Newspaper Page Text
The Georgia Weekly Telegraph.
THE TELEGRAPH.
MACON, FRIDAY, MARCH 20, 1868.
Sheriff's 8ai.K3.-R may be worthy of
note that Geo. Meade having, in his order
carrying into effect tlie Relid article of the
proposed Constitution, revoked his former
order suspending all sales under execution,
levies and sales on all debts created subse
quent to June, 1805, can now progress with
out molestation.
Second Disthict Convention.—In pur
suance of the suggestion ot the Central Com
mittee, the Democratic Club of Albany re
spectfully invites the several counties com
prising the Second Congressional District to
send delegates to a Convention in that city,
on Tuesday, the 31st instant.
The Camei.s are Coming.—-Wc hear that
the illustrious Express Agent and Negro-
Radical nominee for Governor of Georgia,
■with Blodgett, Bryant and the rest of their
retainers, are to address a jiuhlic meeting in
Macon on Saturday next. Will they allow
free discussion ?
Bullock "Wants a Negro Legislature
yon Georgia.—The Atlanta Intelligencer of
yesterday says * l, Wo have it irom reliable
authority that R. B. Bullock, Esq., of Au
gusta. whose name is mentioned in connec
tion with the position of Governor of Geor
gia, and who will be recollocted ns a mem
ber of tlio ‘Augusta ring’ in the late negro
Radical Convention, which was in session
here, told the Hon. Jack Bell, big buck ncr
gro from Oglethorpe county, and brother
member of the Convention, to go home and
run for the. Legislature, and to induce as
many other negroes as he could to do the
same ; that if ho fBullock] could gci fifty
negroes elected to that body lie could easily
control it upon being elected Governor.—
Upon this, the Hon. Jack Bell immediately
issued n circular to his constituents. That
circular we published some day 3 ago.”
IMPEACHMENT.'
MK. JOHNSON'S VIEWS OK THE IM
PEACHMENT BUSINESS.
Tl»e Absurdity ef «h* In« 1, c*»"en«-—The
PntMcnl’i Po.'<l.n Cn.n.lUbUbj
the iropMushere.
Correspondence of the Nrir York World.]
Washington March in.—In the cheerful reception
room iit the White Mouse, which was described U> the
readers of the World on fcaturday. the writer of theje
dispatches had on Sunday evening the following con
versation with tbo President. It is deemed best to
give the whole dialogue publicity from the beginning
to tho end, because what was said on both sides in
the first part of it will serve to show what led tho
President into expressing at leant some general and
specific ideas upon the subject of impeachment: #
"Well, Mr. President, you don’t seem to be pmmg
under this infliction. I congratulate you.” .
"No,” said Mr, Johnson pleasantly, as he invited
me to a seat; "I mnft have lost very little in weight,
if anything. Tho rack used to bo called m \ emce,
j'ou know, a great appetizer.”
"In that case, Mr. President ono.may presume that
your dinners will have a lively relish for some weeks.
It appears that the Senate is not to get through with
the bu.-iness in such a hurry as was expected.
Mr. Johnson’s lips curled with a whimsical smile.
"Why, it was wagered, wasn’t it, that they would go
through tho whole trial and get rid of the President
by this time ? I suppose I ought,now, to regard it as
little lew than a miracle that I am still here. The
impcaohers are, ns I nni told, very persistent.
’They arc very persistent, indeed, p.nd at present
very determined. Although I doubt the propriety ol
the question, and expect to be corrected
ture t< ”
of the
I will ven-
re to ask, Mr. President, what your own estimate is
the present chances of tnc trial ?” ,
’Perhaps, at this stage,” the President replied, it
would be more appropriate forme to ask your opinion.
My opportunities of comnunication with tho parties
who h tve impeached tbo President of ‘high crimes
and misdemeanors’ are not, just now* Quito so favor*
able as yours.”
Being thus challenged, I remarked:
"Well, sir, you would respect mo less if I did not
say as earnestly ns I believe that if the President
should be tried immediately—that is. within a week
—tho Senate would probably convict him, though not
upon all the charges. Tho reasons for this belief are
Tound not only in tho previous declarations and pres
ent temper of a majority of Senators, but in tho lack
of opposition to impeachment by the Republican
press and party. While most of the leaders of that
party would not have forced impeachment upon con
siderations of justice, they areas well convinced as
Congress is. now that Congress has committed itself,
that the trial must bo gone through with as a measure
of party necessity. It was thought, as you arc aware,
that Congress would not outrago justice, and the
sentiment of the people by passing the military re
construction bills. But it did pass those bills, be-
causothe Radical party in tho North stood by the
Congressional majority, in doing so. You said, as I
Wno Nominated Bullock.—Tlio Albany
News corrects our figures and gives us the
composition of tlio Bullock Convention, as
furnished by Farrow himself, viz:
Ninety-three delegates in all appeared in
tbo meeting, twenty-three white delegates
withdrew—of those left, and who partici
pated in the nomination, there were—
Tliirty-ono Negroes.
Twenty eight Carpet-baggers.
Ten Scalawags.
Total, GO. One hundred members of the
Convention did not participate.
fg" As a specimen.of cool Radical lying
and recklessness, it is only necessary to.state
that Mr. Farnsworth, a distinguished member
of tho House, in a recent discussion, declared
that “the negroes of Alabama had to swim
the rivers filled with floating ice in order to
exercise their right to vote.” The idea of
floating ice in the rivers of Alabama is samc-
tbing new.
— ■«.»
The Union League Company.—From a
private circular addressed “to tho Subordi
nate Councils of the U. 8. A. in Georgia,”
dated “Atlanta, February 5thand signed
by “Henry P. Farrow, President Grand Coun
cil U. S, A. in Georgia,” wc learn the follow
ing paiticulars regarding this negro-mean
white dark-lantern conspiracy against the
rights and liberties of the white people of
Georgia:
“At the time of tho election last fall, the or
ganisation had extended into ono hundred and
seventeen, and oat of ono hundred and thirty.
two, counties in the State. Thore were at the
time of tho election two hundred and fifty-three
councils, with a white membership of twenty-
seven thousand eight hundred and thirty; and
over tbreo hundred councils with a colored
membership of about fifty-three thousand.”
So much for the state of the conspiracy at
the date of the election on the Convention.
Regarding its present and future condition
the samecircnlar says:
“In many localities the Councils have been
much neglected since the election; bnt, as an
emergency is now arising when the entire strength
of tho organization will be needed, the friends
must rally and reorganize with vigor and energy.
Arrangements have already been perfected where
by Connells will be established wilhlir the next
thirty days in thoso few conntle9 where they have
not previously existed, and whereby renewed en
ergy, itishopid, will be giveu thoso already es
tablished.” .
Such is the organization by which such
men as Farrow, Brown, Bullock and Blodgett
expect to impose a Negro-Ynnkec govern
ment on the people of Georgia.
er In Washington Superior Court, on
Saturday last, his Honor, Judge Gibson,
pronounced sentence on Green Jackson and
Jim Thompson, colored, the former to four
years, and the latter to "six years in the Peni
tentiary.
A Significant Vote.—On the 9th inst.
Mr. Burr, (Democrat), of Illinois, offered a
resolution declaring that sound financial pol*-
icy requires the gradual withdrawal of the
interest-bearing bonds, and the substitution
therefor of greenbacks.
Mr. Spalding, (Radical), of Ohio, moved to
lay the resolution on tho table, which was
negatived by a vote of yens 50, nays 0.7.
Obey the Military and not the Law.
The civil ofiiccrs of this military district
are interested in tbo following order from
headquarters:
Headq’jis Third Military District, )
(Dept. Georgia, Florida and Alabama) >
Atlanta, Ga., March 10, 1SG8. i
General Orders, No. 42.
All civil oilicers iu this military district arc
hereby required to obey all the orders issued
from these headquarters relating to the per
formance of their olliciai duties; and any
officer refusing to obey any such order, shall,
on conviction thereof before a Military Com
mission, be punished by fine or imprisonment,
or both.
By order of Major General Meade.
R. C. Drum, Asst. Adj’t. Gen.
To the I’copic of Houston County.
The Radical Convention of Georgia, after
a long session, nt great expense to the people,
has at last adjourned, and its extraordinary
proceedings are, it seems, soon to be acted on
its fraudulent, deceptive Constitution is to
be accepted or rejected by those of us who
are permitted the right to Vote on that qu, s-
t.on. A Governor, a member of Congress
from this Congressional District, a Senator
for this., Twenty-Third, Senatorial District
nnd three members to the Legislature from
this county, arc soon to be elected It is
therefore, earnestly recommended that all the
people ol Houston comity meet in I
Saturday, the 2lst instant, 1 to
upon these important matters.
