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4 THE ATLANTA SEMI-WEEKLY JOURNAL, ATLANTA, GA., TUESDAY, JANUARY 28, 1913. THE SEMI-WEEKLY JOURNAL ATLANTA, GA., 5 NORTH FORSYTH ST. Entered at the Atlanta Postoffice as Mail Matter of the Second Class. JAMES R. GRAY, President and Editor. atfBSCRXPTION PRICE Twelve months 75c Six Months 40c Three months 25c The S.emi-Weekly Journal is published'on Tuesday and Friday, ancT is mailed by the shortest routes for .early delivery. It contains news from all over the world, brought • by special leased wires into our office. It has a staff of distinguished contributors, with strong departments of special value to the home and the farm. Agents wanted at every postoffice. Liberal com mission allowed. Outfit free. Write R. R. BRAD LEY, Circulation Manager. The only traveling representatives we have are J. A. Bryan, R. F. Bolton, C. C. Coyle, L. H. Kim brough and C. T. Yates. We will be responsible only for money paid t« the above named traveling repre sentatives. NOTICE TO SUBSCRIBERS. The label used for addressing your paper shows the time your subscription expires. By renewing at least two weeks before the date on this label, you insure regular service. In ordering paper changed, be sure to mention your old, as well as your new address. If on a route please give the route number. We cannot enter subscriptions to begin with back numbers. Remittances should be sent by ppstal order or registered mail. Address all orders and notices for this de partment to THE SEMI-WEEKLY JOURNAL. Atlanta, Ga. Monopoly Self-Confessed. More rapidly than might have been hoped, we are getting behind the mask' of American trusts and monopolies. Some .time ago Mr. Garnegie frankly declared that the steel industry needs no tariff pro tection. Now comes William E. Corey, formerly president of the United States Steel corporation, and testifies that between 1901 and 1904 divers pools were organized to control the supply, the produc tion and the price of steel. He also testifies that the Tennessee Coal and Iron Company was a com petitor of the trust at the time it was absorbed with the sanction of President Roosevelt. Thus from a leader of the inner circle do we learn that the interests of the country’s manufac tures and building and transportation and other important spheres of industry and commerce have been at the mercy of a monopoly that could dictate prices and hold enterprise at its heck and call. This is but one of many interesting confessions that have recently been made. George . P. Baker, one of the peers of the Morgan court, has admitted to the Pujo committee of Congress that control of the country’s money and credit is in hands of com paratively a few financiers and that the power they hold, should it pass into the hands of unscrupulous men, could be used for the peril, if not the ruin, of the nation’s business. That 6Maa-b\- which a small group of fdrtune- WHP¥teenabled td'monoplize material products or ’ resources and to go further and monopolize money and credit itself, stands convicted by its own par ticipants. (■ If the people of the United States are to retain a vestige of economic freedom, if individual enter prise is to have the opportunity to which it is en titled, the power of monopoly must be dethroned. She is a wise woman who laughs only at the right time. For the University of Georgia. Every alumnus of the University of Georgia should join heartily in the movement to secure from the Legislature an appropriation sufficient to meet certain practical needs which vitally concern the university’s comfort and progress. A new dormi tory must be built, a heating plan: must be installed and other facilities must be added or enlarged for the welfare of the students. These improvements cannot be made unless the Legislature grants an increased appropriation. To that end it is important that the friends and par ticularly the alumni of the university organize and b e prepared to make their own and the public’s senti- ; ment count for definite results at the next session of the General Assembly. A campaign of education should be set going as soon as possible, a campaign that will appeal not only to University men but to the people as a whole in order that the latter may realize more keenly how much the school means to : their common interests and how important it is that its needs be supplied., Atlanta alumni of the University will meet Fri day evening to plan their own part in this season able and worthy endeavor. Similar meetings should be held throughout the State, for the success of the movement depends largely on the amount of organ ization and of personal earnestness behind it. Occasionally a man is too patient to be of any practical use. Pickwickian But Effective. There was, perhaps, a touch of the true Pick wickian to the bill recently introduced in the Mis souri legislature by Representative Stark, providing that every lobbyist at' the State capitol be required i to wear a red cap, a g-een tie and a brown suit as a uniform of his calling. Be that as it may, the bill, if enacted, will doubt less accomplish its purpose; for, few evils are so deeply intrenched that they can survive when once they are made really ridiculous. ’ Many an honest reform has been disheartened and delayed by a joke. Why shouldn't the reformers turn this facile weapon to their own account? Emerson said that the Devil is an ass. Whenever the majority of people can be made to see that truth and to laugh in response, the world will be a much better abode. There is but one criticism to be made on the Stark hill. Green ties should not be designated for the lobbyist's. Too many Americans are Irish, either by lineage . or sympathy, for that, glorious color to be used for other than the highest symbol or pur pose. Would it not be more effective