arc nobody
representing nothing. The very negroes that
voted for them did not know them or what
they were doing at the time. The Conven
tion is a sort of mushroom or fungus
that has sprung up nftcr a turmoil of
the elements, though differing from the
natural substance in' the extent of
its vitrdity. It went to Atlanta early in
the month of December hist year, and there
it has been, in would-be grave and solemn
council for sixty days, and what has come of
it ? Virtually nothing of the work for which
they were specially created. Most of the
timo Iia3 been spent in discussions and
schemes for getting their own - pay, which
they easily fixed at nine dollars per day, and
amounting now to something in the neigh
borhood of one hundred and sixty thousand
dollars This, with schemes to cheat honest
men out of what is due them, foolilfi resolu
tipns to be presented to Congress, the building
t; air-line railways to the moon or some other
planet, the removal of the lawful authorities
of the State to make room for themselves,
and ways and moans generally for providing
profitable offices for wandering vagabonds
from the North, lias been their chief employ
ment up to tho present time. As a token of
gratitude for tho distinguished consideration
they have received at the hands of the people
of Atlanta, they hnvo actually voted to trans
fer the Capital of the State to that city!
Now, while this conclave of fools and
knaves were diverting themselves at tbeir
own expense, the public could afford to laugh
at their antics and fooleries; bat sinco they
have pressed the tax-gatherers into their
service and are about sending them abroad
through tho State, backed by Federal bayo
nets, to plunder the people of their hard
earnings to pay for all this disgusting non
sense and ’ mockery of government,
it becomes a serious question. They
should be made to work on the business
prescribed in the Act of Congress that
brought them into existence, and to do
that work in a reasonable space of time, so
ns to make the’cost bear some proportion to-
the labor performed. The Florida negroes
and vagabond Yankees fixed up a “Constitu
tion and form of government” for that State
within a week’s time and adjourned. Why
is it that the same class of legislators in Geor
gia have been in session over two mortal
months and have done next to nothing in
the matter of business that called them to
gether? Even tlic negroes who sent them
tberfe*will nsk this question and demand an
answer. .'Such conduct, if the people liaye to
pay for it, should riot be tolerated longer,
and would not have been tolerated at all in any
other ngq or country but our own under Radi
cal role. "The whole tiring is a digraco to
the civilization of the nineteenth century, and
an insult to the very name of government—
nad such a Convention attempted to assem
ble in any State of the American Union at
any former period of our history, its members
would have been tarred and feathered and
ridden out of town on fence rails bclore they
got through with tbo work of organization.
"We have no hesitation in saying that such a
body as now disgraces by its presence the
great State of Georgia, could not, at the pres
ent day, hold nao peaceable day's ucuslon in
any Northern State. Then, if we hro com
pelled to endure the insult and wrong, let the
larco, or tragedy, as it may be, get through
and snuff itself out nt the earliest day practi
cable. We long for tlic day when the white
actors in it shall return to meet the indignant
frowns - of the people of Georgia, and rend
upon every lip the curso which they have
earned for themselves and entailed upon their
innocent children.
AN UNAUTHORIZED MOVEMENT.
We observe that the Conservative portion
of the Atlanta Convention havo held a cau
cus and propose to organize a party in op
position to- repudiation, or relief, and to
nominate a candidate for Governor, to be run
on their platform. Wo confess our inability
to comprehend this movement. There are
already two parties in Georgia—the Conser
vative Democracy and the Radical or Repub
lican party. The former is fully organized,
and .its purpose is to defeat the infamous
revolutionary schemes of the latter, "ft by is
it notan acceptable organization to these
Convention Conservatives? In what princi
ples or aims docs it fail to meet their peculiar
views, that they should thus essay to set up
for themselves? We should like to see an
answer to these questions.
We can assure the members of the late cau
cus, that among the people oi Georgia but
two parties are now recognized, nor will any
other be taken into account in future con
tests. We tell them further, that any inde
pendent organization, ir such be their object,
and thus it appears, will be construed by the
Conservative men in Georgia now organized
for a struggle against a revolutionary negro
faction, as war upon them, and treated ac
cordingly. They know no friends outside
of their organization, and those who arc un
willing in tliis fearful crisis to act with them,
will he regarded as enemies.
As before stated, we do not comprehend
this movement, our entire information con
cerning it having been derived from a briefly
worded telegram, but from our acquaintance
with some of the Conservative members of
the Convention, wo are loth to believe that
they would either seek to embarrass the plans
of the Democratic "party, or to set themselves
up as its duly appointed^ representatives.
A Free FionTKn.—Tlic New York Her
ald, after fighting both for Congress and the
President, devoting brief seasous of cham
pionship to each, has now commenced a war
upon both. Like Jonce Hooper’s man, it
••goes sloshing around’’, letting fly at every
body and seems wonderfully diverted at all
iU blows, no matter wbo catches them. It is
a comfort to know that nobody will be
seriously hurt by the diversion.
Tuk Connecticut Election.—In speak
ing of the Connecticut State election, whic
takes place on the first Monday in April next,
the Hartford Times says:
In Connecticut the Radicals stand about as
much chance as the mad cow did tn trying
to jump over the moon.
Queen Victoria and the King of Abys
sinia didn’t marry, but they fight just as much
as if they had dune »o.—Prtntw*,
Impeachment Proceedings.
The New Articles--Protest of the
Democrats.
In the Home of Repre«ra<atlves, March 9.
butler’s new article.