Houston.
recollect, in a conversation tome weeks ago, that for
tho Radicals to hesitate at carry ini: out the measures
adopted up to that time would bo equivalent, so to
speak, to political hari l;ari. Having taken the pres
ent step in advance, retreat, ns every member of the
party possesiins any brains at all sees, would be still
more dangerous.” _ ,
“You lake, it must be confessed, a rather gloomy
view of the prospect,” said Mr. Johnson laughing.
”l!y no means, sir-because .1 apprehend that tho
trial may last long enough to need such a public dis
cussion of its merits as will yet arousei a considerable
opposition to tho measures in tho Radical ranks. Tbo
Democratic press is bound to take a inoro united anu
enthusiastic stand in the President’s defence than it
has taken, when tbo issues between him and Congress
come to be systematically discussed at tbe trial, and
tho motives of tho impcnchcrs are fairly unveiled,
i’orthesoand several other reasons it is pleasant to
hopo that tho trial cannot bo hastened nnd will bo
Pr, q°duno't see." observed tho President, musingly,
patting the carpet with his foot,‘‘bow the trial is to
terminate so very soon.”
“Have you received tho summons toappear .;
"Oh. ges, that eamo last night. A suggestive ooc-
U "I? is returnable. I believe, on Friday, the 13th,
instant.” •
"I suppose the President isnot obliged to put in
his appearance in person, but will respond through his
counsel." ,. .... . „
"Certainly, his counsel will respond.
“Havo tho Counsel been selected I”
"Some selections havo been made, as you havo
hrard I would not make nny too positive statements
in respect to this matter at present.’’
"Tho President’s counsel will of course ask for time
to prepare his defence?”
•‘Undoubtedly.” .. . —
"And the time requisite may be considered!
"Thore are eleven articles of impeachment, an
swered Mr. Johnson, with anotbtr smile, "and one
would think the best of lawyers ought to havo somo
leisure to deliberate upon so long a list.
After a short pause, I took the liberty of calling tho
President's attention to a matter having indirect re
lation to the subject in hand. . ,
"Tho final argument in tho McCardle case is to bo
begun, and perhaps concluded, to-morrow in tliolsu-
premo Court. What a foriuuato thing it would be,
according to most accounts, if tho court could render
its decision upon thatcaso before the writ served upon
the President is made returnable?”.
"Too short a time for such a decision, I am afraid.
But,” continued tho President, "I suppose the court
would feel i<self bound, in consiicrauon of the im
portance of tho case, to render a decision upon it
within three weeks,-and that might occur during the
interval between the answer to the summons and tho
day set lor tbe commencement of tho trial.” .
"True: what a graco that would be, also ! It is
even hinted that, if the decision oi tlio Supreme
Court should be against the conalitutionoUty of the
Reconstruction Acts, tho President might find him
self authorized to remove, at his discretioa, the mili
tary despotism from the South, and let tho Southern
people enjoy what would bo tho luxury of governing
themselves. . .
"That might seem to be, said Mr. Johnson, tho
natural duly of tho President. Do not understand
me. howover, to expre-s a premature opinion upon
what islikcly.to happen either in tho Supreme Court or
elsewhere.”
"Certainly not, sir. I alluded to tho McCardle caso
bec.au-e it suggested sumo possibilities which may be
discreetly can varied. For instance, a decision upon
that case adverse to the Reconstruciion Acts would
render it pretty certain tbatfome remaining lnw.« t in
cluding tbe Civil Tenure Act, will uuttland a judicial
test. In that event, would not the conviction of the
President of tho first’high crime and misdemeanor’
of which ho is imno chcd look still more doubtful ?”
The President, who had, up to this moment, tacitly
declined to discuss tho question of impeachment,
suddenly loosed his thunders.
"Conviction!” be exclaimed: “conviction of what,
after all? Here is tbe re-called Civil Tenure bill._ It
received my veto, for the reasons that I believed it to
bo inimical to tbo orderly administration of the Gov
ernment nnd to tho Constitution. Tho Senate, before
pas4ng it over tho veto, twico voted down that part
of it intended to deprive tho f’rcsidcntpf the control
of his Cabinet. When they did possit.it wasttill
with the expressed understanding among several
Radical Senators that it left the President tho right to
remove members o! tho Cabinet whom he did not ap
point. This understanding was concurred in at the
tiino by .Mr Stan ten and all tho othcrmcinbers of tho
Cabinet. It is now concurred in by every member of
the Cabinet. Itisoonveyed in tho firstEectionoUlienct
itaelf.which reads ns follows: ’Tlintevery person hold
ing civil office to which he has been appointed by and
with tbo ndviea and consent of the Ncnale. and every
person who (-hall hereafter bo appointed to nny such
office a d shall become duly qualified ta act therein.
D. and shall be. entitl'd to hold such cilice until a
successor shall have hoen in like manner appointed
and duly qu ilifled, except as herein otherwise pro
vided; provided, that tho Secretaries of State, of the
Treasury, of tlio Navy, and oftbe Interior, the Post
master General and tho Attorney Gcnernl. shall hold
tlieir offices respectively for nnd during tho term of
the President by whom they may havo been ap
pointed. and fur one month thereafter, subjeetto re
moval by and with the advico and consent of the
"Doe* tbit prohibit tho President from removing a
Oahlnot officer whom ho never appointed, bat who
was merely remained over from one administration to
ano'hor ? ’ T he net says, ’who may have been appoint
ed by the President.’ I did not appoint Mr. Stanton.
lioroeeiTcd his cominis-ion ns Secretary of War dur
ing the pleasure of tho President, which ho was
obliged to prodoee In court the other day, from Mr.
Lincoln, lie can exhibit no commission of a subse
quent date. His month of grnco under this adminis
tration expired long ng>. lie has been liable ever
.-ince. even under the pm t ishu.s of the Civil Tenure
act, to be peremptorily dismissed from his offieo with
out nny consultation whatever by the President with
the Senate, forsection fbnrof the not additionally pro
vide-: ’That nothing in this act contained stall bo
construed to extend the term of office, the duration of
which is limited by law.’ It was by the President’s
sufferance alone, therefore, that Mr. Stanton retained
hil position so long before it was found necessary to
suspend him.”
"Tho Ncna'e have changed theirminds," Iobservod,
'Vince tin- pas-age of this interesting hill.”
"in regard to its scope ai d intention, I shouldthink
go; hut the action of tbe Nenato on their r.ew con-
struction of the hill, in restoring Mr. Ntanton to offieo
after tbe President hud suspended him. rendered it
more imperative that the constitutionality of the net
should he brought to a judicial test. Tho Executive
oil the- "oe hand, and Congress on the other, had ar
rived at a radical difference otor inion on tbreo points:
First. II- to tho policy of retaining Mr. Stanton as
Secretary of >. ar: second, as to tbo President’s light
to remove Mr. Stanton being reserved under the pro
visions of the Civil Tenure aet: nrd third, ns to the
President’s rightto remove Mr.Stanton heinggranted
to him under the broader provision* of the Constitu
tion, irrespective of an net which tho President nnd
liis Cabinet advisers held and now hold to heuncon-
stitotionnl. Jn (he first place, Mr. Ntanton was a
marplot in this administration. Jlis removal had
been urged, for months previous to hi* suspension, by
numbers of distinguished citizens. Reasons which
need not be hero enumerated in detail caused me 10
disregard, ns long as 1 could, these appeals, nnd tole
rate Mr. Stanton as an enemy rightin the midst of the
Excutivo household. 1 forcborc, until forbearance
cease I even to seem a virtue, to do what, however es
sential it was in my judgment to the interest? of the
country, was destined to stir up an untoward political
agitation.
