Atlanta semi-weekly journal. (Atlanta, Ga.) 1898-1920, January 24, 1913, Image 6

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6 THE ATLANTA SEMI-WEEKLY JOURNAL, ATLANTA, GA., FRIDAY, JANUARY 24, 1913. THE SEMI-WEEKLY JOURNAL ATLANTA, GA., 5 NORTH fORSYTH ST. Entered at the Atlanta Postoffice as Mail Matter of the Second Class. JAMES R. GRAY. President and Editor. l SUBSCRIPTION PRICE Twelve months 7oc Six Months .. Three months 25c The Semi-Weekly Journal is published on Tuesday and Friday, and is mailed by the shortest routes for ear^ly delivery. It contains news from all over the world, brought by special leased wires into our office. It has a staff cf distinguished contributors, with strong* departments of special value to the home and the farm. Agents wanted at every postoffice. Liberal com mission allowed. Outfit free. Write R. R. BRAD LEY, Circulation Manager. The only* traveling representatives we have are J. A. Bryan, R. F. Bolton, C. C. Coyle, L. H. Kim- hrough and C. T. Yates. We will be responsible only for money paid to the above named traveling repre- sefttatives. NOTICE TO SUBSCRIBERS. The label used for addressing your paper shows the time your subscription expires. By renew^ig at least two weeks before the date on this label, you insure regular service. In ordering paper changed, 'be sure to mention your old, as well as your new address. If on a route please give the route number. We cannot enter subscriptions to begin with back numbers. Remittances should be sent by postal order or registered mail. Address all orders and notices for this de partment to THE SEMI-WEEKLY JOURNAL. Atlanta, Ga. 1 The Parcel Post and the Farm. One of the most important and cheering circum stances in the development of the parcel post service, as seen through the Atlanta postfeffice, is the Steady increase in the volume of matter sent to rural com munities. It is this class of parcels, according to the super intendent of mails, that is growing most rapidly. Supply houses are employing the post in their com merce with the farm. The next logical step will be an extensive use of the post by the farmer to estab lish freer lines of trade with the city. This would indicate that the basic purpose of the new service is being realized. The parcel post has long been needed by the pub lic as a whole, but to one class of the people should Jt prove a greater advantage than to those in the smaller towns and rural districts. It is. in just this connection, too, that the service can bd made to, pay from the government’s stand point: , ' i Much has been said of recent years about the dead expense of the rural free delivery system. If that system continued to entail an annual loss on the postal department, it would still be justified by its incalculable value to the country. But when the parcel post is fully under way and is in general use, it will doubtless turn this deficit Irnm the.rutaU -uyjies in to_ an asset. For, the country districts will then be continuous and liberal patrons of the government’s service. The parcel post is by no means yet perfected, hut the important fact is that it is being used by town and country alike. China’s Due. In urging that the United States no longer delay in recognizing-the Republic of China, the National Chamber of Commerce, which is now holding at ^Washington its first annual convention, has voiced the sentiment and the judgment of thoughtful busi ness Americans. As a matter of wise policy as well as sound ethics, it behooves this nation to acknowl edge the government that is directing the interests of a new China. * The failure to perform such a courtesy and duty would, as the National Chamber of Commerce de clares, prove adverse to American trade in , the Orient; and within the next few decades that trade will assume great proportions. The Republic is the only responsible government, indeed, the only gov ernment of any kind now existing in China. It has been established for more than a year and has proved in a larger measure than might haVe been hoped its ability to maintain peace and order, to ..conceive big plans and carry them into effect, to pro tect foreign interests and to conduct the country’s affairs in a stable and constructive fashion. There is no longer "a revolution in China; there is simply a process of upward evolution. The Manchu dynasty has renounced its ancient throne and, for all practical purposes, has been forgotten. The Republic has weathered the most trying and perilous ■ stage of its career and though it still faces many problems, it is meeting them all with confidence and, for the most part, with skill. . In these circumstances, it would seem that the onljt generous and sensible thing for the United States to do is to recognize the Republic for What it