to decree that the lobbyist wear a jabot in place of a cravat or that he declare his business by appearing in an old-fashioned mother hubbard? July 22, 1864-1914. The approaching semi-centennial of the Battle of Atlanta suggests two seasonable undertakings— one of them a fertile opportunity, the other an urgent obligation. July the twenty-second, 1914, will mark the fif tieth anniversary of the battle that turned the for tunes of the Civil war and gave this city a heroic placed in American history. Would it not be an ap propriate thing to commemorate that day with -a great reunion of the Blue and the Gray, held here, on the now hospitable soil where the epic struggle was staged? Such a memorial, we believe, would strike a nationwide response. It would be the last grand gathering of the veterans whose ranks are fast thinning with the lapse of every year; it would carry a poignant appeal to the %eart of the cofnmon country. Such a reunion, furthermore, would fur nish the vital center for a distinctively Atlanta semi centennial in which the city’s progress during the past half century could be strikingly set forth. We shall do well to seize this inviting opportunity and begin forthwith to plan for its fruition. Atlanta is paticularly fortunate in possessing a great painting that commemorates the battle of July the twenty-second, 1864. Since it came into the city’s ownership and was established in the cyclo- rama at Grant park, it has attracted six hundred and fifty thousand visitors from every part of the Union and, indeed, from divers parts of the world. Last year alone, it was sought out by fifty-three thousand persons. It is a distressing and really disgraceful fact that this invaluable canvas is housed by a flimsy wooden building and is thus in constant jeopardy of destruc tion by fire or accident. True sentiment and good business both demand that Council provide an ade quate building for this priceless treasure. The painting now nets the city a revenue of four thou sand dollars a year. That is equivalent to a four per cent return on one hundred thousand dollars, or an eight per cent return on fifty thousand dollars. Surely such an investment is worth preserving; but under existing conditions it is likely at any moment to be swept away forever. • These two suggestions—a semi-centennial cele bration in 1914 and a suitable museum, built with- put further delay, for the city’s heroic war painting —should commend themselves to the earnest thought of Council and of all Atlantians. N EW YORK, Jan. 24.—Tom Lawson has another "remedy” for Wall street. And this is his final, dead-sure scheme to throw and hog-tie the "sys tem” and reduce the cost of living by checking- the vast gambling ope rations of th e stoek exchange. He tells abojat it today in *the February number of the American Magazine. It is an improved meth od of barring bad brokers from the mails. Lawson reviews, by way of pref ace, the relations of the Pujo "money trust” probe and the awak ening of the whole American peo ple to the facts that Lawson him self has been dinning into their ears. He says: "The evidence thus far produced befor e the Pujo committee showing the existence of a highly centralized money trust that controls credits, absolutely affords a spectacle that should make -trong men weep, for It shows how daring and contempt uous have become the powers that be—how contemptuous of the rights of a once sovereign people. "You and 1—all of us—know and have known for a long time that there is in this country a money power, a money trust. You and I don't have to apply the strict rules of court evidence to prove it. We know there is a System—THE System. We know there is in Wall street a concentration of banks, and thus a concentration of ^edit, more powerful and, therefore, more absolutely controlling the economic life of each and every one of us than any other con centration of power that has ever existed. In its pos sibilities of oppression it transcends the power of the most despotic monarchy. "You and I know all these things, and now In order to put them down in black and white for' ourselves, *we have set our detectives at Washington to track the beast to its lair. And how do we fare? "Well—and then not so well. “The committee has helped lay hare a condition of stacked-card, loaded-dice, sure-thing gambling that makes the old-time, fixed faro game seem like a What-Became-of-jenni e-Brice contest. Through a glass darkly—we have gfot a glimpse of a thousand- tentacled octopus sucking to itself the economic life blood of a nation. “We have had sketched loosely for us the outlines of what we know to be an elaborate and perfectly oiled mechanism for concentrating the savings of the people in the hands of a few unscrupulous manipula tors, that each sitter-in in the crooked game may pile them as chips in front of him. "There h-~ been reared before our eyes a huge banking structure containing the bil lions of a sovereign people’s savings, and at its apex a half dozen institu tions that are in turn completely controlled by a few individuals. "This body politic and economic of ours has been X-rayed on the screen and its heart located—not in Washington, but in Wall street. "What are we going to do about it?” asks Lawson. And his answer is contained in a bill that be has framed, for congress to pass. This measure would establish a charter and set of by-laws under which all stock exchanges would be required to organize. If stock ex change members then lived hp to these provisions the present evils of gambling, control of credit, etc., would be eliminated. If they failed to do so, the postmaster general would, after ten days’ notice, bar the offending members from the use of the mails—and that would put them out of business. The law would provide for an ap peal to the courts, so that the