Mr. Butler offered the following as an ad
ditional article:
That said Andrew Johnson, President of the
United States, unmindful of the hish duties of
his oftlcc, and the dignities and proprieties there
of, and the liarmony nud courtesies which ought
to exist aud be maintained between the executive
and legislative branches of the government of the
United States, desiirning and intendingto setaside
the rightful authority and powers of Congress,
did attempt to bring into disgrace, ridicule, con
tempt and reproach the Congress of the United
States, and the several branches thereof; to im
pair and destroy the regard and respect of the
people ol the United States for the Congress and
legislative power thereof, which all the olllcers of
the Government ought inviolatcly to preserve and
maintain ; and to excite the resentment ol all the
good people of the United States against Con
gress and the laws by it duly and constitutionally
enacted, and in pursuance oi his said design and
intent openly and publicly and betorc divers
assemblages of the eitizeus of the United
States, convened in divers parts thereof, to
mtet and receive Andrew Johnson as the Ul.lef
Magistrate.of the United States, did, on the ISth
day of August, in the year ot our Lord. lSCd, and
on divers other days aud times, as well before as
afterwards, make and deliver with a loud voice
•certain intemperate and scandalous harangues,
anddirt therein utter loud threats and bitter me
naces, us well against Congress as the laws of the
"United States duly enacted thereby, amid the cries,
jeers and laughter of tho multitude then assem-
tded and in hearing, whichare set forth in the sev
eral specifications hereinafter written. In sub
stance and i fleet, that is to say, the article is sup
ported by three specifications, giving extracts
from speeches of Andrew Johnsonln Washington,
August IStli, at Cleveland, Ohio, September 3d,
.it St. Louis, Mo., September 8th, 1SS6. The
specifications concludes-: Which said utterances,
declara ions, threats and harangues arebigbly
censurable in auy one, and peculiarly inde
cent and unbecoming in the Chief Magistrate af
the United States, by means aud whereof said An
drew Johnson li is brought the high office of Prcs-
.id. nt of the United States into contempt, ridicule
avd disgrace, to the great scandal of good citizens,
whereby Andrew Johnson, President of the United
Slides, did commit; aud was tbero andthcnguilty-
of bish misdemeanor In office. *•*?*'
MR. STEVENS’ NEW ARTICLE.
Mr. Stevens explained the report from the
Committee, und concluded as follows: By
some unaccountable misunderstanding the
article which I hold in my hand, which we
may call one and a half, ltas been dropped
opt, for I do not And it in the articles in dis
tinct language. I, therefore, propose'it as an
amendment:
• ^That on the 12lh of August, during tho recess
of Contrcss, Andrew Johnson, President of tho
United Statcs, did suspend from office Edwin M
Stanton, and that while the Senate was consid
ering the sufficiency of the reason reported, An
drew Johnson formed a deliberate design and
determined to prevent said Edwin M. Stanton
from forthwith reassuming tho duties of his of
fice, thereby committing a high misdemeanor
and offence, acd-thnt when he was defeated in
accomplishing his design by tho integrity and
fidelity of tho Secretary ad interim, he sought to
arrivo at the same end by giving authority to
Lorenzo Thomas, Adjutant General of tho array,
to act as Secretary of War ad interim, severely
censuring the former Secretary of War ad inte
rim for not yielding to his efforts to make him
betray his trust.
PROTEST OF TITE DEMOCRATIC MEMBERS.
3Irl Eldridge sought to present the follow
ing protest, but failed:
The undersigned, members of the Fortieth Con
gress of the United States; representing, directly
or in principle, more than one-half of the whole
people of the United States, do hereby, in the
name of law and justice, and in behalf of those
they represent, must solemnly protest against the
tyranny and injustice practiced by th-; majority ol
the House In TiolatiDg the sacred rights ol free de
bate and unrestrained deliberation upon the great
est questions ever brought before an American
Congress. The rules ot tho House, made for the
protection of the minority, and by a strict adher
ence to which the weaker party can only bo pro
tected from those irregularities and abuses which
the wantonness of power is too often opt to sug
gest to large and successful majorities, aud liavo
been during this entire Congress, in violation of
their true spirit and Interest, wantonly and nnpre-
cedently suspended and set aside, not upon par
ticular and pressing matters, but upon all pending
subjects of legislation, so that by this reckless and
arbitrary suspension ol rules and the wanton abuse
of the previous question, the rights of the minor
ity have been utterly disregarded. ‘
The House of Representatives had ceased to
bo a deliberative body, aud the minority havo
been ruled out upon tho most important ques
tions wutiv.nl a ny prone' '•■aonablo time
upon debate or consideration. To such an extent
has this dangerous and oppressive practico been
carried, that measures atfecttDg vitally tho whole
country and tho dearest interests of our constit
uents, as wo believe, to tho subversion of our re
publican form of government, in their very na
ture demanding of tho peoplo and their repre
sentatives the most careful examination and
scrutiny, havo been hurried through forms of
le'-M.at’ion without one word of debate or one
moment of deliberation, or without, indeed, op
portunities. Tho undersigned protests against
tho order enforced by tho majority as the order of
tho House. These alarming abuses of power
might not seem to demand this formal protest, if
we were not forced to the belief that a deter
mined intention exists with the majority to rev
olutionize this government by destroying the
other co-ordinate branches, and vesting all pow
ers of government in Congress.