"li was my hops, when Mr. Stanton wns susponded
during a recess of tiic Senate, that the acrimony
aroused among the leaders of the Republican party
by that move would perhaps subrido in ft great degree
before the next meeting ot Congress: that,Impressed
with the justice of the procet ding, the Scnnte could
then rat tty a new nomination, and that a turbu
lent session could he avoided. In the fccor.d
place, finding the Senate was determined not to con
cur in the snspena and after Mr. Stanton hail suc
ceeded. against my wish and design, in again ■ btain-
ing possession pi tho war Department, I still hoped
that the President's right to remove him would he
conceded to he within the indireot s tnetion ofiho Civil
ientire hill. You wj 11 recall the fact that, in my* coin*
munication to the Senate in responscio therrsoluiion
pas.-ed in executive eo-?ion declaring that the Senate
did not admit the President a legal power to do whet
ho bad d'-nc. I mi- tine l this right under theCivit
Tenure hill with a somewhat extended argument,
j lint, in tbo third place, ti r ing satisfied myiclf that
I tlii; right Would ho contested ns it i*. I endeavored to
I make plain the unimpeachable grant which r ha t ali
! along disoeraed for my action in the Constitution
itself. It wns evident to my mind Irom the first, that
it M niton's removal was to ho declared null l,y (,'on-
gre-■■ n account Of the Civil Tenure act, thru the
Civil Tenure act. thus on-trued to deprive the Kxt e-
utiveof It s constitutional prerogatives, ought to lie
judicially pronoun, rd upon. There wat ah-olutoly n
other way to bringthe liwto the notieeof the eottt
| than Hint w Iiieh the President adopted, lad Gen 'I lion
.t been discharged by the D.stri.t Supremo Cour
Aa th* President besom* more engrossed in his
theme, he leaned forward ia< his chair and enforced
what he said with vigorous gestures.
“Yet there is a supposed cause for impeachment.
Why, every private citixen #f the United States or
another country where laws exist has the right of
testing in court a law which his neighbor has made an
excuse for injuring him. Is the President of the
United States not to be allowed the same privilege
when hisadministrative rights, rights whvoh the na
tion has intrusted to him, ar.d for the preservation of
which ho is made responsible, are sought to be arro
gated by I care not whom ?’’
"Nevertheless. Mr. President, Congress assumed
that the Executive is merely sn Executive. As such,
it says, he is compelled by his oath to execute any
law that may he passed by a two-thirds vote over his
veto. Congress itself being judge, so far as it is neces
sary for the President to know, of the constitutionality
of the hill it adopts."
“There is a limit to such an assumption as that,
replied the President. “According to it. Congress
might pass a scries of laws more grossly unc institu
tional than this one we have been discussing, and the
President have no yea or nay in the matter. Let us
remember betimes that the Presidenthimself u sworn
rotcct and defend the Constitution. Suppose
Congress should pass a bill abolishing the vetq, Tm ,vft—*i, e accommodation ol
nwT.li>»i.l».nvkl>ll awnnlntmants snDDOSe Con^ri w 1111 tttUe-Bt'al ClMlrS tor IUC wreummuuu.iuu «
members of the House, while the sofas were ad-
power to make any civil appointment: suppose Con-
stcss should i>ass a bill depriving the President of the
Commandersnip-in-chicf of the‘army; suppose it
should pass a dozen bills of.this character—would the
President be constitutionally bound to execute them
as lawsT Would it not be his duty, ns in tnc present
instance, to seek an immediate judgment In the su
preme Court upon such palpable violations or the
Constitution and tbo genius of tho Government.
"It must be admitted, sir. that that is a suggestive
way of putting the question.” , ., ,,
"Well, then, let us proceed to other considerations.
The President is impeached ofa ‘high crimp and mis
demeanor* in removing Mr. Stanton. Besides the im
possibility. as I believe, of showing that the President
acted outside his vested powers in making that remov
al! is another difficulty. If it could by nny twisting of
logic be shown that he has acted outside those
powers, n wron^r motive in so doing must be proved
against him. Was there a wrong motivo exhibited in
deposing this man? Could there be any motive ex
cept the legitimate one which inspires a President to
rid his Cabinet of an officer whose enmity to tho Ex
ecutive and whose discordant counsels had ^marred
nnd threatened to trammel the wholo machinery of
the administration ? Surely, I am not # able to rccol-
lect a singl# previous instance in our history wherein
it was attempted by thcScnato to compel a President
to retain in tne position of an adviser and head of an
important Executive Department one whose scnti-
_ ments and views upon public matters were directly at
leaders of that variance with thoso entertained by his superior, a.ntl
in whom the tatter had not sufficient confidence to in
trust him with the conduct of the most pressing affairs
appertaining to his office.” .... ... -
The President hero arose, went into the adjoining
library, and returned with a couple of volumes,
Opening ono of them, liorcsumed: _ . .
“ilere is an index to pages of precedent*, showing
that the right of the President tosclcct his own Cabi
net has not only never been denied to this extent by
tho Senate, but it has been frequently exercised more
j'crcmptorily than in Mr. Stanton’s case. Look .at
this ono instance in tho history of .Mr. Adams admin
istration. On the 10th day of March, 1800, President
Adams addressed to Colonel Pickering, then Secretary
of State, a note, which I will read:
‘“To T. Pickering, Secretary of State : Jfaw 10,1S00.
—Sir: As I perceive a necessity-of introducing a
change in tho administration of tho Office, of State, 1
think it proper to mako this communication ol it to
tho present Secretary of State, that ho may have.an
opportunity of resigning, it he choose?. 1 should wisn
the day on which nil resignation is to take place to
bo named by himself. 1 wish for an answer to this
letter on or before Monday morning. becauso the nom
ination of a successor must bo sent to thoScnato as
soon tts they sit. _ . j
■''Withesteem, lam, sir. your most obedient and
hnmble servant. John Avaus.”
“Col. Pickering replied in an extraordinary strain,
declining to resign; whereupon Mr. Adams sent him
this laconic notice, which hears date May 12, lt>(W:
“lffrn May. 1SOO; To Timothy Pickering, Philadel
phia : Sib: Divers causes and considerations, essen
tial to theedministration of tho government in my
judgment requiring.l change in tho Department of
State, you aro hereby discharged lrom aDy further
service as Secretary ofStato John Adams,
President of the United States.
Works of John Adame, Vot, IX., pp. 84,65.]
"Observe, in this, that Mr. Adams saw fit to per
emptorily discharge Colonel Pickering. Tho same
day. May 12. the President sent a brief announcement
of theremoval to the Senate, which reads as follows:
"Monday, May 12.1800. Gentlemen of the Senate.- I
nominalo the lion. John Marshall, Esq., ot Virginia,
to beSecretnry of State, in place of the ifon. Timothy
Pickering, Esq., removed. John Adaus.”
“That wns all tho official notice the Senate had of
tho removal, before or since Mr. Adams, in one of his
Cunningham letters,call3 this'one of tho mostdeliber-
ate: virtuous, and disinterested actions of his life.”
Mr. Johnson laid aside tho books.
“As to tho remaining articles of impeachment,
which pretend to recite some of the President's speeches
nnd public expressions. I dread lest those, Mr. Presi
dent, havo made you tremble.”
The President laughed low to himself a moment,
and drummed with his pencil on the table. But bis
voice, when he turned to reply, had no merriment
in it. ,,
"It sometimes appears tome, he said, that their
wits must bo utterly dazed who cannot sco through
the designs of men capable of bolstering up an im
peachment of'high crimes and misdemeanors’ against
a President of the United States with cvidenco like
this. What is a ‘high crime, or a 'high misdemeanor’
inoffice? What docs tho Constitution say ? Itsays:
(Section fourth. Article II.) ’The President. Vico
President nnd all civil officers of tho United States,
shall be removed from offieo on impeachment for and
conviction of treason, bribery, or other high crimes
and misdemeanor?.' What are meant by ‘high eritn-s
and misdemeanors?’ What wero ’treason’ and'bri
bery’ specially enumerated for, if not to define the
grade of offences constituting them? Is a mere
peccadillo on the part of a President to bo called a
'high misdemeanor?’ Suppose I were, on leaving
this room to-night, to bo in somo way drawn into a
personal rccountcr with an insolent man who should
meet mo in tbe hall; would that be a 'high misde
meanor’ which tho House of Representatives would
net muro decently in impeaching the President for
than in taking no notice of?
"Abovo all else, is telling the truth to the people in
a public address a high misdemeanor?’ Mysjiceches,
made since I entered upon tho duties of this office,
have contained no general statement in regard to na
tional affairs and policy that are not also embodied in
my messages. I have odvisod Congress directly, and
many time?, of tbo Pres dent’s opinion of its unwise,
unconstitutional and disastrous legislation. If I have
advised the people or it in terms not exactly befitting
a State document, it has been becauso the more point
edly the truth is told tho quicker tho masses of the
THE IMPEACHMENT TRIAL.
Szciting Beenes in Washington.
CROWDS AT THE CARITOI.
Opening «f use Court of Impeachment.
Special Report for the Baltimore Sun.]