really is and Welcome it into the family of for ward-looking nations. Short Studies On Good Roads. A fertile opportunity for county officials who are concerned with road building and maintenace is offered in a special five-day course cf instruction which is to be given by the highway department of the University of Georgia. These lectures and demonstrations, beginning February the tenth and continuing through the fif- teeth, will deal with practical problems such as every road superintendent or engineer is called upon to solve. They will be adapted, in so far as is possible, to .local needs ^and will thus be of direct benefit to those who attend the school. Among the subjects to Jse 'treated will he road materials, their selection and use, grade crossings, road location, culverts and abutments and, indeed, every question that .s involved in the successful construction and upkeep of the State's highways. The road officials of every county have been in vited to attend the short-term school. All of them will find it profitable to do so. The .highwaj de partment of the University is doing much to en courage scientific and economic road work and for having projected this particular enterprise it is es-, pecially to be commended. Wilson and Monopoly. The seven anti-trust hills wh\ch have been intro duced in the New Jersey legislature at the instance of Governor Wilson are interesting not only within themselves, but also as a forecast of the virile pol icies that will soon pievai) at Washington. These measures grapple directly with the evils of monopoly. Their tone is clearly "Thou shalt” and “Thou shalt not.” They remove any doubt that the next Presi dent will forge his precepts into practice and will pursue a definite, .workmanly program. The bills prohibit every form of combination de signed to crush normal competition, to limit produc tion, to control prices or to hamper the freedom of 9 individual enterprise. They forbid those cunning devices by which the absorption of independent con cerns is accomplished with a view to restricting com merce. The declare that stock issues must represent real, not imaginary, capital and that proposed mergers must have the approval of the State Utilities Commission before they may he effected. Agree ments, formal or seerpt and tacit, whereby.a partic ular group of men or interests confederate to control any field of production are banned; and all these general provisions are reduced to specific terms. Especially noteworthy is that feature of the New Jersey hills which fixes a personal and criminal penalty for violations of the law. Piratical trusts are to be treated not as though they were soulless institutions subject only to fines for their misdeeds, but as groups of individuals who shall be personally responsible and who, if guilty, shall be sent to prison. It is this provision that puts into the proposed laws teeth which have been well described as “long and sharp,” and which will bring definite and wholesome results. When such legislation is applied or adapted to national problems, it will no longer be possible for country’s resources and industries or its money and credit to be controlled by a special coterie of^ men for their owri advantage at the public’s cost. Gov ernor Wilson’s course as Governor of New Jersey affords Wall Street abundant food for rumination. T I The New President of France. Raymond Poincare, the newly elected President of France, is a statesman of rich achievements and distinctive force. Within the past year his role in European diplomacy has been especially notable. He became minister of foreign affairs when his govern ment’s relations with Germany were sorely strained over the Moroccan dispute; but soon order and har mony were restored and France emerged stronger 1 than ever from a trying situation. To his tact and foresight, has been due very largely the co-operative spirit pf the larger European powers during the Balkan disturbance. He has worked freely and ef fectively with Germany to prevent an international entanglement and has labored with substantial re sults to preserve the peace of the continent. M. Poincare is regarded at home as one of the strongest men France has known within recent decades. In statecraft, he is as versatile as this' most seasoned politician hut he is moved by wider and higher purposes than are commonly found in What America knows as the “politician.” His election has been interpreted as “a popular triumph over a political clique.” Certain it is, if his past conduct is an index to what his future will be, he will not yield to the domination of special .inter ests and influences. He is eminently a man of his own mind; and his mind runs in distinctly Demo cratic' chanels. '• For years past, the French President has been