In the steps taken to depose the President ottbe
United States, we arc admonished that there is no
end to this oppressive measure to cripple the
power and silence the voice of the minority. Tho
resolution was rushed through the House under
the oporatioEb of tho previous question referring
the matter to the committee. The committee in
hot haste sitting when tho House was in session,
in violation ot one of its expressed rules con
sidered, and by a strict party vote, adopted and
presented It to the House for action, and then was
exhibited one of the most extraordinary spectacles
ever witnessed in a deliberative parliamentary
body Members were allowed some thirty min
utes some twenty, some five and some one minute
t j discuss the most momentous question ever pre
dated; many could not even get one minute un-
derthe arbitrary rule of the majority, and even
more than hair of the party voting to enforce the
previous question who desired to be heard, were
permitted only to print theirspceclies in the Globe
after the question upon the resolution was decld-
cd and whicli were never delivered In tlic House#
fco comment can demonstrate more completely
than tho facts themselves the vieiousness and
illegality of such proceedings. But this wanton
and excessive use of tbo power of the_ majority
doeB not stop here, but while tho committee were
in session upon the further proceedings to re-
move tho President, and in anticipation of its
action under the operation of tho previous ques
tion, without debate and in violation of an ex
press rule, new, special and most extraordinary
rules for tho conduct of thia proceeding, and
changing, without previous notico, the standing
rules of the House, were adopted to further limit
debate and more completely to place the minor-
ity in tho power and at the mercy of the major-
ity Thus, while tho mnjority of Congress are
working upon the other co ordinate departments,
tho executive «Dd judicial, endeavoring
jugate and bring them both under the will and
control of Congress, the minority of the House of
Itcpresentatives aro steadily and surely being
stripped of all power, and their constituents de-
prived of all representation in the Congress of
the republic. * . . . . .
We do, therefore, most solemnly protest against
tho indecorus and undignified haste with which
the majority of this House inaugurated, present-,
ed, and rusted through by a strict party jrote.in
plain and palpable violation of one of the stand-
ine rules of the House resolution, demanding
the impeachment or the Chief Magistrate of the
people, for alleged high crimes and misdemean
ors in office, when the gravity of the charge, aDd
the character of the high office against which
this stuck was directed, and the unloreseen and
tremendous consequence which might result
therefrom to the peace and P ro *Pf “J of “®
people, called for exercise of tho calmest and
wisest judgment, and the most unprejud iced and
Impartial deliberation on the part of those who
hal such proceedings in charge. We do mos.sol-
11 nrnlcsf against this tbeir repeated »t-
tomlt to P degrade ind break up one of the great
coordinate branches of the government, through
the Ip ri t of party hatred and vengeance against
to uniou and to good order, and to lighte g
burden of taxation which is presring o
the energies of trade and commerce to the point
of universal bankruptcy and ruin. ,
We do again moot eolemny protest ana mu»"
profoundly deprecate all attempts to array in hos-
tilo antagonism against each »ther the depart
ments «f the government upon a mere question ot
constitutionality or construction of law of Con-
aress. the proper jurisdiction and final adjudica
tion of which belongs exclusively to the judicial
tribunal; and we hereby warn the people of tbe
United States that the public liberty and the exis
tence oi lree institutions are involved in thissuci-
ISrtSsle. olare In lsstinsat peril ol alter
overthrow. We do also protest against the riild
and rJdi?al spirit of innovation upon the early and
well settled practice oi government—a pracl >ce es
tablished by men who founded tho constitution,
and who best understood its spirit and meaning;
which puts the Chief Magistrate of the republic
aud the representative ot the dignity and power of
the people at tho mercy of his subordinate, as-
suming to be Secretary ot War in violation of his
own pronounced conviction of the law; who has
the unblushing effrontery to place himself iu the
unwarranted position ol cominuuicatiug directly
with Congress in utter contempt of tho authority of
his superior, and with deliberate resisting oi his
authority. The undersigned therefore, in character
of representatives of tho people being deprived by
tlic desperate power of an execrable majority of the
high privilege Of debate, or that great instrument
iritlie discovery of truth, and most cherished her
itage of tree people, do hereby solemnly and
earnestly protest against these infractions, and
a'-ainst the rights of the people, and respectfully
nsk that this, their protest, he spread upon the
journal of the House.
The protest i3 signed by forty-five Domo-
cratic members.
Disraeli’s Accession to the Premiership—
A Political Revolution and Deep Excite
ment-Opinions of the People anil Com
ments of the Press.
Correspondence .V. E Herald.}
Queen’s Hotel, London, February 26.—
The resignation oi tho Premiership of -Great
Britain by Earl Derby and the accession oftlic
RightHon. Benjamin Disraeli to that office,
with the canvass of the Cabinet changes
which are likely to ensue from these events,
engage the attention of the -clubs, the extra-
parliamentary political circles and people to
an extent scarcely equalled in the history of
any of the previous official crises of the
country.
The Queen’s request to Disraeli to form a
Cabinet and bis acceptance of the charge are
regarded as an acknowledgment that the
aristocracy and conservative party generally,
failed to present a man of sufficient influence,
or perhaps talent, for the post,-and hence the
entrusting of the great seal to the Chancellor
of the Exchequer is viewed os a great step in
the march towards popular government; for
henceforth the Premiership will be'lookca
upon ns tho legitimate reward of public
leaders exhibiting perseverance, - tact arid a
ready application of the powers of oratory
and bebite, so ns to combine and utilize a
great force in the House of Commons, like
Mr. Disraeli.
