Below is the OCR text representation for this newspapers page.

/ THE ATLANTA SEMI-WEEKLY JOURNAL, ATLANTA, GA„ TUESDAY, JANUARY 21, 1913. THE SEMI-WEEKLY JOURNAL ATLANTA, GA., 5 NORTH FORSYTH ST. Entered at the Atlanta Postoffice as Mail Matter of the Second Class. JAMES R. GRAY, 'President and Editor. © DESCRIPTION PRICE Twelve months 75c Six Months 40c Three months 25c The Semi-Weekly Journal is published on Tuesday and Friday, and is mailed by the shortest routes fkr * early delivery. It contains news # from all over the world, brought by special leased wires into our office. It has a staff cf distinguished contributors, with strong department.^ of special value tp the home and the farm. Agents wanted at every postoffice. Liberal com mission allowed. Outfit free. Write R. R. BRAD* LEY. Circulation Manager. • The only traveling representatives we have are J. A. Bryan, R. F. Bolton, C. C. Coyle, L. H. Kim brough and C. T. Yates. We will be responsible only for money paid to the above named traveling repra- sentatives. NOTICE TO SUBSCRIBERS. The label used for addressing your pap«r shows the time your subscription expires. By renewing at* least two weeks before the date on this label, you insure regular service. In ordering paper changed, be sure to mention your old, as well as your new address. If on a routef please give the route number. We s cannot enter subscriptions to begin with back numbers. Remittances should be sent by postal order or registered mail. Address all orders and notices for this de partment to THE SEMI-WEEKLY JOURNAL. Atlanta, Ga. Cattle Raising in the South. * * • Secretary Wilson, of the federal Department of Agriculture, predicts that in the future a consider able part <5f the nation ? meat supply will come from the south. His belief is based on a knowledge of the section's .soil, climate and other natural condi tions, all of which an especially favorable to the cattle raising industry. There are millions of acres of land now idle which, as the Secretary declares, could be turned to profitable account in the produc tion of live* stock. Soil that is not suited to the so- called staple crops may be admirably adapted to pasturage. In addition to this, there are in the South vast areas of land which, though they are now being used^for other' purposes, would yield their richest re turns in cattle raising. According to the Bureau of Soils, the finest forage in America can be erown in certain types of clay and loam that abound in the Southern States. Much land that now produces spring and sum mer crops could be used for winter pasturage, with out interference with purely agricultural interests, but, on the contrary, with distjpet benefit to the soil. As Secetary Wilson declares: “It is not infrequently the ,case that on a Southern plantation the present acrea’ge of crops grown for the market could be 'mainlined the same timt“—land not now in use could be made available for fattening beef cat tle and for fctteni/ig hogs.” The miid and equable climate of the South ren ders cattle raising far less expensive than in the rigorous sections of the North and West. Open forage is available the year around and 'the cost of sheltering is reduced to a minimum. Thus, by every natural'circumstance the South is one of the most advantageous regions on the earth for stock production; and there are cheering omens»that its farmers are awakening to the oppor tunities before them. The one great obstacle to profitable cattle rais ing in the South has been the presence of the cattle tick. Happily, hpwever, this destructive *pest id-fast being eradicated. Nearly two hundred thousand square miles have been released from the tick quarantine and every month adds to the extent of the purged territory. When this impediment is overcome, as it soon will be, cattle production in the South will feel a new impetus and will become a tremendous source of enrichment. The “Seniority” Rule. Public sentiment ..nd public judgment undoubt edly approve the purpose of Democratic leaders to organize the national Senate along practical and progressive lines. The only protest comes from a frayed remnant of Standpatters who naturally be wail every step in popular government. To them, the so-called “sen ; onty” rule, which has hitherto shaped the Senate’s regime, is a fetish to be pre served in all circumstances and at all (hazards. They would cling to the ancient Chinese practice which awarded “the peacock’s feather and the yellow jacket to tue oldest mandarin.” In the plan to allot chair manships and other responsible places on a basis of real merit and ability rather than mere length of office tenure, they feign to see a tri,ck of new men to relegate the abler and more experienced Snators to minor stations. Nothing could be further from thfe true intent of Democratic leaders. It is in no wise their object to belittle or obscure r£al talent and worth but, on the contrary, to open the