Washington, March 13.—This being the day tor
the President to respond to tho impeachment
summons, there was much excitement about the
Capitol building this morning, especially about
the Senate wing, where the passages were all crow
ded with persons seeking admission.
The Senate chamber was so metamorphosed by
the arrangements which had been made for the
trial that it could scarcely be recognized. Ou the
right and left cf the chair were placed long tables
for the acconimt dation of the impeachment man
agers aud the President’s counsel. .
All the vacant space on the floor was occupied
I'cuplc at pri-ht-tid it.
"I havo no recollection of any important misstate
ments made in tho speeches from which garbled ex
tracts, often incorrectly reported havo been taken
for tho purposes of impeachment. Tho articles of
impeachment aro not where I can lay my hand on
them now, but I noticed, in glancing over them, ono
place where, in aspeceh at fat. Louis. I nin made first
to allude to certain office-holders in the country, nnd
then to Congress. Tho continuity of my remarks is
ju«t hero interrnpied. perhaps by a pair of convenient
scissors, so that in tho succeeding extract, where I am
made to declare an intention to kick them out. that
being the printed expression, it appears that I allude
to Congress instead of to a lot of rapacious office-
holders.
"But.” continued the President, these gcntleinca
in tho House who originated impeachment, and oth
ers who applaud them, aro in a certain sense consist
ent. Recalling tho time, on tho ovo of the rebellion,
when I stood in tbe Senate almost alone in insisting
upon tho duty of tho Government to uphold the Con
stitution nnd tho Union against the traitors who
threatened both, I recall a chu-s of men in and out of
Congress who lacked courage to defend cither. Send
ing on tho same platform that-1 occupied then, I look
around and see these men now grown bold enough,
in tho place of their former weakness, to disregard
tho-clearest provisions of c institutional law. After
the war is over, in which they took nono_ except a
wordy part, they havo relapsed to their original status
us politicians who held the Constitution at too slight
a value to he cither valiantly defended or treated with
reverence.
"Finally, it is declared that I. who have as honesily
striven ns I know how to administer this government
in accordance with tbo Constitution, shall ho sacri
ficed. along with the constitutional.prcrogatives of tho
Presidential office, to a party necessity. Jefferson
Davis, the head and front of tho rebellion, i- not
brought to trial: yet Congress proposes to try tho Pres
ident at once, for irliat kind ofoffeure. compared with
that of Mr Davis’, tbe country and tho Ecuatcmay
perhaps justly decide."
Meeting 1 at Barnesvllle.
A meeting will be held nt Barncsville, Pike
county, on Saturday, the 21st instant, at 3
o’clock, for the purpose of organizing a Con
servative Club for Barncsville Distiict.
The voters of said District, and till others
who feel an interest in the cause, arc invited
to attend.
To the Voters of Georgia.
Marietta, Ga., March 1803.
I have now before me various communica
tions ' from different parts of the State,
signed by citizens irrespective of political or
party differences, urging mo to become a
candidate for tbe office of Governor at the
approaching election, and tho subject in
volved lias been carefully considered.
Preferring quietude, and being satisfied
with tbe position I now occupy,'my own
feelings and inclinations would prompt me
to decline the proposed candidacy; but if it
is thought that I can be of any service to tbe
people of my native State in this time of trial,
I am willing to forego all personal consider-
tion, and am ready to make any reasonable
sacrifice for their relief.
I, therefore, yield to the urgent request
adc, and consent to become a candidate for
the office ol Governor. I have only to say,
that should I be elevated to that high nnd
responsible office, I will, to the utmost of my
ability, administer the Government accord
ing to the Constitution and laws, and for the
nest interest nnd welfare of ’he whole people
of the State.
The time between this and the election is
s«?>hort, that it will be impossible for me to
canvass the State. 1 must, therefore, leave
that matter to my friends.
Sincerely grateful for the confidence and
partiality expressed iu the various communi
on'ions before alluded to, I am, vcr^rcsptct-
fully,your obedient servant nnd fellow-citi-
| zen, David Irwin.
hn.l tli.
erry, on
take action
-nth
r. t" get tl
. I this la
IJoncrel Tl
"apt
..f the
ight
-.1 l.y th
.1.1.1 pruh.-.bly hare
I t tin nil appeal, utvl
)C(1 tberG L»y which
i would be bound to
Judge Cir.u-K.— Considerable ettriositv
was manifested n« to the movements of Judge
Chose, many contetiding that bebtul noriulit
to retire with the Senate, while others took
the opposite ground. It seems that Judge
Chase did go with them, but lie did not vote.
vantageously disposed tor such Cabinet ofiiccrs
aud other bin’ll privileged officials as might be
present. A cordon of police was stretched all
around the Capitol, a file of soldiers tramped back
and forth, every corridor and vestibule of the
magnificent building swarmed with uniformed
officers of the law, and at every entrance leading
to the Senate wing, and <*ach single door of the
floor and gallery, stood the door-keepers, with
the btight star glittering on the breast, to prevent
the passage of those wiiodid BOt possess the talls-
manic piece of pasteboard. Before reaching the
presence enamber admission ticket had to be
shown no less tban three times. In the avenues
leading to the Capitol, In the rotunda and on the
House side might he seen large crowds sauntering
carelessly along, and seemingly not at all envious
of their more privileged tellow-citiz.'ns, who
possessed the open sesame .to the other wlug.—
There was no rush at all on the Senate side, as it
was well known that under tho regulations adopt
ed, those who had tickets would experience no
difficulty in obtaining scats. At 12 o’clock every
thing was very quiet in the chamber; u few strag
gling Senators were la their seats, and tho galler
ies were not half filled. The rest of the ticket
holders came iu leisurely during the morning
hour, and at one o’clock the galleries were filled,
and presented a most magnificent sight. Although
the weather was gloomy, many otAhe fair sex baa
done honor to the occasion by appearing in tbeir
new Spring attire. Tne diplomatic gallery was
occupied principally by the attaches of the dificr-
ent lf.-ations. Conversation was carried on m so
loud a tone during the consideration of the legis
lative business that Mr. Wado threatened more
than once to order the clearing of the galleries,
which did not, however, sceai to intimidate the
fair culprits in the least.
A noticeable fact.was tho entire absonco oftbe
colored citizens, the wholeupturncd line offaces
being unrelieved by a single dark countenance.
DETAILED PROCEEDINGS OF THE COURT OF
IMPEACHMENT.
At ono o’clock tho President pro (cm. ot tho
Senate said the chair would now be vacated for
the Chief Justice of the United States.
The Chief Justice then entered and took tho
chair of the presiding officer, and directed tho
Sergeant-at-Arms to make proclamation.
The Sergent-at-Arms.—Ilearye!heorye! hear
yo! All persons are commanded to keep silence
whilo the Senato of the United States is sitting
on tho trial of articlcsof impeachment exhibited
by the House of Representatives against Andrew
Johnson, President of the United States.
Mr. Howard roso and moved the adoption of
tho.order usual on 6uch occasions, notifying tho
House of Representatives that the Senato is now
prepared to proceed with tho trial.
Tne Chief Justice.—The Journal of the pro
ceedings will first bo read.
Mr. Grimes said a number of Senators had not
yet been sworn ns tufgnhert of tho court.
Tbo Chief Justice.—Tho reading of the journal
is tho first thing in order. After that tho Sena
tors can be sworn.
Tho Secretary of tho Senato (Mr. J. W. Forney)
then read the journal of proceedings of the Sen
ate sitting as tho high court ol impeachment
When the articles of impeachment wore
reached, Mr. ConUling moved that tho reading
of them bo omitted, as ho understood tho House
of Representatives wero now ready to bo an
nounced. 0
Tho Chief Justice putthe question, nnd the
reading of the articles were accordingly dis
pensed with.
» When the reading was concluded,
Mr. Howard again rose and 6aid: Now, Mr.
President, if it be in order, I move the adoption
oi the usual rule directing the Secretary ot the
Senate to notify th j lionse 6f Representatives
that the Senate is now sitting in its chamber, and
ready to proceed with tbe trial of article?- of im
peachment against Andrew Johnson, President of
the United States, and that seats are provided lor
ttie uccommodatiou ol the members ot the House;
which was adopted.
The Sergeant-at-Arms here announced tbe man
agers of impeachment ou the pjrt of tho House ol
Representatives.
The Chief Justice.—The minagets or impeach
ment will come forward and take the seats pro
vided for them.
A large number of the members of the House of
Representatives here entered.
Mr. Grim.’s.—Mr. Chief Justice, tbero arc sev-
ral Senators here present who h tve not been
sworn in as members ot the court. I move that
they be sworn.