-. The people are taken by his success. The
politicians call tb.mind that thirty years ago
Lord Melbourne—who’ then controlled a
powerful party—-noticed Disreali’e exertions
and inquired of him what official position lie
intended to achieve, to which he at once re
plied, “I mean to be Prime ^Minister of Eng
land.” "
The Cabinet change- and ministerial pros
pects are discussed at length in the city pa
pers this morning. All the journals speak in
the highest' tt-rma of praise of the talents of
the now Prime Minister.
The London Times says that Disraeli has
wpn the position fairly. He is, tile Times
adds, the first man in power in England who
obtained such office solely by the exhibition
of personal ability in Parliament and tbe
Cabinet, and who won it despite of disad
vantages of birth, education, youthful posi
tion, and, at one time, the actual distrust of
his party. He does not boast of a line of an
cestry from “distinguished forefathers” nor
the inheritance of ancestral honors, us have
been generally vaunted in such cases. His
contributions to the literature of the country
go to make and emblazon his escutcheon.—
The Times concludes by reminding its read
ers that Mr. Disraeli lias frequently defined
himself as a “gentleman of the press.’!
The New Italian Kingdom.—Italy, as it
now is, exclusive of the Papal States, com
prises a population of 24,231,860 persons; of
which 12,128,834 are males, and 12,103,036
females. There are on an average 85 inhabi
tants to each square kilometre. The popu
lation is divided as follows: 3,T88,513 under®
years of age; 8,376,884 from G to 24 years; 10,-
-132,013 from 24 to CO and 1,013,850 from CO
upward; 14,052,381 are unmarried; 8,556,175
are married; 1,623,304 are widowers and wid
ows. There are 8,292,248 laborers; 3,923,631
in trade or mechanics; 68,551 employed in
mines; 549,293 professional men; 174,001
priests,etc.; 147,448 employed under Govern
ment; 242,380 soldloro, «‘tc.: Gon.aon
etc. • 059.771 landed proprietors; S0u,343
paupers; and 9,258,502 without any definite
fw-curration. chU-tly chidrcn and aged persons.
There arc 5,167,480 families occupyiny 3,76.6,-
204 houses. Of the whole population 23,-
958,104 speak Italian; 134,435 speak French;
20,393 speak German; 118,929 speak other
languages, such as Albnucse, Greek, and
Sclavc. With regard to religion, there are
24,167,853 Roman Catholics; 32,932 Protest
ants; 29,233 Jews; 1,850 belonging to other
sects. Italy is now divided into 8,502 com
munes, or parishes, of which 2,763 have less
than 1,000 inhabitants, and only nine more
than 100,000.
Thieves and Villains About—Our
Town in -Great Dancer of Conflagra
tion.—For several weeks past we have chron
icled tho frequent attempts of burglars and
thieves to enter the residences ot onr citizens
nnd to break open store doors. Within the
past four weeks not less than four attempts
have been made to break open as many
stores, and in tbnt time the residences of two
of our citizens have been entered. In the
first instance the burglar succeeded in steal
ing a fine gold watch, and in the next—tho
same night—the thief was discovered as he
was abont to enter, and shot at.
But the most alarming circumstances - con
nected with these thieves, occurred on Sun
day night last, in three distinct efforts to set
the town on fire, in three .distinct localities,
by the use of turpentine . balls, etc., wbidi
were discovered in time to prevent tbe in
tended conflagration. These efforts, strange
to say, were made in tho early part of the
night, between 10 and 13 o’clock.—LaOrange
Reporter.
• . -— ■ —n — —v
Fibe in Monroe, Ga.—Monroe; February
25, 18G8.—The large brick store formerly
owned by Felkcr & Norvel, and occupied by
Flcisbel & Hudgins at the time of-the fire,
was burned last Sunday night, about 9
o’clock. The work of an incendiary—but, to
the credit of the negroes, they are not sus
pected, and worked as faithfully as any peo-
people I ever saw to suppress it.
Egbert B. Whitley, the murderer of W _m.
Wommack, was sentenced at our Superior
Court lost week.to be liung on Friday, 17tli
April. Counsel for Whitley moved for a
new trial, but the motion was overruled by
his Honor, Judge Hutchins.
[Chron. & Sentinel.
Negro Equality in the North.—We
have never doubted that fanatical radicalism
would go to the same extreme in the North
ern States it has done m the Southern, when
ever the power existed. If negro equality is
right for ten States, why is it not equally so
for thirty ? The Pittsburg Post, speaking on
the subject, very properly attributes all re
straint to fear, and says;. “What hinders th#
Radicals in Congress from thrusting nqgro
equality upon us in the ^iortli precisely as
they do with the aid ot the array in the
South ? . Fear. Nothing el§e. They en
counter no dangers at present, in the South,
with the Southern white* disarmed and mili
tary and negro power guided by Radical cun
ning, holding down and preventing all at
tempts of white men to free themselves from
hated thraldom. Give these Radicals an
inch, they will take an ell. Give them the
apparent support of Northern people in
favor of their extreme measures and they
will do precisely tbe same in the North as
they arc now doing in the South. The rem
edy is in the handBof the people of the North.
Let our reprehension of this vile unconstitu
tional tyranny go on as it has commenced,
and the cowardice of Radical tyrants will
soon show itself, and the cure for the present
misrule begin, and never cease till Radical
ism is buried.