way for deserved advancement and to utilize the Senate’s best material for the good of the party and the nation. If a Senator has served on a committee far many sessions and has done his work well, then, to be sure, he is entitled to honor and preference, for his experience has sea soned him (o greater usefulness. An apposite instance is presented by the record of Senator Bacon, of Georgia. He has been in the Senate for nearly a score of years. By his faithful ness and capacity, he has earned the confidence of his colleagues and of his State and has proved him self pr’e-eminently qualified for stations of high trust. The loosening of the seniority rule would not #nd could not lower the rank of a statesman like Senator Bacon; for he depends upon no such arti ficial basis of advancement. In so far as the seniority rule makes length of service plus ability and allegiance to the people's interests a criterion it is not to be criticised. But In so far as it makes mere length of office holding, the chief factor in the Senate’s organization, it is absurd and un-Democratic. Democracy’s strength in the new Senate should he made to count for its utmost in the way of prompt and efficient performance; and to that end committee places and chairmansnips should be as signed primarily on a basis of merit and of capacity for service. Whenever or however the seniority rule conflicts with such a program, it ought to be unhes itatingly disregarded. The Promise of Home Rule. Though it is all but predestined that the Lords will reject the Irish Home Rule bill recently passed by the House of Commons, there is good reason to believe that the measure will become a law within the life of the present Parliament. Twenty years ago Gladstone's second Home Rule bill was defeated by the Peers after it had received a meager majority from the Commons; and at that time defeat was regarded as conclusive. The Lords held a veto power that was then absolute and the Liberal ministry Was trembling toward its fall. Today, however, conditions are vastly different. For one thing, Mr. Asquith’s bill is more skilfully framed and is more acceptable to the rank and filf of his party and to the English public than was that of his famous predecessor. It guarantees Ire land effective control of local interests, but at the same time it piakeo no encroachments upon the sov ereignty of the Empire. This feature of the bill is aptly described by the Boston Transcript: “In many respects, the Asquith experiment reflects the influence of the success of the federation idea in the United States. The upper house of the proposed Irish parliament is and will be called the Senate. Gladstone-was not. a Democrat socially nor a Repub lican politically. Compared with his sucoessors in Liberal leadership he may almost be classified as a Conservative. Asquith leans toward Democracy, reconciled with authority.” Not only is there a difference between the bill that was rejected twenty years ago and the one now pending; there is also a vital difference between the strategic position of the Liberal party today and at the time of Gladstone’s leadership. In 1S93, the party was divided over the Home Rule issue and the Commons igave the bill a majority of only thirty- four votes. ’The present bill received a majority of one hundred and ten and it represents, beyond question, the mature and earnest conviction of the party’s rank and file. ' - Within the past few years, the Liberal ministry has weathered high political storms. At times its existence has seemed precarious. By-elections have frequently gone against its candidates. It has often staggered under its great tasks but it has moved boldly forward. It|i opponents, on the contrary, have lacked a definite and constructive program. Their opposition has not been that of a party seeking reforms, but of a reactionary group. * The Tories’ slogan', besides their cry against home rule for Ireland, has been, an appeal for tariff on;English imports and within the past month they have hopelessly split on this issue. Indeed, the condition of th e English Tories is today almost comparable to that of the American Republican party before the last Presidential elec tion. In these circumstances, the Liberals have a fair prospect of keeping control of the government for some time to come; and, if they do, the Home Rule bill is virtually assured of success, despite the House of Lords. The Peers are now a different power from what they were in Gladstone’s day. As Mr, John Red mond, the Irish leader, expressed, it, “The Lords have teeth but they can ho longer bite.” As a re sult of recent Liberal legislation, they can suspend for a season a piece of legislation passed by the Commons, but if the measure is passed twice again at two successive sessions of Parliament, by virtue of that fact it becomes a law. Home Rule for Ire land may thus, and probably will become a reality within the next two sessions