The Chief Justice.—-That will be the order as
soon as the House of Representatives arc seated
The Chief Justice.—Thu Secretary wi I call the
roll ol Senator- who have not been sworn.
The Secretary then called the roll of those who
had not been sworn, commencing with Mr. Doo
little, who was not present. The remaining Sena-
tors were then sworn, as follows: Mr. Rdmunds,
of Vermont; Mr. Patterson, ot New Hampshire;
Mr. Vickers, of Maryland.
The Chief Justice.—The Secretary of the Senate
will read the return of the Sergcunt-a t-Arms.
Th: Secretary then read :
“Thu fore-goijtg writ of summons and the fore
going precept, eddre-.sed tome, wero duly served
by me on Andrew Johnson, President of the
IItilted- Slates, at the Executive mansion, his usual
piece of abode, on Sa’iurday, Marcn 7th, instant,
at the hour of seven o’clock in the afternoon.
Geo. T Bkoivn,
Sergeant at-At ms of the Senat e.”
The Sccretaiy then 6worc tbo Sergeant-at-Arms
as to the truth of his ronou.
The Chief Justice.—The Sergeant-at-Arms will
now cull tho accused.
• The Sergeant-at-Arms.—Andrew Johnson. Presi
dent ot tbe United States! Andrew Johnson,
President oi tbe United States! appear and an
swer to the articles ol impeachment extiibited
against you by the House of Representatives of
the United States.
After a short interval. Mr. Johnson, of Mary
land, rose and moved that tbe counsel for the de
fence b : notified to enter the chamber, and the
motion was adopted.
Messrs. Stanbery, Ntlson and Curtis appeared as
counsel for tbe President, and took the seals as
sign fed them.
Mr. Conkling rose and said be desired toofier
an amendment to tho 8th rule, to corn ct an error
which had been overlooked, the put pose of which
was to allow the presiding officer ts submit at Ills
option a question to the Semite witnoul a call of
the yeas and nays, which was adopted.
At. 1::.0 P. M. the Serge-aiit-at-Arms offlcia'ly an
nounced the members ot the H«Um» ol Represen
tatives, and ibe remainder -of that body entered
and took t eats.
Tbo Chief Justice.—Tbe counsel of the Presi
dent will now put In their reply to the nrticU-s ol
i<np" urhment.
Mr. Stanhery.—Mr. Chief Justice, my broth
ers, Messis. Curtis and Nelson, and myself, aro
here tts counsel for Andrew Johnson, President
of tbe • United States, f have his authority to
answer to the articles of impeachment, and with
your leave will rc»d.
Mr. Stxnhery then rend :
“In the Matter of the Impeachment of Andrew
Johnson, President of the United States .-
“I, Andrew Johnson, liavio.e been served with
a summons to appear b'oiore tho Senate to an
swer tbcarticlcs of impeachment, etc., etc., here
by enter my reply through my counsel, Ifeury
Stanbery, J. S. Black, William M. Evarts, B. A.
Curtis and Thomas A. R. Nelson, who are in
structed by me to answer to this summons, and
to a9k a reasonable timo in which to appear and
answer to tho articles which havo been pre-
pared.’”
Tho reply further says that after a careful ex
amination of the articles, snd a full consultation
with his counsel, bo (the President) is satisfied
that at least forty days will bo required in which
to answer said articles, and most respectfully
asks that that time will bo allowed him.
Tho Chief Justice —The application will bo
considered as requested.
Mr. Stanberv th n continued, in support of the
appl cation. He, iHenry titanoery) Beitj min R.
Curtis, J. S. Black, Win M. Evarts am) T A. R.
Nelson, acting as counsel for Andrew Johnson,
beg leave to make the following statement: “The
articles ol iin: each oh nt are eleven in number, in
volving titutty questions ol law and lavt. The
counsel have arrived at the conelu-ion that with
the utmost diligence and dispatch they can bring
to tlieir ta,k, the time asked lor is reasonable and
should be granted, 'they would call the atten
tion oftbe court to the precedents in the cases of
Judges Chase and Peek There were? hut eight
articles of impeachment preferred ng.iin.-t Judge
Chase, ami the tfohs<' ot i.eprest ntatives bad been
contid ling the question ol his impeachment tor
months. Uc asked trout the 3d of Jaoinry to the
9 h of rYbru try to pr.-ptre, a period of thirty-two
days, and it was grant, d hiu., although he had
really h id a ye-r In which to prepare.
“in the ca*e ot Judge Peck, th. re was but one
article ol impesclimcnt, and he was granted from
tho 10th to tbe20lhof M y. a period ol lltteen
days. Both ot these high officers were members
oi the 1. g.l j. -ole sio , tin-1 • ou 11 materially u-sist
in their own delenee. The respond.nt in this
case had to depind lor his defence cntlrel upon
his eouusul. Jut'ge Pecs had lot gbeen cognizint
of tlie charges iti.r would be preferred against
him. Tho present respondent was ignorant of the
chtDges against him until within r Few days. His
lime is much engrureed with his public duties, and
he has but the few minutes he can spare from them
to confer with his counsel. The cennsel tnrther
beg leave to submit that as lawyers, careful of
tlieir own reputation, and acting upon their con
science, they submit to the candid consideration
oi the court that the respondent has a right to ask
for the time named.”
Mr. Bingham objected to granting the prayer of
the respondent under the operation ot the Sih
role adopted by the Senate for the conduct of this
trial. After tbe appearance of the accused at the
bar of the Senate no application of this nature can
be allowed, unless tbe Sth rule is set aside. The
managers of impeachment here at the bar of the
Senate maintain that the Sth rule signifies precise
ly wbat it says, if the defence had failed to ap
pear, the trial would have gone on as if a plea of
not guilty had been entered ; and the accused
having appeared, the effect is the same. The trial
must go on, and no time for preparation can be
allowed.
Mr. Curtis addressed the Chief Justice, and said
if the construction which the managers of im
peachment place on this rule is correct, the coun
sel lor the President have been entirely misled.
They have construed the tulc as the practice pro
vides in courts of equity. It had tever bt-en held
that a bill of complaint-must be announced ou tlie
day of appearance. The day to appear and answer
is either fixed by 6ome general rule, or there is to
be a special orderin the case. The counsel for the
President contend that the part of the 8tli rule
relating to the answer has reference to a luture
proceeding, as we have assumed.
The counsel for the President therefore submit
that the interpretation of the 8 h rule, as con
strued by the managers of impeachment, is not
correct.
Mr. Wilson briefly endeavored to controvert
the position of Mr. Curtis. He expressed hiB
great surprise that itwas possible for iho learned
counsel to so construe the rule.
Mr. Wilson then, in continuation, read the
rules adopted by the Senate, which provide that
if the defendant do not appear and answer upon
tho day fixed, a plea of not guilty shall be en
tered and tho trial shall proceed in regular or
der. The counsel for tbe prisoner had referred
to tho cases of Judge Peck and Judge Chase, and
ho (Mr. Wilson) presumed that a full exam inn
tion of tho cases alluded to would show rules of
action differing from those in the present case.
In this case tho rule is plain and positive that
if the accused shall not answer, a plea of not
guilty shall bo entered and the trial shall pro-
'ceed. Ho submitted that the change in tho form
must hrve been mado for some very good rea^
son. What that reason was will be a subject for
discussion in tho further progress of tho ettso.—
Tho managers aro here now to ask that the
Senato shall enforce its own rule solemnly
adopted. It tho rule was intended to avail any
thing, we ask that it bo cnlorced in this case.
Mr. Stanbery said the objection on the part of
the managers was of so singular a character that
he had not, in the whole course of his practice,
overheard anything like it. In a case I:ke this,
when the Prcsiden'. of the United States is ar
raigned by the House ot Representatives, it is
proposed to treat it as an ordinary case before a
police court, aud to put it through with railroad
speed. Where do the gentlemen find a precedent
for such action as is proposed in this case ? We
have b:en summoned to appear here on a certain
day, and we have appeared, but say we are" not
prepared to answer, and we ask time. We have
appeared to answer, and do.i.ot wish the case to
go by default, but all we ask is a reasonable tir i
It has not been many days.since the Presider
received his summons. Two' of his counsel arc
not now present, and one, at least, has not yet ar
rived in the city, and we say, therefore, that tve
are not prepared to proceed with the trial. Now,
let us see whether the rule, if constiued to the
letter, would operate to prevent this postpone
ment. Article 0 of the rates commenc.s as fol
lows : “At U o’eloik and h0 minutes ullernoon of
the day appointed for the return oi the summons
against the person impeached,” etc. Article 10
says: “The persin impeached shall then becalled
to appear aud answer,” etc. Now, construe the
le ter oftbe rule, and this is but tne return day,
and the person impeached has appeared, by his
counsel, to answer, and asks further time to pre
pare that answer. By anotbei role, the 11th, it is
prescribed that, “at 12 o’clock and 30 minutes af
ternoon of the day appointed for the trial of the
impeachment,” etc.