Dan Rice rents a pew in every church
lu Girard, Pennsylvania, neither drinks nor
gambles, keeps three trained horses, and
makes f30,000 a year in the show busmen*.
THE GEORGIA CASE.
A Brief Comment on the Opinion of
> the Supreme Conrt.
BY S. S. NICHOLAS.
From the Louisvitle Journal.]
“Wc agree that tho bill presents a case
which, if it be the subject of Judicial cogni
zance,' would come under a familiar head of
equity jurisdiction; that is, jurisdiction to
grant an injunction to restrain a party to the
wrong or injury to the rights of another where
the danger, actual or threatened, is irrepara
ble or the remedy at law inadequate. But
the rights in danger must be rights of per
son or property, not merely political rights,
which do not belong to the jurisdiction of
tlic court, either in law or equity.”
The right to many descriptions of office
and the right of suffrage are purely political
rights, which, according to immemorial usage
in’ England and America, do bcloDg to “tbe
jurisdiction of the courts.” If, therefore, the
court means to say, as it seems to do, that no
political rights are under judicial protection,
or that controversies concerning them are not
proper subjects for judicial cognizance, it is
clearly wrong, and is sustained by no one ad
judged case, but opposed by the whole cur
rent of decision, the only seeming authorities
in its favor being some loose dicta not prop
erly understood.
Among those dicta, and the one princi
pally relied on, is the loose saying of Chief
Justice Marshall in Cherokee Nation vs.
Georgia, conveyed in the following sentences:
“The propriety of such interposition by the
cqurt may well be questioned. It savors too
much of the exercise of political power to be
within tho proper province of the judiciary
department.”
The Constitution not having allowed the
Indians access to the Federal courts, they
were left to the despotic control of the legis
lative and executive departments—the polit
ical departments of the government—just as
negro slaves were left to the like control of
tbe 8tatc governments, the Federal courts
having no jurisdiction oyer Indians or’slaves.
He : therefore very properly intimates that in
terposition by the court for _protcction of the
Indians would be an improper assumption of
a political power belonging exclusively to the
other two departments. But.hc did npt say;
and it would be doing him the greatest in
justice to surmise he meant, the court had no
power in any case to bring the validifjr of the,
political acts of those departments to the
test of their compatibility with the Constitu
tion.. That tho judiciary have in one sense
no political power is very clear. But it is
not at all more clear than that they have
neither legislative nor executive power, yet
their control over the exercise of both those
powers, so far as to require ali acts under
them.to be in conformity with the Constitu
tion, is Rot disputable. To tbis extent tho
judiciary have political power in this conn-
try, though tlic somewhat similar but not
analogous powey does not exist in England.
The court seems to overlook the important
broad distinction between the judiciary ex
ercising political power and merely adjudi
cating on the legal validity of its exercise by
the other departments.
It matters not by what term a power is
designated, whether legislative, executive or
political, whenever it is illegally used to the
injury of private: right, or guaranteed State
right, as is all acting contrary to the Consti
tution, then it becomes a case arising under
the Constitution, ot appropriate judicial cog
nizance and control. It becomes to all intents
a judicial question.
- This rule is believed to be without an ex
ception of universal application, and impreg
nable to all legal argument. The rule fully
covers this case in all its aspects. It amply
sustains the jurisdiction to protect Georgia
in the possession and enjoyment of her real
estate and other property, with her right to
levy, collect, and expend taxes. It also
plainly extends to the .protection of her ines
timable franchise of self-government and her
guaranteed right of republican government.
Tbe mandate • that “the United States shall
guarantee to every Stnte a republican form of
government,” not being directed particularly
fo Congress, each of the other departments is
as much bound as Congress, within tha scopp
oi ineu . - —i - • j Hio en
forcement of the mandate, and to take care
that it is not violated.
This duty is none the less obligatory, but
rather pll the more imperative, because Con-
ress is the party trying to violate the man
date by depriving Georgia of hcr_ right of
self-government, abolishing her existing re
publican government, and substituting there
for a military despotism. Tho negative ac
corded to the Judiciary upon all Congres
sional action for imputed repugnance to the
Constitution would be grossly deficient if it
did not extend to a matter of such transcen
dent importance as 'this. The great, exalted
honor conferred upon tho Supreme Court to
try without appeal the comjflaint of a
sovereign State, whoso people, in their inte
gral character as a State, are one of the great
corporators who made, own and sustain our
magnificent Union, would be sadly tarnished
and its sublime trust badly fulfilled if the
Court were to deny justice and all protection
to Georgia upon tbe insufficient' pretext that
tbe threatened danger comes from a political
department, in the exercise of a usurped,.for
bidden political power—a power which can
not be properly characterized, in legal or or
dinary American parlance, as cither legisla
tive, executive or political, but only as rank
tyrannical usurpation. "Will the Judges of
the Court persist in attQmpted. abdication of
their exalted trust by denying their jurisdic
tion to test the validity of such usurpation,
bv whatever name it may be called ?
'Far be it from any one to impute such
faithless betrayal of the great trust to improp
er timidity, orto the surmised reason that the
court has not the physical power to enforce
its mandate against the persistent disobe
dience of twenty thousand armed men. The
Court has the ample moral power to paralyze
those twenty thousand armed men, in any
effort that may be treasonably attempted to
use them in resistance to the court’s mandate.