of parliament. The Lure of Exploration. The fact that both the North and the South pole have been discovered seems in no Jvise to have chilled the zeal for arctic adventure. Dr. Cook, to be sure, has dropped into unimaginative privacy and Commander Peary contents himself with an occa sional lecture or banquet.' But Amunsden, fresh in the triumphs of his South pole quest, is preparing to seek the farthest North, and Viehpalmur Stefans- son, who became famous last year as the discoverer of a tribe of blond Eskimos on King Edward Island, is soon to fare forth on another expedition to that mysterious people. This venture is to he essayed under the patron age of the National Geographic Society, which has appropriated twenty-two thousand dollars for the explorer’s use. A similar fund for the same pur pose has been subscribed by the American Museum qf Natural History. There is no lack of willing financiers for polar expeditions. How typical It is of human nature that even in this twentieth century when the earth’s seas have nearly all been charted and its wildernesses pathed, the old instinct for exploration should still be ardent! It matters little that the frozen tips of the.'planet have been found, that jungles and mountain peaks, which a few centuries ago were known only to legend and romance, are now as familiar as- an orchard lane. The treasure islands still beckon, the caves of Baba have lost none of their ancient lure. Whatever is unknown, is still magnificent. And should there ever come a time when the earth’s last secret has been unkennelled, men will sit, like the king of old, and weep for new worlds to explore. Will Turkey Yield? The decision of the Porte to convene the National Assembly in order that the note of the Powers and the demands of the Balkan allies may be taken under freer advisement is generally interpreted as meaning that Turkey will make further and perhaps satisfac tory concessions. The week closed with little prospect of peace. The Ottoman envoys at London, reflecting the tem per of the Turkish cabinet, intimated that the pro posed ceding of Adrianople and of the Aegean islands would meet a fiat refusal. In that event, the Balkan States would doubtless renew the war, unless the larger Powers agreed to bring extraordinary, pressure to bear upon the Porte. The calling of the Assembly, however, indicates that the Turkish leaders realize - the hazardous con ditions that confront their government and that if they are given authority to do so by the Assembly they will concede to the terms of the Allies or at ieast accede to the advice of the Powers. Whatever the outcome of this particular situation maj be, it seems evident that the position of the Turks is growing steadily more precarious and that soon they will be compelled to renounce the greater part of their European domain. More Light on the Money Trust.’ The most candid and, in a sense, the most inter esting testimony yet developed in the Money Trust .investigation wad given to the Pujo committee of Congress on Thursday by Mr. George M. Reynolds, president of the Continental and Commercial Na tional Bank, of Chicago. The financial peers preced ing him have been for the most as frigidly reserved as a sensitive spinster whose age is being discussed. Their air has been that of quiet resentment over the lively interest which Congress and the public are taking in the doings of Wall Street's inner court. Some of them have pooh-poohed the Money Trust as a. myth; others have practically admitted its reality, but have ridiculed the suggestion of a return to com petitive methods; while still others have bluntly averred that these affairs are none of the public’s business. Mr. Reynolds, on the contrary, admitted promptly and patly, that the control of the country’s money and credit has become centered in the hands of a few men, and that such power could he used to op pression and injury of common economic rights and interests. He is the same financier, it is worth not ing, who declared a year or so ago that the money power of the United States is in the grasp of a dozen men, of whom he was one. . “In my opinion,” he said to. the Committee, “the concentration of money and credit has al ready gone so far as to constitute a menace. I dq not mean to say by this,” he added, “that the people now in control have used their power unfairly.” How interestingly does this statement match the more reluctant admission, made to the Committee last week by Mr. George F. Baker, of New York, a commanding figure of the Morgan group, when he said that the present concentration of money and credit is "not an entirely comfortable condition for the country to be in.” i Slowly but surely, the gentlemen who sit within the hitherto sacrec! precincts of the Money Trust are compelled to admit its real power and its real peril. They may call their giant confederacy by divers names—-“a practical men’s agreement,” “a co-opera