regarded as a political figurehead rather than a posi tive force in the government. To the premier and the cabinet, have fallen most of the executive respon sibility and by them most of the important policies have been determined. Poincare promises to be an executive, a leader in fact as well as name. , OUMTRY Captain Raoul’s Request. Captain William G. Raoul’s bequest of fifty thou sand dollars to be used in the Crusade against the white plague in Georgia is eminently in keeping with the generous service and the noble ideals that marked his citizenship. During the latter years of his life Captain Raoul was especially interested in the cause of social betterment. He gave freely of his time and influence as well as his wealth to ■those movements that look to the constructive relief of human distress. No one did more faithful work than he in the establishment of the Atlanta Anti- Tuberculosis and Visiting Nurses Association, the Ratle Hill Sanitarium and the State Sanitarium at Alto. How appropriate and pleasing it is that his lib eral life’s work is to be continued through the legacy he has provided for the anti-tuberculosis campaign! His bequest will meet an imperative need. During the past few years public sentiment in Georgia has been wondrously enlightened as regards the move ment against tuberculosis. The people, as a whole, appreciate far more keenly than ever before the vital importance of such work. Fifty thousand dol lars will accomplish vastly more for this cause to day than it could have accomplished a decade ago. It is to be hoped that Captain Raoul’s gift will inspire the city and the State to more generous sup port of this great work. Georgia’s New Insurance Law. The Georgia Association of Life Insurer;, at their recent annual meeting in Atlanta, paid a distinctive and merited tri bute to the State’s new insurance law. They declared that since this statute went into effect there has been far more protection for the public and far more encouragement for nonest business than were possible under former conditions and that insurance standards themselves have been apprecia bly raised. , Coming from men who are leaders in their field and who are personally familiar with its problems, this testimony is, indeed, significant.^ The new insur ance law is one of the most timely and .constructive measures of reform ever enacted in Georgia, its results thus far exemplify the truth that legislation, which is good for the people as a whole, is equally good for business interests. So long as any indi vidual or group of individuals is permitted to do things which are unfair' and adverse to the public business suffers. The fact is all legislation which is progressive in the true sense of that term, which is designed to protect common rights and to end shady dealing, is a boon and a stimulus to commercial enterprise. No man’s character is complete until he has passed through the *Valley of ignominy. i The contempt of his fellow men is «. whip that stings when lqid on a mans back, and the way he acts under that lash shows whether he is a thoroughbred or not. The knowledge that you are hated is a bitter medicine, but wholesome. Defeat, failure, shame, and de- spiqings are supposed to crush men. They do crush small men. They are the making of great men. There never was a man who reached, the age of forty with a strong character but that had most of his excellencies driven into his soul by hard blows. Neither goodness nor greatness (and in accurate analysis they are the same thing) is a hot house plant maturing under careful protection. Ra ;h ®r they are metals, that become perfect only by muc pounding between hammer and rtnvil. I used often to wonder why the old mystics la d much stress upon th e need of having the contempt of men in order to grow saintly. Reflection and exper - ence hav e convinced tne that they were psychologica ly correct. For it is under ignominy that a man is forced to examine himself and see if his principles are sound, his motives honest and his cause worthy. So long as we are favored and fortunate We may he rotting in our souls and never know it. Our greatest friend is our enemy who tells us un pleasant truths and tramples our pretentions under foot. It is then we are thrown back upon ourselves, and must need's convince ourselves that we are worthy to live. V “When men shall revile upon and persecute you, and say all manner of evil lies against you; rejoice and be exceeding glad,” for so have they done to every honest and brave soul since the world began. It’s good for us. We are never powerful until we learn humility.. All vanity is weakness, and there is nothing like a swarm of spiteful, vigorous endmies^ to clear our souls of those “magic mists of vainglory,” ot which Thomas a Kempis