Whenever the conrt shall decide tbe Recon
struction acts to bo unconstitutional and void,
the intelligent, patriotic officers command
ing the troops will refuse to enforce those
Take the case of General Meade, who is,
presumably, a man of sufficient intelligence
to appreciate the delicacy of his situation,
when he is called upon to decide for himself
which he shall obey, Congress or the court.
He will naturally seek among bis home
friends the legal advice he can rely upon, as
to liislegal dnty. They will tell him that the
Yeto of tho Supreme .Court nullifies those acts
as effectually as they would have been an
nulled by the President’s veto if it had not
been overruled by a two-thirds vote of Con
gress. They will further tell him that, to
resist the mandate of the court or to subvert
the government of Georgia by armed force,
... D i it 1 * sV./, notwvotrafinn nf
will,legally speaking, be the perpetration of
treason against the United States, which the
command of no superior officer can excuse,
nor the void acts ot Congress at all justify.
They will tell him that this is true not only
as to himself, but as to the President also,
and as to every officer under the President
who aids in carrying out the treasonable pur
pose, aud therefore he ought to anticipate
that his subordinates, acting under legal ad
vice, will, for the sake of their personal se
curity, refase to obey his commands.
Under such a state of the case, there is no
difficulty in foreknowing that intelligent,
patriotic officer* will obey the court and re
fuse obedience to the void acts of Congress.
Thereby the imputed impotency is at once
removed from the court and transferred to
the ruling party now controlling Congress.
The active, willing co-operation of the army
is indispensable to the scheme of reconstruc
tion, and when it is ascertained that the co
operation will cease after the court has ap
plied its veto, every presumption is in favor
of a repeal of the acts and a prompt aban
donment of the reconstruction policy. There
will not be a single common sense motive for
the Radical party to prolong the futile effort
at enforcing that policy.
The intimation given in the {>or? C9»i
that it belongs exclusively to the political
departments to decide between the contested
pretensions of two different governments in
a State, may be entitled to some respect; but
here there is no such conflict. The attempt
here is by Congress, through its claimed leg
islative power, to subvert the only existing
State government in Georgia, and to supplant
ft by a military despotism. Judicial sanc
tion to such legislation can never be obtained
whilst there remains any judicial recognition
of the Constitution as the supreme law of the
land. Nor can the Court shirk or evade its
duty to bring that, like all other legislation,
to the constitutional test, under the pretext
that the usurped power is a “political power,”
or that the rights involved are only “political
rights.”
There are political rights of a State which
the Judiciary cannot enforce, such as its right
to representation in Congress, that subject
having been placed under the exclusive cog
nizance of each house acting separately. But
that is not at all like the right of Georgia to
the undisturbed enjoyment of her great fran
chise of self-government, against the actual
or threatened assault of a military officer,
who she can sue before any court, and who
.enjoys none of tho immunity according to
the two houses of Congress. This right of
suit she would have, without reference to the
mandates of the guarantee clause but taken
in. consideration with that clause there is no
perceivable room for honest difference of
opinion on the subject.
There is nothing rash in this assumption.
A11 the recent action of the Radical destruc
tives who control Congress is a confessed
consciousness on their part of the plain un-
constitutionality of the Reconstruction acts.
If thia needed confirmation we have it abun
dantly afforded in the published disclosure of
their party dictator, that in private consulta
tion all or most of the party leaders admitted
that in tbeir pursuit of reconstruction they
were “ acting outside the Constitution,”
which is the full equivalent of an admission
that even in their opinion those acts are un
constitutional. Nothing can be plainer than
that Congress has no power whatever outside
of that Constitution, which is the grantor of
"11 the power possessed by Congress or any
other Departu,o-.4.
The radical leaders no doun have a super
abundance of impudent pluck in tbe puraViit
.of any supposed party benefit. Yet it isirra-
tional to suppose them capable of the mad
folly to resist or disregard a decision of the
Supreme Court on this subject. They will
be much more apt to take warning from the
fate, of the usurping “new court” party of
Kentucky and repeal the reconstruction acts
in avoidance.of the multifarious, complicated,
irreparable mischiefs which a further attempt
to enforce those acts would necssarily pro
duce.
Opposition to Impeachment—"Immense Mass
Meeting in New York.
New York, February 28.—An immense
mass meeting of citizens opposed to impeach
ment was held this evening, at Cooper Insti
tute. James Gallatin was President. Resolu
tions were read declaring the- present politi
cal crisis as 'fraught with .danger to
Republican institutions in the United States ;
that a government by and under a'written
Constitution is the only safeguard of free
dom ; affirming the right of the President to
remove members of his Cabinet; and declar
ing the attempt to deprive him of that right
a monstrous perversion of the powers • con
ferred upon the House of Representatives.
The resolutions also deprecate impeach
ment except as a last resort for the protec
tion of the republic Rom disgrace or griev
ous wrong; express confidence m tbe dignity
and moderation of the Senate to save the
country from the dangers by which it is
threatened, and denounces impeachment as
scandalous, wrongful and unconstitutional,
at the same time counseling the people to
trust free discussion and the ballot box for
redress, in the event of the removal of the
President.