tive arfangement,” “an informal alliance”—but when simmered down their words mean hut one thing; and that is that through- Schemes of interlocking directorates, the control of this country’s credit and hence the indirect, if not the active, control of its commerce and industry now centers in a small group of financiers, responsible to no one but. them selves. The vital fact is that such power could be used for the discouragement and even the ruin of inde pendent enterprise, for the death of competition and for all other purposes to which a great monopoly is tempted and which, unchecked, it can accomplish; One of the most urgent tasks before the new Con gress will be that of freeing the country’s credit from chains of the Money Trust. Until that is done, there can be no true economic liberty, no really open path for individual initiative, no common prosperity .open to all men. South Carolina’s Corn Show. The National Corn Exposition, which is to be held at Columbia, S. C„ from January the twenty-seventh ’t6 February the eighth, promises to be one of the most interesting and fruitful events of the kind Ameriqa has known. Twenty-seven States, comprising - a large area of the South and the West, wilt make exhibits, showing the results of their, agricultural research and en deavor. . Eight hundred contestants for honors in farming progress, many of whom are members of the I?oys’ Corn clubs, will' be present as guests of the city and State. The federal Department of Agri culture will install the largest and most compre hensive exhibit it has ever made. The basis of the exposition is thus extraordinarily broad and deep. The South Carolinians have proved their mettle by guaranteeing the expenses of the enterprise and by providing adequate buildings and facilities. The extent of their preparation is instanced by the fact that tone of the buildings erected for this purpose at Columbia is of steel construction and covers sixty- seveli thousand feet of floor space. The design of the exposition is distinctly educa tional. One of its promoters has aptly described it by saying: “It will present a broad view of agricul tural .progress throughout the nation, extending from the work done by the federal department of agricul ture to the achievements* by individuals in many Stated during the preceding year. The problems of the farmer and of rural life will be emphasized and handled with ability. Addresses by eminent men and lectures by experts will constitute one of the educational features.” Such an exposition means much to the entire country and especially to the South. It merits the public’s cordial sympathy and support. THE GENEALOGIST College 'Park, Jan. 13, 1913. Editor The Journal: The following is an extract from a letter received r, ently and I now wish I had sent it to you in pref erence to the one delivered to yo-- by Mr Fred Shaefer x % nday last: “Dear Mrs. Hogan: • I have not the connecting link between Thomas Graves, of Virginia (1607), and the first John Graves, of North Carolina. . . "Thomas Graves, who came to Georgia, was my father’s great-unclfe and son Of John Graves. “My mother died When I was fpur years old. My father twenty years ago. I have often heard him speak with' much affection of his cousin, John Graves, that he visited previous to the war, near Atlanta. His visits were made before Atlan ta was built. The naming of that city was dis cussed in his presence and family, by the engi neers in charge of work on the railroad. The fi nal decision was made by his cousin, Elizabeth Graves, as between the names, ‘Atlantis,’ "Atalan- tea,’ and ‘Atlanta.’ This is my impression, as re membered from my father’s conversation. I am quite sure he told me that Elizabeth Graves' trunk held the first money that was brought to pay for the construction of the first railroad to Atlanta. "Another visit of my father’s previous to his meeting and marriage to my mother, was to Graves’ relatives in LaGrange, Ga. One of the loveliest and most cultured women I have ever met in my Graves connection was Mollie Graves, graduated at a LaGrange college before coming with her father, Dr. Wash Graves, to Texas, pre vious to the war. She has been dead some twen ty-five years. “1 have heard my aunt in North Carolina speak of her lovely Georgia cousins, a Charles Graves (naval officer, I think) et al. She was a Miss Lea, and married William Graves, of North Caro lina, and visited relatives in Georgia years ago.” "Many inquiries have come to me, and I thought this would be of interest to your many readers. I am Very respectfully, “MRS. MINNIE E. HOGAN.” The above letter was from Alden Bridge, Bossier Parish, La., signed Mrs. M. G. S. JL— master urw, verb By Dr. Frank Crane J?