speaks. ’> There’s never a nobler moment in a man’s life than when he finds himself alone and at bay, back up against'God, the world snarling and barking at him. A Batch of Smiles The cheerful agent stepped into *the business man s private office and set his grip on the floor. “i have here,” said he, “a patent glass cutter .for 25 cents. It is known as—” ‘‘Don’t need any glass cutter, snapped the business man. “Ah, you don’t need a glass cut ter. Well, then, I have here a vac uum cleaner that sells for 40. It is now in use in thousands of home3. It is—” “I don’t need a vacuum cleaner.” “Well, perhaps not, but then I have something else that will Vcertainly interest you. It is a phonograph thht retails for the small sum of $11. v There isn t an other phonograph in the world that—” “I wouldn’t buy a phonograph on a bet,” growled the business m^n, getting red in the face. “Well, I am surprised. But then I have here a camera which sells for $27*> It will take the widest ,, ’ •; r vr scope-— -“No camera today,”'yelled the business man. ^ “Well, then, I have a $423 automobile which com bines all the necessary point's of the higher priceh machines and—” “For the loVe of Mike, screataed the business man. take a glass cuiter. Here : your quarter. Now, get ojit’’ “Thank you,” said the agent. “That’s all I had to sell in the first place.”—Boston Globe. * * * * ' “My dear nephew,” wrote a wealthy old uncle, “al low me to congratulate you o n your approaching mar riage, and please accept from me the accompanying wedding "gift. You wil^ find it extremely appropriate in the circumstances.” , With much expectation the pros pective bridegroom opened the par cel and found inside a large book marked “Household Expense Book.” -Tit-Bits. f Editorials In Brief In the famous vote of 1909 dehorning the British House of Lords the Liberal coalition in the Com mons won by 215 majority. From the appeal to the country in January, 1910, they returned with 124 majority. Last Thursday their majority on third reading of the Home Rule bill was 110, with about i fifty members absent. Three months ago it looked as if the Liberal majority might not withstand dis- ihtegration long enough to make Home Rule law in 1915; but since the Unionists paraded in Belfast with wooden guns and bungled the free-trade issue the prospect is more hopeful.—New York World. Hobson’s Choice for Turkey. Driven to an option between the frying pan and the fire, Turkey has chosen the former by yielding ■'to the counsel of the larger Powers for peace with its Balkan foes. This doubtless means that the pen insula war, which threatened to begin anew, is at an end, and furthermore, that the peril of a general European disturbance is averted. The Porte has stuck out doggedly against re nouncing Adrianople and the Eagean islands, over which it holds sway The Powers advised that it consent to the cession of the city and leave to them the final disposition of the islands. These are far- reachijig and rather drastic terms, but they are no more than ,s warranted by the victories the Allies have won and evidently- they furnished the only basis on which peace could be established. Turkey will be shorn of nearly all its domain and power in Europe, but had it prolonged the war it could sarcely have hoped to retain even nominal sway. In the long run, Adrianople would ave fallen under Balkan bayonets and Constantinople itseif would have been jeopardized. It was at least more graceful to yield to the persuasion of powerful by standers than to the fire of the enemy. The Ottoman government is promised the moral and material support of the larger nations in repair ing the ravages of the war and their good will in its future problems. This friendliness and assistance will be sorely needed. The Important fact is, if the prospective peace plans materialize, that Turkish oppression and bar barity in Europe is effectually checked and that the danger of widespread strife in Europe has been dissolved. topics CeWDOCTO) KYJ^IRS. THE CREDIT SYSTEM. While I know that the mammoth part of the busi ness this country is worked on the credit system, I never can believe that it is an absolutely safe one. 1 know more about the farming business than any other sort, and I do know that it works poorly for land lords or farmers who rent land from them, and who go in debt for supplies. jThe man who buys a pair of mules at $200 each and goes ip debt for them and maybe buys hay and corn to feed them on until a crop is made and gathered, is like one of the foolish virgins who was called and couldn’t go, because she had no oil in her lamp to show the way out. It is a moral impossibility for the average farmer to make expenses and go in debt that way. There is no life so independent as a farmer’s life if he keeps with in his income, but there is no debt that pinches so hard as when a mortgage is foreclosed on his orop and he is left stranded by debt and loses all that he has made that year. y I have in mind a case where several people were injured in 1912, myself among the number. A colored man, well known in the community as a clever darky, came to me to rent a two-horse farm. He said he owned hfs two good looking mules, and had enough to support himself until his crop was made. We signed writings and .he was to pay me four bales of middling cotton, and to keep up his premises and the land in good order. 