The resolves having been adopted by ac
clamation, Jas. W. Gerard was introduced,
and said that he regarded the meeting as a
grand gathering of the • people to protest
against a revolutionary movement to deprive
the nation of its lawful head. The real crime
%£ a tyi$ r: vlt£t”W uiRi ‘negr o’" §U-
premacy. . • - , T
Mayor Hoffman was the next speaker. In
the course of his speech, which was much ap
plauded, he said that the assassination of
Abraham Lincoln and the impeachment of
Andrew .Johnson would hereafter be equally
Odious to the American people. Subse
quently the meeting was addressed by James
Brooks. • ~
£3?” The documents read in tho Senate, on,
the 26th instant, from Gen. Grant, contain the
following telegrams:
■Washington, August 3,18G7.—To Major
General John Pope: 1 think your views sound,
both in the construction which you give to
the laws .of Congress and the duties of the
supporters of good government, to see that,
When reconstruction is effected, no loop-hole
is left open, to give trouble and embarrassment
hereafter. It is certainly the duty of district
commanders to study' what tlie framers of the
reconstruction laws wanted fo express as
much as what they do express, and to execute
the laws according to .that interpretation.—
This, I believe, they have generally, done,
and so far have the approval of all who ap
prove the Congressional plan of reconstruc
tion. ~ U. S. Grant, General.
On the 23d of December la^l Gen. Grant
telegraphed Gen. Pope as follows :
“The constitutions adopted by tbe conven
tions now in session are not tbe laws of the
States until submitted to the people and rat
ified by them. I do not see, therefore, how
you can enforce the laws enacted by them
until so ratified.” Gen. Grant, on the 10th of
January, telegraphed General Meade appro
ving the latter’s conduct in removing the
State Treasurer of Georgia for not obeying
the orders of the Constitutional Convention;
also the following : “ I would not interfere
with the elections ordered by the Atlanta
Convention, unless for very satisfactory rea
sons for so doing. As District Commander
you will be perfectly justifiable in adopting
as your own order the stay laws proposed in
tho constitution, to be submitted to the peo
ple of Alabama and Georgia.”
Grant a* a Circus Rider.—The father of
General Grant, who is attempting the life of
his son in the New York Ledger, gives the
following anecdote illustrative of the eques
trian powers of the General when a boy:
Once when he was a boy a show came along,
in which there was mischievous pony, trained
to go round the ring like lightning, and he
was expected to throw any boy that attempt
ed to nde him. “Will any boy come forward
and ride tbis pony?” shouted the ring-master.
Ulysses stepped forward and mounted the
pony. The performance began. Round and
round and round the ring went the pony, fast
er and faster, making the greatest effort to
dismount the rider. But Ulysees sat as steady
as if he bad grown to the pony’aback. Pres
ently out came a large monkey and sprang up
behind Ulysses. The people set up a great
shout of laughter, and on the pony ran, but
it all produced no effect on the rider. Then
the ring-master made the monkey jump up on
to Ulysses’ shoulders, standing with his feet
on his shoulders, and with his hands holding
i to his hair. At this there was another and
_ still louder shout, but not a muscle of
Ulysses’ face moved. There was not a tremor
of his nerves. A few more rounds and the
ring-master gave itup-he had come across a
boy that the pony and the monkey both could
not dismount.
MV- It is stated that a number of prom
inent Radical Senators, together with Gen.
Grant expended their eloquence yesterday
in a vain effort to persuade Stanton to resign.
Vox et pretera nihil.—Intelligencer.
xhe Democrats fired one hundred
jruns in the Park, at New York, in honor of
the appointment of New York as the place
for holding the National Convention,
AdJ. Gen. Thomas in Court.
WAsnrxGTON, February 26.—Adj. Gen.
Thomas appeared in the Supreme Court this
morning, accompanied by his counsel, Rich
ard T. Merrick and Walter 8. Cox, with
Joseph II. Bradley, 9r., as advisory counsel.
Judges Olen and Fisher sat by the side ol
Judge Carter. A subpoma was issued this
morning to Mr. Stanton to appear in court,
and bring with him his commission as Secre
tary of War; also certain official papers.
Judge Carter asked if the counsel were
ready to proceed with the case of Genera!
Thomas.
Mr. Riddle introduced Mr. Carpenter, of
Wisconsin, associate counsel for 3Ir. Stanton.
Mr. Carpenter, owing to illness anc the im
portance of the case, asked a continuance- till
to-morrow. Mr. Merrick objected on the
ground of public interests. ' Judgu Carter
was disposed to grant a continuance.
3Ir. Jlerrick asked that the case bo cansid-
ered in the Criminal Court instead of Cham
bers. Judge Carter declined, as bo sat merely
as an examining magistrate.
3Ir. Jlerrick said Gen. Thomas was here,
and his bail surrendered him itto the custody
of the JIarshal of the District. He was there
fore a prisoner, and the cosssel-asked for a
writ ofhabeas corpus.
Judge Carter declined to imprison General
•Thomas, believing he wovtid appear to-inor-
row, and informed him he could go hence.
Tho following is the petition for a writ of
habeas corpus:
To lion. D. Carter, Chief Justice of the Su
preme Court, holding Criminal Court in said
District :
Tbe petitioner, Loranzo Thomas, shows
that he is now held in custody by the marshal
of this district, under and by virtue of a war
rant made out aud delivered' to said marshal
by your honor sitting in chambers, lie avers
and will show that said imprisonment is.
wholly unlawful and without color or author^
ity, under the Constitution and laws of the
United Statc-i, as the cause of his said arreaf,
and be prays your Honor for a writ of habeas
corpus, ordering said marshal to bring the
body of your petitioner before your Honor
in open court, that the cause of his capture
and detention aforesaid maybe inquired into
-oil be dealt with according to law.