* i, < ^ As a usual thing dictionaries are interesting read ing, and reasonably clear and concise. But it is when they come to the simpler words that they fail most sharply. Definitions are extreme^ ly difficult, of course; if you don’t believ© it try to defitie ex actly the words “hard,” “ball” and “man.” However, dictionary men ought to be experts. They are not. Take, for example, the vertf “to get.” which is prcbably the most English of all English words, and the most idiomatic and sub tle of all speech forms. Examine the Century, the Standard and Webster dictionaries. If we may suppose you do not really know what the word means, and want to find out, we can see that you will be disappointed. Several columns in the Centu ry are devoted to the many meanings of “get.” The other two mentioned word books also attempt to give this baffling word’s myriad shades. The result is confusion.. ' For the sake of word lovers I will set the matter straight. The verb “to get” has two meanings, and only two. 1. To,- get means “to cause somebody or some thing to ootain,” and 2. “To cause somebody or something to be, or to become.” That’s all. All of the bewildering examples in the dictionaries can be reduced to one of these definitions. Yet there are some peculiarities of this verb to be pointed out. “Get” always has two objects. If two are not expressed, then one of them is un derstood. The understood object is the subject. Hence, “get,” with on e or no^xpressed object, t is a reflexive verb, that is to say, a verb whose object is its subject. Example: “I get John a horse” means “I cause John to obtain possession of a horse.” But. "I get a horse” means “I <*ause myself to obtain possession of a horse.” ' Again, “The doctor can get you well” equals “Tne doctor can cause ’ you to become well ;” while “The doctor can get. well” means “The doctor can cause him self to become well.” Note also: “Get” shows the gr^mmarlessness of the English tongue by taking an adjective, an, adverb, or a preposition as one of its objects, or, if you ob ject to the term object, say, complement or predicate. “I get up” means “I cause myself to become, or be, up ” “I get him up” means “I cause him to become, or be, up.” But twiut and bend “get” into any one of its pro tean shapes, you will always find it to have one of the two significances I have given. For instance, take this paragraph and experiment with it: It was getting toward 6 o’clock when’ I got through sleeping, got awake, got out of bed, and got washed. I got mv clothes on and got down to break- St, where I found the cook had got a nice beefsteak for me. The family all got excited at the news that our neighbor had got into a scrape. We got the motor out and got downtown as soon as possible. The weath er had got warm. While getting some gloves Kitty got overheated and almost got a sunstroke. A young man tried t<S help her, but she cried out: “Get you gone! I shall get on without you. Get out!” “That’s what one gets for trying to be polite,” he said. The meannig “cause myself to become” often shades ne’arly to “become,” simply; thus “it was get ting toward 6 o’clock” is alrtiost equivalent to “it ^as becoming 8 o’clock;” yet always there is a suggestion of “causing.” When the object of get is a noun the verb means “to obtain possession of,” or, more accurately, “to cause one of its objects to. obtain possession cf the other,” as “I get you a hat.” When the complement (object or predicate) of “get” is an adjective, adverb or preposition, the verb has the meaning “to cause to become” (or simply “be come”), as, “I get better.” English is the most flexible of all languages, afid no word of all our words is so tricky, shrewd and al together such a “Jack-of-all-trades as the verb “get.” A bright foreigner can “learn English in twenty les sons” by on© of the advertised methods; but to* learn how to use idiomatically such a word as “get” he needs to be soaked in a strong English environment for about te'ri years. The Republic of China I. THE CHINESE REVOLUTION. By Frederic J. Haskin The renewed agitation of protest against the fail ure of the United States government officially to rec ognize the republic of China recalls sharply the dy- narrtic upheaval of one short! m \ •" -x - MAKE LIFE ON FARM ATTRACTIVE—BARRETT January 18. 1913. Editor The Journal, Atlanta, Ga.: I want tp commend, specifically, the spirit of you* editorial of Sunday, January 12, under the, caption, “Turning Agricultural Knowledge to Account,” and also to seize the opportunity to thank you for the uni formly sympathetic and intelligent attitude of The Journal toward the better interests of the farmer. The editorial in question indicates a oroad compre hension of what is called the “rural problem.” You intimate that the welfare of the farming class is syn onymous of the welfare of the nation, and that has al ways been one of my favorite jontentions. Extension of agricultural education, through whatever means, will reflect benefit not only upon its immediate recip ients but equally upon every element of our popula tion. For, at the last analysis, it is the farmer who is the primary