1 built him a new house, small barn and had a well dug which cost me between $400 and $500. I had to do this because the L. and N. railroad engines had burnt up the other tenant house, and I* had to build out of reach of the engine sparks. All went along smoothly until his wife and son were stricken with pneumonia. Out of pity for him I guaranteed the doctor who waited on them. In the fall I received one bale of cotton less than the weight agreed upon, and when I 'went out to the farm the old man had ‘sloped.” That worthless son was caught blind tigering, and the whole posse was gone. I engaged some pickers to get out i my rent, when lo! a court bailiff stepped in and levied on the crop. I f saw him sell two belles of the cottbn and I held my written rent contract before him in protest. He levied on everything the renter had, and sold it out, and now I must go to law to recover my rent from this bailiff’s hands and, maybe, find the whole sunk in costs and litigation. The darky bought right and left, and mortgaged that crop to Tom, Dick and Harry. The mules were not paid in full, so the mule owner took them. The bailiff sold the corn crop and my writte^ con tract for* rent did not hinder anybody, and I will not get enough out of the crop to pay taxes or return me $50 on the building account of my farm buildings. If those town merchants who sold the negro farmer so much in goods, furniture and food stuffs had required c:.sh or a good note, then the mischief would have been stopped promptly, but I discover that a rent con tract signed and sealed does not hinder other creditors from seizing my rent in the field or anywhere else. This credit system is a deadly menace to everybody who touches it and mortgages their crops and homes to make it. It makes rascals of weak men very ofteji who go in to beat the other fellow. The merchant hab to charge extra to his good customers to hedge against the bad ones. It will make even farming a dreadful risk un less it is checked. BED BUG POISONS. Demorest, Ga., Jah. 16, 1913. Mrs. W. H. Felton, Cartersville, Ga.: Mr. Dear Mrs. Felton:—In a recent issue of The Atlanta Journal I notice* you recommend quicksilver and corrosive sublimate as bed bug 'exterminators. Such remedies are doubtless* quite effective in accom plishing their object when applied to the bed bug. However, will you alkpw me to say that I am afraid the use of such remedies would be likely to result in injury to the human occupants of the bed? In a book before me called “The Diagnosis from the Eye,” by H. E. Lane.^M. D., occur the followihg pas sages « “The emanations of certain metals are very small, but their effects upon the human system ar e soon per ceivable and very injurious. All people working in copper works have a greenish skin, and their mucous excretions are of a similar color. Arsenic has an al most murderous influence upon all who come into con* tact with the metal; sooner or later they will become the victims of their dangerous occupation. The per- nifiousness of mercury vapors is illustrated by the » following fact: The English ship Triumph, on one of her voyages, was laden almost exclusively with mer cury. On the way the entire crew were taken ill; ul cers, paralysis, salivation (ptyalism) and oth#r dis eases appeared. ^ f “On this occasion we wish to caution also against the use cf poisonous insect powders, such as are often advertised in the newspapers. The use of corrosive sublimate against bed bugs, for instance, has often caused the symptoms of poisoning in many persons who came into contact with furniture thus treated. It is also a we.ll known fact that the manufacture of wall paper containing arsenic colors had to be given up on account of the ’poisonous effect of their ema- ’nations upon the human system. ’ » My sister uses gasoline as a bed bug extermihator, ahd 1 think it is quite effective; at any rate, it is cer tainly quite harmless, as it soon evaporates. After all I have read on the subject I would be afraid to use a deadly poison, such as quicksilver or corrosive subli mate. There are too many people in the country al ready who, through sheer igo'rnance, ar^ willing and eager to take all