post master general could not abuse his power. "If this law is put upon the statute books by the incoming congress and President Wilson in 1913.” says Lawson, "this is what it will do by 1914: “Absolutely destroy stock-gambling. "Start the drop in tue annual interest return to in vested capital. "Start a drop in the high cost of the American peo ple’s living without a corresponding drop in the wage of the American people. "Start an increase in the price of every honest, good Ameralcan security. f "Start a drop in the price of every dishonest, bad American security. "Pull the teeth, cut the claws, and wither the fangs of the money trust. "Start the stock exchange toward the high postiion it should occupy in the nation’s business structure.” Lawson remarks that since the Wall street inves tigation began, the market value of a seat on the New York stock exchange has sunk from $90,000 to $50,000. As there are 1,100 seats, this means that the $44,000,- 000 has been squeezed out of the capital stock of the greatest of all gambling organizations, as a result of a growing disinclination of the public to do business with it under present conditions. THOMAS W. LAWSON. The Ottoman Fate. Though we no longer think of comets as “blaz ing forth the death of princes” or read in any of na ture’s doings an augury of human events, the earthquake which shook Constantinople Saturday, presents a striking symbol of the trembling Turkish empire; indeed, it may be regarded, without undue fancilfulness, as a portent of Ottoman fate. Many days will he required to reveal clearly the conditions at Constantinople and throughout the Moslem domain, but there is little room for doubt that the “Sick Man of Europe” Is nearing his end. Just what will he the manner or the circumstance of his taking-off remains to he seen. It may be that for years to come there will he a nominal Turkish power in the Southeastern comer of Europe. But there is no likelihood that this tottering government will retain more than a fragment of territory and a shadow of sovereignty. The new cabinet apparently insists that whatever may be the terms of settlement for the Balkan war, Turkey shall hold Adrianople. That is the prize which the Balkan allies refuse to forego and evi dently they are supported by the larger European powers. When the Powers addressed their recent note to the Ottoman goevrnment, advising the ces sion of Adrianople, they had doubtless reached a con clusive agreement among themselves; and doubtless, too, they are prepared to enforce their advice, should it not he amicably accepted. Turkey may show stubbornness in defeat, if it will,. and the uproar of an angry populace may frighten a cabinet into resigning, but that will avail nothing against the decisive victories the Balkan peoples have won or against the united purpose of Europe. A Wail No One Heeds. The wail of certain reactionary Congressmen that the Democratic plan of tariff revision will dis turb business prosperity is simply an echo from last year’s campaign of Republican defeat. It is to be expected that the representatives of special interests will wax nervous whenever there is a suggestion of discontinuing the patronage which the Government has hitherto granted their clients. So long have they been accustomed to tariff for privilege that they are stricken at the thought of tariff for revenue. However disturbed this group of gentlemen may be in appearance or reality, the people as a whole are tranquil and content. They expect a thorough going revision of the tariff schedules; for they de manded such a revision at the polls and they com missioned the Democratic party to perform, this im portant task. But they do not look for a revolution. They ex pect, on the contrary,' a thoughtful readjustment of the tariff system, a readjustment in behalf of com mon prosperity and one that will quicken rather than retard the progress of business in general. That is the program to which the Democratic leaders are committed and which they are now pre paring to carry into effect. The calamity howl which has been raised so long against honest tariff revision has become hollow and wearisome. The country knows that the natural sources of prosper ity were never so abundant as today and that the incoming Democratic administration has no thought of any measures that would harm legitimate busi ness or imperil the people’s well-being. -. King Alfonso. If King Alfonso carries out his intention of visit ing the United States, he will find a cordial welcome untinctured by any acrid memory of the war with Spain. His personality is among the most interest ing, though not the' most forceful, of the world’s sovereigns. “Had I been horn in different circum stances,” he is credited with once having said, “I might be striving-for a republic instead of reigning upon a throne.” A good, husband and a good father, a gracious friend with an open mind, Alfonso claims attention, as a man as much as a king. Within the past decade, his country has made long strides in prosperity and in the efficiency of its government; and besides this, Spain is, as it has ever been, a land of castles and romance to which American imagination still turns as eagerly as in the day of Washington Irving. Twice Told Fairy Tales BY ANNE BBNNER There was once upon a time, a Senegal tailor, who had a daughter as dazzling as the sun. All the youths in the neighborhood were in love with her beauty, and two of them went to her and asked for her hand. The girl, like a well-trained daughter, made them no an swer, but called her father, who listened to them and said: "It is late; go home, and come again tomorrow. I will tell you then which of you shall have my daugh ter.” At daybreak the next morning the young men were at his door. "Here we are,” they cried; "remember what you promised us