creator of wealth and prosperity in this country and unless all is well with him the nation cannot look forward to permanent advancement of the right sort. Speaking not alone for the Farmers’ union, but also ijor the American farmer generally, for the interests of the organized and unorganized framer are really in- techangeable, we hope that the next few years are go ing - to witness an unprecedented awakening on the part of the country to the realization of its obligation to the man of the acres. Knowing your record in be half of progressive agricultural movements, I have no hesitation in asking your co-operation for the meas ures the farmers and their best friends may take to hasten this awakening. It is excellent to carry scientific knowledge to the farmer. But it is imperative to do even more. Along with it, we must carry better living conditions, a clearer understanding of his economic and industrial problems, an effort to make easier his pathway and to multiply the advantages and pleasures available to his wife and children. \ The lrger part of what has been termed the rural unrest in America is duo to the fact that people in the cities apd the Federal and state governments, as a whole, have not approached the question of the farm er from an angle sufficiently sweeping. The farmer realizes himself that he has made great strides in the past few years. But he feels that, to an extent, he is a factor still set apart from tile broader life of the nation, the prey to selfish politicians and the victim of misunderstanding or too hasty judgments. The mission of the Farmers’ union is to remedy the conditions thus indicated and beat down the walls, ar tificial mostly, that now separate the farmer from the civilization or the efty and its more constructive ideals. The process is well begun', but will require patience and energy to erfect its final consummation. In this undertaking I 4 am confident we may i*ely upon the aid cf The Journal and other papers of breadth and vision. * Again e: press'ng my appreciation of your courte sies in the past, I lours very truly, C. S. BARRETT. The suit of Fritzi Scheff for divorce from John Fox, Jr., will be cited as proving that artists with “temperament” cannot trot in matrimonial harness. But it proves nothing of the kind. Greater artists have married and lived happily ever afterward.— Louisville Courier-Journal. year ago which transformed thej Celestial Empire into a republic} —a republic in form at least, and even this is a high light in| the renaissance of Chinese self! government. It is not general- 1 ly known that over 4,000 years ago the Chinese people main-: tained a republic and elected their, own presidents. * * * The Chinese revolution of 1911 was startling in its rapid effectiveness! Perhaps it has no parallel in history, taking into consideration the tremen dous changes of which it was, the forerunner. The first shot was fired October 10, 1911, the boy emperor abdicated on Feb ruary 12 following, and on March 10,. just five months to the day after the out break at Wuchang, sovereignty over 400,000,000 peo ple changed from a mummified despotism, rigid in its cruel limitations, to a provisional republic in which the. tyrannical Manchus and their legion of complacent Chinese officials had no part. 0 — * * * For sixteen years Dr.' Sun Yat Sen and his follow ers had been carefully planning the overthrow of the Manchu and the eradication of all that their reign typ ified. They had worked very successfully among the majority of enlightened Chinese, however placed and wherever found, and nearly every student who re turned after a trivial or military education abroad was at heart a revolutionist. Dr. Sun has since said that he could have taken • over Canton, Nanking and Wu chang as early as 1908, but that he was waiting to further convert the more self-contained soldiery and officers of Pekin and North China. All this time th# Manchus anu their barnacle-encrusted Chinese office holders seemed deaf to the rumblings to which every body but themselves gave anxious ear. * * i* ' A date about the middle* of December had been named fbr the beginning of the revolution the signal to bo given by Liu King, a member of the Chinese gen try of the Yangtze. He was twenty-seven years old, educated in Japan and there became a convert of Dr. Sun Yat Sen. But on the afternoon of October 9 Sun Wu, an expert bomb maker in revolutionary employ, accidentally exploded a bomb while at work in a na tive house in Hankow. The shack was just back of the German butcher shop in the Russian concession, an . only a few doors from the Russian police station. * * * Hearing the explosion, the Russian police rushed to the scene. Sun Wu was injured by the bomb, but es caped. The Russians caught two other plotters and found maps, a long roll call, bombs and flags. Wu chang, capital of Hupeh province, situated just across the Yangtze river from Hankow, was the