souts 4 of deadly poisohs into their stomachs, such as calomel (containing mercury or quicksilver), strychnine, arsenic, etc., with never a question or & moment's concern asi to their possible deleterious after effects. What if the amount of poi son contained be small (not la,rge enough to kill, as a rule), can we be certain that the continual taking of such deadly drugs will not eyehtually result in great havoc to the human constitution, as indeed they often do? He who experiments with deadly poisons is like uqto the child who plays with fire, ignorant of its nature. And both th© child and the experimenter usually succeed in getting burnt. Yes, sad to say, they succeed in this, if nothing else. Allow me to ut ter the warning: Beware of deadly poisons, the na ture of which you know nothing. MATTIE V, MITCHELL., Emotions of Pigeons JVith the lowly angleworm dabbling deftly in the classics and the humble mouse soaring in philosophi cal realms, the latest animal at Harvard to go In for the “deep stuff” is a bird—the pigeon. Proving the domestic pigeon has emotion, thoughts and leads a somewhat intellectual life like a human being has won John Edward Rouse a degree of doctor of philosophy. That gentleman made, a number of. pigeons go through a labyrinth,'* with blind alleys, slats, mirrors and other obstacles, to get a bowl of corn at the other end of the passage. He found that if a pigeon Was put through this trick six times it would learn to go through the maze without knock ing into the wall. Then he made them open a door to get out of the cage. By measuring th* heart beats Rouse fo’Und a pigeon has emotions like any human being can desire-—be angry, afraid,' fall in love, and so forth. He placed one pigeon where he could see a trained bird performing the tests. Then he tried to see whether the other bird could learn how to do the tricks by watching his feathered comrade.' The ama teur proved an apt pupil.—New York World. However, the chap who rocks the boat in the sea o£ matrimony is apt to land in the divorce court. Constitution making in China is quite as thrilling as England's struggle for parliamentary liberty or that fierce strife which won the American colonies their in dependence. What’s more. It's 1 down to date. The matter is' being threshed out in Pekin as the American reader scans this article. Within six months 'China will have a modern con stitution, and with It, a legally elected congress, president, su preme court and all other forms of a twentieth century repub lic. Inauguration day will be the crowning triumph of a sev en years’ struggle. ... < Reformers have been agitat ing for popular government In China for more than twenty years. Open appeals for a 1*** tyrannical system of adminis tration began to reach even to th e Manchu throne as far back as ten years ago. But It was not until 1906 that the reform element was rewarded with a glimmer of hope. In that year a memorial from the throne suggested, with a teasing vagueness truly Oriental, that a modern constitution, providing it did not encroach on the inviolate rights qf the crown, might be a good thing, and* would doubtless he granted by imperial favor in due time. This conces sion, however slight Americans would regard It, was hailed as a glowing promise in China, and instead of having a quieting effect, as the old empress dowager probably calculated, it heightened unrest and em boldened the ardent advocates of better things. • * • On October 19, 1907, an imperial decree ordered the royal advisers to draw up a consfitutiqn and submit it to the throne. A mandate in the name of Emperor Kuang Hsu to the same effect was issued July 22, 190S, but no great progress was made. Thirty-five days later, however, or twelve days after the death of that arch enemy of progress, the empress dowager, \Tzl An, who passed out the day following the empe ror's demise, Prince Chun, now regent of the empire for his infant son, the Emperor Pu Yi, signed a de cree which provided for the organization Sof provincial) assemblies and an imperial national parliament in 1917. Soon thereafter a royal commission of high Manchu and Chinese dignitaries was appointed to tour Europe for the purpose of learning just what forms of procedure would be adaptable to China’s peculiar needs. The royal commissioners junketed on the con tinent for over a year and returned with the recom mendation that the government try a blending of the German and Japanese system, both of which recog nized in actual practice as well as in theory, the di vine rights of the sovereign. About the same time a constitutional burpau was formed in the city of PSkln to work out the findings and recommendations of the commissioners^ • • * China’s awakening millions were wholly dissatis fied with this