It seems, therefore, that the rules themselves
recognize two days—onoot trial and one ot an
swer—and this is the day for tbe return ot tbe
summons'and uol the trial day, and the letter of
one rale therefore answers the letter of the other.
The President has not yet had sufficient time to
prepare an answer to tne charges. His time has
been fully occupied in getting counsel aud in con
sultation with those whom he proposed should be
hi; counsel. All ol the latter have not yet had
time or opportunity to fully examine the charges;
and had no reason to expect that such great haste
would be urged. Now it the honorable managers
will go back to impeachment trials in the very-
worst days and muler.tbe very worst phases, they
Grimes, Henderson, Hendricks. Hotre, Johnson,
McCreery, Morrill of Maine, Morrul ofVermont, Mor
al Tennessee. Saulsbury, Sherman,
ull. Van Winkle, Vickers and AVil-
Mr. NelBon, in continuation, sxid
ask for and on behalf ot the I’rTVirl»«
United States ? We ask simply timefofi 0f ^
fence, and In this matter and upon all iT-' 8 de -
questions, upon whose judgment must
dent rely except upon that of his connect , V ‘-
best presumed to know when he is rtS» 0,, l
swer, or ready to proceed to trial’ Now ,J lt -
asserted here upon our professional honor®
presence ot this Senate, in the present
House of Representatives, and in the r,, °‘ the
the whole world, that it will require the tSc * k’
ot days of preparation stated iti the mr, 1 ' 101 '*:
seDted to the court. Are these charges a? r ® r f r£ -
highest officer in tbe land to be ^nshed t t^, C5tt “ ,
with railroad speed, and without the samor r ° ‘‘
preparation that would be accorded to an* ^
Dal in the land ? He did not believe the
would refuse tho time asked for. H- v" ° t8 h«
this honorable Senate would, in jastfee t
selves and to the country they represtnt r S6 '
this whole investigation in such a way as’tn
the impression ot honor nnd justice uv, J:: ‘.
memories for all time. This is an exaltt-ii 11!
nal, and he felt an increased pride in hi='
that they were enabled to assemb'e here’^
purpose they did, and'in the way theydjs“Vi
an unusual spectacle, and one to be ever".'
bered, that a rulerof a people,when arr - '-
proper form, by the representatives ol thc?^ “
comes here peacefully to answer tlie char?
ferred against him; and lie comes, too with* 1 ^
dpnee that this ansnstblliiinsl will .1 ..1, .
with duo gravity and decorum.
Mr. Conkling desired to amend the nsriL
motion by the following order:
Ordered, that unless otherwise order,-1
trial of the pending impeachment shall
immediately after the replication toth... ;
shall bo tiled. lol “Mis* s
The Chief Justice stated the position
question before the court, end ruled that\r i
ConUliug’s amendment was not in order **
Mr. Wilson then withdrew his arnsnli™ . . i
favor ot Mr. Conkling’s, ana tlie Utter^wreiu
dechred to be in order.
Mr. Bingham said he wss instructed hv n
managers to «ay that the orier of Mr. Omiiii. I
ton, Patterson
Sprazuc, Trumbull
ley-26.
The Secretary did not call Mr. Wades’s name.
Mr. Sherman offered an order that the trial ol*
the articles of impeachment shall be proceeded-
with on the titb day of April.
Mr. Wilson moved to amend by striking out
April 6. and insert April 1.
Mr. Butler desired to know if the managers of
the House had the right to be heard on this mo
tion. *
Mr. Sumner.—Unquestionably.
The Chief Justice replied that he considered the
managers had a right to address the court on this
motion.
Mr. Butler said he represented the House of
Representatives, aud the House of Representatives
represented the people of the United States iu
pressing an early trial of the accused—in pressing
to as speedy a termination as possible this most
important case. Tliostateof the country, the in
terest of tbe people, all seem to urge a speedy
trial. Among the reasons which had been urged
by tlie learned counsel for the accused were the
precedents of earlier days, and we are told that
railroad speed must not be used in this trial. Sir,
why not?
This is the age of railroads and telegraphs; the
world moves, and we move with it. It takes less
time now to travel to California than it did to
Boston in the time of Judge Chase, and on the
lightning wings ot the telegraph messages can he
sent and answers received i-n a few moments to
the farthest extremities of the country. We must
not shut our eyes to the fact that there are rail
roads and telegraphs now, and there were none ii
the time el Judge Chase. They give the accused
facilities to summon and bring liis witnesses in as
many dars as it formerly took months, and he
(Mr. B.) respectfully submitted that it must not
bi overlooked that railroads and telegraphs have
changed the order of things.
But, passing from this point, he would beg to
be allowed to suggest that the ordinary delays of
the law, the usual motions and rules ot a court,
have no application whatever to this case; for this
reason, if tor no other, that when ordinary qties
tions are involved, where uo great interests are at
stake, there is no danger Jo the common weal in
the delay; the Republic can suffer no detriment, j met with their hearty approval. He"wonM
liut here the House of Representatives have pre- ; the attention of the court to the fact that*,;
sented at the bar of tlie Senate-, in the most sol
emn form, articles of impeachment against the
chief ruler of tho nation, and they desire your
judgment upon it. That he is wielding powers
which do not belong to him; that he is recreant
to the best interests of the nation; that he is act
ing in a manner detrimental to the peace and
8aiety of the country, and that he still purposes
thus to aet, we ' do not believe can ad
mit ol any doubt, or do wc doubt our ability to
prove it; and wc contend that the necessities-of
the occasion call for an immediate determination
ot this question.
Sir, who is the crimiuai? I beg pardon—the
respondent? Jle 13 the Chief Magistrate of the
nation. For the first time in the history of the
world has a people brought its ru'.cr to the bar of
its highest courts; and, therefore, all precedents
which may be cited tail to have any proper bear
ing on the disposition of the question. He is the
commander of your armies; he controls, through
his snbordinatis, your treasury; he controls your
navy; he controls all the elements of your power
as a" nation. He controls your foreign relations,
and may at any time, if it so suits him, seriously
complicate them, even while lie is arraigned at
your bar tor high crimes and misdemeanors; and,
mark me, sir, the great question at issue now—the
principal charge upon v. )»icli he is arraigned—is
whether he shall be able of his own will to control
your armies igainstyour wishes and in defiance of
your laws—whether he shall control the great
military arm ot the country to your ruin, and to
the ruin of the eountry. He will not now recog
nize the Secretary of War, # wliom this body and
whom Congress has declare" to be the legal Secre
tary ot War. and while he has appointed a Secre
tary ad interim, lie dare not recognize him, and
thus to-day the whole machinery of the War De
partment .is stopped. Large numbers of the gal
lant officers of your army whom you have con
firmed cannot receive their commissions because
he will not issue them through the proper chan
nel. Yet with this chaotic state of affairs, with the
wheels ot government clogged, you are asked to
give him lorty daj-3 In which to answer the
charges which have been Hid against him. Forty
days 1 as loDg a time as it took God to destroy the
wnole world, and then alter the forty days is
granted the learned and subtle counsel will, byall
the means in their power,delay the course of justice
as much longer as they are able.
Tho pulse of the nation beats in perturbation
at tho course of this .constitutional but anoma
lous proceeding. When Congress stops,its pulse
boats feebly; when Congress goes on, its pulso
beats freer. Everything is at a stand still, the
spring business is paralized, and no confidence
can be felt until this matter jvhich is engaging
the attention of Congress is settled ono way or
the other. Still the anxious flutterings of the
order was made at the impeachinratUf'jS
Chase. The managers would leave this tn 1
matter with the Senate, but, without inJj-
any disrespeot, he would say that thcaetion
body had taken them sow:wliat by sum*.
The House ot Representative asked that todri*
should interpose between the people of th* rv.i
States and the President, who was on trial ',5. I
therefore struck them with surprise tlut’snri
proposition as this should be made by a mt-mw
oftbe court, when no application for it hadt„ j
made by the accused.