subject of a very elaborate sketch which gave the plan of attack even then drawn up. Viceroy Jui Cheng was notified and -acted promptly. He beheaded the two revolution ists who had been captured. Many suspects, mostly young students, were then arrested in Hankow and WUchang. Several of tHese were given short shift. Their cries for mercy were speedily changed to peans of praise in the Heavenly choir. * • * Ordinarily, a few chain lightning exits like this, have been quite sufficient to quell disorder in China. But the worm really had turned this time. Liu King had escaped, but his wife and his brother \ter» cap tured. The young woman was not suspected, although!, she was one of the arch plotters. The brother was tortured and his death set tor 10 o'clock the next night.) Liu King saw the necessity of immediate action. Ha wrote the soldiers that thefr names were known through! the captured roll call, and that the viceroy would dis- 1 arm and (jxecute them. He told them to wear any kind of a white band around the arm, and to begin tha revolt at 10 o’clock that night, the hour his brother was to die. ... The soldiers prepared accordingly, but the glory of' firing the first shots of the revolution went to civil ians. When darkness fell, or about 7 o'clock, several ( hundred coal miners took possession of the various city gates and fired off rifles and shotguns without doing any particular harm. The soldiers, who were in camp just outside, then came pouring in. Without firing a shot they took the powder magazine, Hwanghwalo prom ontory and the Serpent hill. They deployed with two 1 pieces of field artillery In front of the viceroy's ya- men, but an investigation showed that worthy to have evaporated through a hole in the back wall. When next heard of he was safe in Shanghai. Liu King’s next move was to confer with his asso ciates over the selection of a trained military man to be commander-in-chief of the rebel forces, and to figljt to the death for a republic. They picked Colonel LI Yuan-hung, commanding the mixed brigade of Impe rial troops in the Yangtze valley. His men were . among the revolters. LI refused the dangerous honor, but was forced to accept. At that time Colonel Li Yuan-hung was an obscure officer; within two months he was one of the famous men of the day; now he is vice president of the provisional republic of China, and is generally regarded as the coming ‘‘strong man” of the country. t ... In the succeeding five months >fcw China made more and better history than Old Cfiina had made In five centuries.) Three days after the revolt at Wu chang. General Li’s men took Hanyang arsenal, the biggest in China. It; was guarded by a few of the 300 soldiers who had stuck to the Manchu banner with General Chang Piao, commanding general of the Hupeh army. The arsenal was captured after a Skirmish, andl yielded to the vjetors 140 three-inch guns, 500,000 rounds of ammunition and "enough powder to make 2,- < 000,000 additional rounds. In another three days the native city of Hankow, a short disfa’nce up the river, went over to the republican cause. / * * * I A saturnalia of anarchy then began in both cities. The vengeance of the soldiers and the rabble was di rected particularly against the. governmental banks and offices, but private pa\yn shops and dwellings of rich citizens did not escape. Later in the revolution, following alternate reverses and victories, both impe rialists and revolutionists were guilty of such of fenses, made more horrible by needless burning, lodT- ing, murder and rapine. This, together with heavy loss of life on both sides in the-battles of Hanyang and Nanking and the burning of Hakow, made the rebel lion anything but the, bloodless affair which ethusi- asts have been prone to proclaim it. 1 • * • In still another three days, or on October 19, the rebels, uniting with hundreds of raw recruits, gbt their first taste of actual fighting. They met and easily defeated the much smaller force of disheartened impe rialists. It was a skirmish rather than a battle, but the moral effect was staggering. Immediately re cruits by the hundreds joined “The Peaplg-’s Army,” and word came that more or less trained troops, for mer imperialists, were on the way from Canton and other southern points. The rebel army soon num bered 20,000 men, fairly well armed but untrained. At this time the revolutionary poffers were also in a healthy state, owing* to the capture of the silver stocked mint at Hanyang. * * * By this time Pekin was galvanized into action. General Yin Chang, president of the board of war, de-* spatebed 6,000 regulars of infantry to Hankow at once. Artillery was a.lso ordered to the front and a base es tablished at Neikow. about fifteen miles north of Han kow. Boon between 15,000 and ”0,000 men were mo>~- ized at that point, and. from that time the 'military' phase of the revolt turned distinctly to the advantage of the imperial cause; . (