half-hearted and easy-going program, which the Manchus and the entrenched and barnacled- Chinese officials deemed a great, and even dangerous, departure from the ways of their sacred ancestors. The Boxer movement and Its sequel had convinced cv^n the most conservative and bitter of the gentry that the “foreign devils” could not be driven Into the sea, but to sacrifice their Incomparable and pristine government for the sake of aping western methods was entirely too much. On the other hand, the pro gressive element, .waxing stronger and bolder everyi day, violently demanded real reform at once, and not paper promises for the future. The native vernacular press, always theretofore insignificant, disorganized, cowed by the Imperial censorate, began to speak Out, establish Itself in sections that never had been blessed with newspapers, and to teem with translations of Ruosseau and Mazzini. - ,. * * * The crown, hurried along by the rising storm, was Compelled in 1909 to promise that a national assem bly or parliament would he convened the following year, or seven years ahead of the date originally set. It also consented to the early foundation of provincial assemblies. . These bodies were given the right of pe tition and discussion, but could not pass laws. They met throughout China for the first time on October 14. 1909, following this warning from the royal court: • * * "The consultive council is an institution in which public opinion will he ascertained and from which the members of the central council may be recruited. Let our people point out clearly through the councils what are the evils that should he abolished in their respec tive provinces and what are the reforms that tfiey desire. But let them also remember the duty whieh they owe to the court 1 and to the country. Violent discussion should be prevented, lest the order anTl safety of society might be disturbed.’’ * • * s. ' Membership in the (provincial assemblies was lim ited to those who had held public office above the mi nor grades or who possessed property worth at least £5,000 in silver. This restriction was of no avail In suppressing outspoken speeches, however, and the im perial mandate against “violent discussion” was hon ored by the assemblies more in the breach than in the observance. Strong demands for the abolishment of archaic forms and the dismissal of national and pro vincial corrupt officials were soon sent to Pekin. 'On May 9, 1910, the court announced that the first na tional assembly could convene in Pekin on October 8. * * * / / This new body came to order on tha «ay set, and there was great rejoicing throughout China. It was d'vided into two cliques, a certain proportion being composed of Manchu princes and Chines© of the pflv- * ileged classes wl^o were appointed* by the throne. The majority of the members had been elected by-the sfv- eral provincial assemblies. Discussion of finances and appropriation bf a budget were the principal rights of the new body. * * * \ The members who represented the people were united in favor of drastic measures. From the open ing day they featured the sessions by making 1 heated speeches and presenting divers suggestions and pfb-'. grams intended to modernize the government. There was disorganisation and bickering at first, everybody geting. irt everybody else’s way, and little cliques be gan to form. They got together, nevertheless* to such good effect that on Octoebr 23, or a short twenty da>*s after convening, they met in full session and amid much enthusiasm succeeded in passing a resolution, which demanded th© promulgation of a constitution and the organization of a full fledged and properly en>* dowed national parliament at once instead of waiting until 1917. # • • * It was also empowered to draw up new laws, but to be legal such measures had to be concurred in by the grand council, an aristocratic body at the beck of the- crown, and finally receive imperial sanction. In case of a deadlock over an issue between tho national as sembly and the grand council the emperor Was to de cide. The emperor was a baby, so decision rested with his father, Prince Chun, the prince regent. As con- stitued, the national assembly was only half progres sive, an influential element being ultra-conservative. From the first it was "a house divided against itself,” a condition which was quite satisfactory to the Man chus. / For your true optimist, there is no time like the future. If the cost of living remains high it oughtn’t to kick if the price of cotton keeps on soaring. It's the easiest thing in the world for a pretty woman to manage a man—if she isn't married to him. Figuratively speaking, an old bachelor nearly i always hugs himself when he sees a poor, meek-j looking man trying to i»uiet a squalling infant, ,