It is time a motion was niadetoradelzyoffci-t
days in which to tile an answer, and the 5 (c ,?
having fixed the day when the answer fbot'd S
filed, it might have rested there, and let the corn
sel tor the accused show cause fora farther mm
ponement. He saw no good reason lor the m
ponement of this question. If tbe President tJ i
innocent, the fact will soon be known to tbccota
fptr and (n tht» tcnrld ond ♦hr* o.’r.ncM i.,.,t . 1
will find that English .fair play always prevailed j public pulse by bringing this respondent tojus-
and a»aple lime was given tQ answer all cb&rges. j tice, from which God sendhim good deliveranee f if
Another »eason wpy this postponement should be ^ go deserves it, at the earliest possible moment,
allowed waa that no witnesses had yet been sum- Fix tho triaJ at an earIy day> al £ wheu he coMes
moned; and, indeed, the defence did no . t 1 forward here, and under bis oath urges that he
managers still insist teat we
proceed? “Strike, bnt i fear me.” Give ns the
same opportunity and the same advantages al
lowed in common civil cases, where at least thirty
days is allowed for an answer; give us a reasona
ble time and a f*ir hearing, and there will then be
no cause whatever for dissatisfaction. For one.
he would say that he could not, Injustice, proceed
with so important a trial in such speed—such
haste—without giving it a more harsh term.
The Chief Justico said he was somewhat em
barrassed with the construction of some of the
ru C3. The 21st rule prescribed that the case on
each side should be opened by one person, but lie
under.-tood that to apply when the testimony was
all in; and he construed another rule to mean that
ail preliminary questions should be argued not to
exceed one hour on each side. He was not fully
satisfied whelh-r that was to apply the hour rule
to each side or to each counsel who chose to speck.
In view of anemb?.rr.ts;meutupon these questions,
therefore, he had allowed considerable latitude 1o
debate, and would continue to do so unless other
wise ordered by tbe Senate.
time i3 given him, then in God’s name give him
all tbo time he justly ought to vc. But he (Mr.
B.) respectfully submitced, don’t,*in advance
give him this timo before he ccmcs hero and
proves that it is essential. God forbid that we
should deprive him of a single right, or a single
indulgence consistent with the public safety. Wo
ask that no more should he req lired on the part
of the respondent than was required of tho man
agers. "We are perfectly willing ourselves to bo
guided by the same rule.
Tbe great act tor-which tho respondent is ar
raigned here was committed on the 21st of Feb
ruary ; the House of Representatives dealt with it
on the 22d ; oil the 4th of Marc . we, as managers,
appeared here at your bar and presented .the arti
cles ot impeachment. IV'e are h-.re, ready to pro
ceed with the trial. Wc- are ready to emulate tbo.
example ot the righteous judge who, for the good
of hiscouDtry, uivoted twenty ’wo hours a cay to
the trial. God giving us (.treugtb, we stand lit re
ready to give twenty-two out ol twenty-tour hours
to thi6 trial, until it is brought to a conclusion.
Mr. Bmglurn said tho rules adopted by the I He knows all about this matter—knows more than
Senate were a law to themselves, and 110 common
law principles could be properly applied to the esse.
The Senate had presented rules forthc government
ot tlie trial, and lie wanted to see whether, at the
very thresh.-ild of the business, a very plain rule
was to be disregarded. He was surprised at the
manner in which his liarred friend hid argued this
matter. He seemed 10 couple together in onelink the
answer to the summons aud the trial. Noonapre-
tended that tbi3 was th : day for trial. We cannot
consider the qutstion of trial or the time of the
trial until the pie is be pleaded; for it depends
upoa the plea whether there will be a trial. If a
plea of guilty, for instance, were entered there
would be no necessity for dismissing the question
of the trial at all. It will be time enough to
talk about tbe trial wheu tho pleas are in and the
isssue is made up. The rule adopted by the Sen
ate is a piain one, and there is nothing, in the 10th
and 11th rules to limit tho operation of tbo other
rule which requires an answer upon this day.
All the managers ask on the part ol the IIovo
of Represents!ires Is that a plain lule shall bs
strictly enforced, and that the case shill not be
postponed for lorty days, and at the end of that
time to be met, perhaps, by a dilatory plea as to
whether this is the Senate of the United States.—
The summons was issued six days ago, and the
President has had ample time to reply. The action
of this body does not limit the plea to be entered,
aud under a general plea of not guilty every con
ceivable delenee may be made. Hesaw no reason,
therefore,why the rule should not be enforced and
the accused be compelled to answer.
No other gentleman rising to speak, the Chief
Justice said tho counsel lor the President had
Asked a contiuuanccof forty days iu which to pre
pare tlieir answer. The rule requires that the
question shHll betaken without debate. All in
tuvor of the motion say aye, and
Mr. Edmunds offered us an amendment to the
motion an order, that the respondent be required
to file his answer on or before April first next,
and that tbe House of Representatives put in its
replication within three days thereafter, and that
the matter stand for trial on Monday, April 6th.
Mr. Bingham said he wn3 instructed by the
managers to ask that the vote be taken upon ths
original motion, as that wouldsettle the enforce
ment of the rule.
Tbe Chief Justice said*Mr. Edmund’s order
was put as an amendment.
Mr. Morton moved that tho Senate retiro for
consultation.
This motion was agreed to, and ot 2 o’clock the
Senators retired to the marble room for consul
tation.
At four o’clock the Senators re-entered the Sen
ate chamber, and the Chief Justice resumed bis
chair.
Tbe Chief Justice then addressed tbe counsel
for tbe President, and notified them that the Sen-
ate bail declined to grant tbe request for forty
days’ time in which to prepare to answer the arti
cles of impeachment, and then directed the Sec
retary to read the order agreed upon by the Sen
ate.
The Secretary then read the order, which re
quires the respondent to tile his answer on or be
fore the 23d day ot March instant.
Mr. Bingham said he was instructed by the
roanatrers i f (lie impeachment on the part of the
House of Representatives to offer the following
order:
ry muit oe relieved or this exeitemect lv
if, on the other hand, the President is guilty cf He
great crimes charged against him, no one in ua
Senate or out of it would wish him anhcsrlomrer
to hold.and disgrace the place which has been held
by tbe noblest and best in the land. We dc mi
wish to act with any indecent haste upon this sub
ject, bnt at the same time wc do not wish to s*
subjected to any unreasonable delay.
Mr. Johnson asked whether tbe proposed
amendment limited the time when the replica- I
tion might be filed. Ho suggested that it might
possibly be filed without due notice to theie.
cused.
Mr. Bingham said the replication could Both
filed except by order of the House of Bepreson-1
tatives, and thus duo notice would be given. H» I
would say however, that the replication would I
be filed within a day or two ot the answer. |
Mr. Conkling said that ho disliked tomakei |
point of order, but he must insist that theni I
must be enforced requiring these questions I
bo decided without debate on the part of8» I
ators. I
Mr. Johnson said if the Senaforreferredtoim I
he would say that he had not debated theqt» I
tion, hut had simply risen to ask a question. I
The question was then taken on Mr. Conkliaifi I
order as aa amendment to Mr. Sherman's order |
and it was agreed to by a vote of 40 yeas to 111
nays as follows: I
Yens—Messrs. Anthony, Cameron. Cattell, Cluil
ler. Cole. Conkling, Conncs*. Corbett. Drake, El-1
raunds, Ferry, Fessenden, Fowler, Frefioflumtl
Grimes, Harlan, nenderson, Howard,Ifove,Moral,I
Merrill ..f Maine, Morrill of Vermont. Morton Jjtl
fatter - n of New Hampshire, Pomeroy,
Itoss, Sprague, Nhcrman, Stewart, Sumner, Th*|tt|
Tipton, Trumbull, Van Winkle, Willey, Filiuml
Wilson and Yatc ; —40. . _ . .. I
Nays—Messrs. Bayard. Bupktilcw, Davis, Dun.I
nendricks.Uohnson, McCreery. Patterson of Ietstr I
see. Saulsbury and Vickers—10. I
Mr. Wade was present but did not vote. I
On motion of Mr. Howard, the court adjourn! I
until Mondey. March 23. . I
The Ctiief’Justice descended from the chair ot 1
the presiding officer. I
The President pro. tem., Mr. Wade, reiuinedhl
scat and rapped the Senate to order forlegishMl
business. I
Can I Help You! I
Can I lielp you ) Just say the word.-1
There speaks the whole souled. whole-hearts I
man—the man whose very shadow is
more than thc_body, soul and estate, ptrsoniI
anti spiritual,. of two thirds of our fcutnit■
rate hearing the name. How be liltsdj
dt sponding spirit of a brother. All d*J“|
had met with cohl eyes, cold smite, c---1
words and cold sympathy. Men pass hunk I
because he wes unfortunate. I’ll lend yct-i
ten thousand if you are worth fifty. V J*®*!
unfortuuatc—I’m very poor myself—*»--1
help you—could havedoneso threedajsL.J
or three hours ago—but positively havc|l
we do now—aud we ask that wc be allowed to go
on with the trial.