Mr. Carpenr. r said ho reerarded th-j lost ac
tion of an entirely unnecessary episone. l nis
action has been prosecuted here by the Sec
retary of War for the purpose 05 bringing
this matter to- a settlement in ihc Courts.
There is no ill-feeling between him. and «Jen.
Thomas. A consideration alone of a public
nature lias actuated this prosecution.
Gen. Thomas is a gentleman who uill not
"depart We do not ask he should even be
required to enter into bis own recognizance,
and surely he cannot com* into Cvurt and
make himselfa prisoner unless the Court at
least accepts that fact or somebody asks him
to be imprisoned. With the fell altitude
and with the consent ho shall hav*. and which
I have no doubt yqUr honor will willingly
accord t*o him, this application for a writ of
habeas corpus appears to be iitlhcr unneces
sary.
Tho counsel for the defence again, urged
their application.
.The Chief Justice said, I have nc-re-heard
of a prisoner surrendering himself to his
sureties or to the marshal, it is always to tho
court. Where is the process of t,be marshal
by which Gen. Thomas is held ? His war
rant has been returned and tlic party’s re
cognizance has been substituted, having ap
peared according to the terms, of his recog-'
iiizancc. He is present in cout.c to answer in
regard to the offence charged. It appears to
me, however, that 1 this is not.the question be
fore me as examining magistrate, but rather a
question to be considered by the judge who
.shall entertain the application iar a writ of
habeas corpus. Tho,quest ion for me to deter
mine a3 examining magistrate is what dis
posal is to be made of the case.
3Ir. Cox—Certainly.
3Ir. Merrick—I was going to say to your
Honor, if you will allow me a single moment,
that it the view expressed by tbe other side
be correct, Gen. Thomas being before your
Honor, and an application for a continuance
till to-morrow made, your Honor must make
SHIM disposition of the prisoner in the mean-
petition to the Criminal Court. L- you dis
charge him the case is at an end. You must
either discharge or commit.
Chief Justice—With my knowledge of Gen.
Thomas’ character, aud especially after the
avowal of the counsel that they have full con
fidence in him, I should not hold him fpr a
moment.
Sir. Lrerrick—Then he is discharged..
Yes, sir, he is discharged under the intima
tion here,'as far as any personal appearance is
concerned. Tho case may be continued, and
it Thomas is arrested it will be hereafter. I'
aliall not bold him to personal imiyriaonment,
when my own confidence in ho*, character
corroborates what is said. by. tbe prosecution,
and especially when they do not desire it.
The counsel for General Thomas.then asked
:th"at he be finally discharged.
Judge Carter granted tbe motion for the
following reasons: It is canlesied hero by
the prosecution, or rather stated by the
prosecution, and it is a truth, which, under
the circumstances of thiscase we are all, well
advised of, that Gen. Thomas does not seek to
evade the process of the law in any regard;
that he is,here and will be here ready to an
swer to tlie demand when exiled on. This, I
believe, is.now the Wednesday preceding the
ilonday when the grand jury convenes in this
district; it43 only four days, when the tri
bunal charged with the presentment of all
such offences will be in session to hear tbis
and all other cases.
- Under circumstances like these, what is my
duty as an examining magistrate ? 'Is it to
hold this case from day to day tor examina
tion, until the grand jury dismiss it, or let it
abide the ordinary process of justice ? It ap-
! pears to me it is my duty to let the case f$ke
i that course. There are no circumstancsa de
veloped in it, as it appears to me, th&t can
settle anything before thia mere inquiry tri-
' bunal and I cannot disguise from myself that
the subject underlies the controvcrsi that is
passing the ordeal of the highest tribunal of
the country; and that in contras* with its
gravity there is a preliminary examination
here, which must terminate with the session
of the grand jury, which woulitakc on the
character ot trifling. I do not: propose to be
instrumental in instituting any such proceed;
in<rs under tbe avowels mada before me tire
day. I think my duty r* a magistrate is
properly discharged in dismissing the case
upon the motion ot the counsel for the de
fendant, and shall do so. Gen. Thomas" you
can go home. '
As Gen. Thomas left -the court-room with
his counsel, several hundred pec^q in the
streets welcomed him with cheers. ’
«^-Thc Rev. C» W. Vining, wbo has safely
returned from a tour to the Exi^ thoughtfully
brings ns, among other curiosities, some of the
newspapers published in Egyptand Turkey.-
They are in four language* French, Turkish,
American and Greek. Vr« cannot read them
but ho can, and through hia patience we have
been gratified to learn iheir contents, and the
materials of which newspapers are made up in
the land of the Osmanlie. Our American enter
prise is well represented; stovoe, wooden and
tin-ware, ploughs, axes and tools are advertised
from this country. In each of the four languages
are heralded th« virtues of the remedies mads
by our celebrated countiynw*, Dr. J. C. Ayer t
Co., of Lowell. They seem not to depend on
their home reputation foroonfideuee abroad,, but
publish the certificates of the Musselmen julers
themselves, to the euro* which those remedies
have made in their midst The Reverend gen
tleman informs us that the whole of thoremedial
aid employed in those countries oomes from
Europe or America, as they possess no medical
colleges or schools In which they h & va * n y con_
fidence themselves. There arose the religious
ideas which pervade the human family, but
almost all that is useful in a*t or invention must
be carried beck to these, th* earlier settlements
of mankind.—Linn Few*.