Pardon one other simple suggestion. He hoped
that hereafter no man would say that the charges
upon which the articles of impeachment were
brought are frivolous, unsubstantiated and devoid
of respectability. We have the highest authority
that they ate otherwise. "Here we have the spec
tacle of learned counsel, eminent for their legal
acumen, coming in here and averring on their
wore! that the charges are so grave and 'important
that it will require at least torty days to answer
them. So grave, so serious arc they, that this able
and eminent counsel confess their inability to
properly reply to them in less than lortj dais.
It the minds of the Nutate were now put'totlic
true poise, justice must be satisfied by an imme-
diate trial. The country wants quiet, the country *—•“*; “ —*
needs quiet, aud it can only be secured by a speedy or thrice; haven t some ot our most sucuv
termination of this question. If, after a fair hear- I ' ""MM”
ing ot the charges, the respondent is adjudged not
guilty and goes free, ho it so; tbe country will
then have-quiet. If he is foundguilty, let it be so;
tbe eountry will then have quiet. Let us deal with
this matter as ono in which the life ot the nation
haDgs in the scale. No such trial ever engaged
the atteution of tlie world before.
Mr. Nelson, as one of the counsel for the Presi
dent of the United States, had In coming here en
deavored to divest his mind of any idea that he was
about to engage in a political discussion, hut that
he was about to appear before a tribunal ol men
who are sworn as judges, not as partisans. Hav
ing thus come here, he was under the impression
that there was much force in some of the remarks
got Ihrec cents, nor shan’t be in r — ..
that amount while your misfortune 1 1
your aunt dies, or uncle, or anybody who Mil
choose to leave you a fortune, wbyjust<*-l
upon me; rft manage to have a little
on hand. * , , [
But look! yonder conus a broad-sunyl
dered, frank browed man, who meets .-I
poor brother f with a. heavy slap on the 8boo|
der, nnd can I help you ? Just say the J < T|
Don't be afraid now; what’s your trouble :|
Out with it, and if you'd like a liHled*
just say so. Don't be doKr.cnst.- TV»»>.’
diate'trial. ' Tho country wants quiet, the country you have failed in expectation once or ft-
.....a r -- 4 - —.»•»— • -- or thrice; haven’t some of our most succe*^-!
merchants done the same thing ? made »|
same mistakes? And where would tbe? I
been if they hadn’t found friends ? C>- |
what do you want ? bow much? He dj#T
clap his hands in his pockets with a styx-ijb|
frown that says plainly res if he had braff#
it out in your ear, “no entrance here.”
not one of those dyspeptic, cross grwo
surly, monied machines that squeezes!
pence till it squeals, and reads a newsp»f
with a greedy, voracious eager ness, ft**?
lie shall not get liis two cents worth,
lives for something else than gain. His I
oftbe honorable manager (Mr. Butler) in rcler- port to Heaven is written on his face,
euce to this tribunal. Ii shotikl not be guided by religion on tire hearts oftbe do’-vtw I
sorrowing—in the homes he has made luPf-l
the iron and rigid rales of the law, -but should be
disposed to allow tbe largest liberty, not only to
the counsel tor tbe defence, but to the managers
ot the House of Representatives ; that it should
not stand upon forms of evidence or technical
rules that prevailed in other courts. Instead ol
this, every one would 6ay that it was proper anil
right that much more liberty should be allowed
by the Senate of the nation.
It was not bis purpose at this preliminary *tuge
of tbe proceedings to enter into any discussion of
the political aspects of the question, as invited by
the honorable manager. They bad been told that
this was the age of railroads and telegraphs, and
the importance ot making haste urged upon them.
Nevertheless, the charges made here arc of the
gravest importance; questions in which tbe people
have the greatest interest. Questions arc raided
here as to the difference of opinion between the
Hcuse ot Representatives aud the Chief Executive
ol tbe natiou on questions of greatest importance,
and to the proper and mature consideration of
which it could but require time. He trusted that
the Chief Justice and Senators would pardon him
ii he reierred to a statute which had long been in
existence in his own State (Tennessee.) It pro
vides that where a bill of indictment is found
against an.individual aud he makes affidavit that
owiug to public excitement he is satisfiedheean-
uot receive a fair and impartial trial, the case is
postponed until the next term. The mode in
which we proceed at law is not a mode ol railroad
speed.
If there is one fact under Heaven which se
cures to the judiciary tho public respect and
confidence, it is tbe general feeling that justice
will be mceted out, that the courts hasten slowly
in tho work before them. They deliberate, they
“Ordered that upon the filing of a replication by | consult, they weigh carefully 'all tbe facts
he managers of the House ol Representatives to fore them, aud when their verdict is published
the answer of Andrew Johnson, President ol'tbe
United States, to the articles exhibited against
him by tbo House of Representatives, tho trial of
said articles ot impeachment shall proceed forth
with.”
Mr. Sumner.—Question.
Mr. Trumbull asked for the reading of tlie or
der, and it was again read.
'ibe Chit I Justice put the question, and an
nounced that it was decided iu tne negative.
Mr. Bnmntr called for tbe "yeas and nays, and
tli- order was re jected, as follows :
\ ens—Messrs. Cameron, Cattell, Chandler, Cole,
C-u klim.-, Comtes?, Corbett, Drake, Ferry. Harlan,
Howard.'Morgan, Morton. Nye, Patterson of New
Hampshire. Pomeroy, Ramsey, Rots. Stewart.
Nutnner, Thayer, Tipton, William*, Wilson and
Yates—25.
Nays—Messrs. Anthony, Bayard, Buekttlew. Davis,
Dixon, Edmunds, Fessenden, Forvler, FretiDghuysen,
to tho world, it meets the confidence of tbo peo
ple. If this is the course pursued by tbe ordina
ry tribunals of justice, how much more should
a similar course be pursued in so wise and ex
alted a body as tbio?—a tody composed of some
oftbe wisest men of tlie nation. How much
more ought they to proceed cautiously? Mr.
Chief Justice, I need not tell you, or tlie honor
able Senators whom I address, that in courts of
law tlie vilest criminal ever arraigned is given
time to prepare for his defence. No matter how
great liis crime ho is tried according to tlie forms
I law. If lie is unable to obtain justice, the
court itself will furnish him with counsel. If
liis is so iu courts of common law, which are
lettered by rules and regulations, how much
more, in a great tribunal tike this, ought wo to
have timo to answer to these charges.
by bis benevolence.
“Can I help you ?”
Write the words in golden letters,
nre only heard on rare occasions. Tl ;c
the scorn, the doubt, tlie refusal—they
with every nightfall and BOnrisc. *'’?? . •
grow like mushrooms, but angels are ■
Niggards cun never look beyond them®
their own comfort, their own convent®"
no matter who starves next door, they**
curses in discouragements, blight over
only klows how many gentle hearts,
nevci j-ty, “cun I help him,” “but he a
let’s kick him.” , ,
But the angelic ministry of those ‘ - :
to humanity—men who believe they ^
trusted with power the 'gods tnigh- ? •
that it alight- be used to some good _1’
—what will he say to them ? liowg”' "
the praise they merit ? Good, wnoIC'.
generous man, the angels and God ^ : |
smile approval, when with bis bcaffi'.®5- (
hopeful words, you said to the uisp
brother, “Can I help you?”
Nice Work for a Southern , J
The Augusta Republican, taking cl ^ t yl
Bates for its text, is trying to prove ■ |
North that the South is dislop 1 t0
National flag. Itsays: Lrefr
Bates keeps the highroad, anti -
is abo ut is heralded before h '“' lV ;.
him spread his banner on the .
in the little country villages, an ■
will come of it. ; 1!u -:
We have no hesitation iu P^ n °'‘ ( [,° s \
necessary implication from thi? 1-av
teily false and slanderous.
J3P Gen. Grant was nominatcd^.^
dent, in New Hampshire, to he 1’ j (r
but IIarriman received a larger m-V fipsl
year without Grant than be
year with Grant. „