yesterday.” "Wait,” said the tailor; "I must go out and buy a piece of cloth; when I ^tum yen will hear what I ex pect you to do.” K • He soon returned, and, calling his daughtera, said to the young men: "My sons, there are two of you, and I have but one daughter. I cannot give her to both of you, and must refuse one. You see this piece of cloth; I will cut from it two pairs of breeches, exactly alike; each of you shall make one of them, and the one that finishes first shall be my son-in-law.” Each of the rivals took his task, and prepared to set to work under the tailor’s eyes. The latter said to his daughter: "Here is thread; you can thread the needles for the workmen.” The girl obeyed; she took the spool and sat down by the youths. But the pretty witch was full of cun ning; her father did not know which one she loved, neither did the young men, but, for her part, she knew very well. The tailor went out, the girl threaded the needles, and her suitors set to work. # But to the one she loved she gave short needlesful, while she gave long needlesful to his rival. Both sewed zealously; at 11 o’clock the work was scarcely half done, but at 3 in the afternoon the young man with the short nee dlesful had finished his task, while the other was far behind. When the tailor returned the victor carried in the finished breeches. His rival was still sewing "My children,” said the father, "I did not wish to show any partiality between you, for which reason I divided the cloth into two equal parts, and gave each a fair chance. Are you satisfied?” "Perfectly,” answered they, "We understood your meaning and accepted the trial; what is to be will be!” But the tailor had reasoned to himself: "He who finishes his task first will be the better workman, and consequently the one better fitted to support his household.” It did not occur to him that his daugh ter might outwit him by giving the longer needlesful to the one she did not wisii to win. Woman’s wit de cided the contest, and the girl chose her husband her self. “Concentrated Selfishness.” Said a wearied member of the Ways and Means committee, after he had sat through a fortnight of hearings on various tariff schedules, listening to one long plea after another in behalf of some special privilege, “Never In al_ my days have I seen such a continuous exhibition of concentrated selfishness.” His phrase aptly describes the attitude of those interests which have enjoyed the patronage of a Re publican-made tariff. They have come to regard the government as a dispenser of favors and to consider their own affairs the center of national life.” As to the rights of the consumer and of com mon business interests, they seem to know nothing and to care less. “With a few exceptions” continued the committee member, and he voiced the sentiment of his col leagues, “every man we have heard from has for gotten all about th e other follow, has forgotten all about the traditional tariff policy of the Democratic party and seems to have forgotten the cardinal issue on which Woodrow Wilson was elected.” It Is against this attitude that the Democratic majority in Congress must set itself most reso lutely. There is no purpose to revise the tariff in other than a spirit of ‘foresight and of due regard for all legitimate interests that may be concerned. The changes must he made, as Governor Wilson ex pressed it, by such stages and at such a rate as will least interfere with honest business enterprise; but there must nevertheless be revision “unhesitat ingly and steadily downward.” In the face of a nationwide and long-ignored de mand for this reform, the party cannot afford to be swerved from its duty by the selfish pleas of any group or Individual. A Slice of Happiness (New York Evening Post.) What is a luxury and what a necessity is a ques tion that has been extensively discussed, though per haps not to much effect, by economists as well as by moralists. The classic example, perhaps, of a stand ing difference of opinion on this point is the case of tobacco—the poor man’s friend or enemy, as you choose to look at it. In yesterday’s tariff hearing, on the chemical schedule, a place was claimed for per fumery as a feminine indulgence upon grounds not unlike those usually urged for tobacco in the case of the rougher sex. "We are all entitled to a slice of happiness,” exclaimed a New York witness, who spoke in behalf of the Manufacturing Perfumers’ asso ciation, after stating that he knew of working girls who spent much of their wages on perfumery, and he accordingly asserted that it is a necessity for servant girls and for womankind generally. Apart from the specific point thus raised, this assertion of the status of perfumery is suggestive of the broad question of the subtle and silent changes which take place, all along the line, in standards of living, and which are continually making the luxuries of the past—or luxu ries unknown in past ages—the necessaries of the present. How much of the advance of man’s power over nature is thus silently absorbed, and how much this absorption is overlooked in comparisons between the condition of the masses in our day and in former times, is one of the most interesting of sociological questions. Dr. Frank Crane GENIUS A genius is a superior human machine. He gets a great deal of praise and reward, but In truth he deserves no credit, for his best work is auto- jnatic. Nothing is more mechan ical than originality. For the brilliant ideas are nev er produced by tiresome effort; they pop up out of the subcon sciousness without any prompt ings from us. Note your own bright Inven tions. You have been thinking over a matter for days, until perhaps you have given it up and put it aside in despair; and then suddenly, apropos of nothing at all, while you are boarding a street car or getting your shoes shined, click!—you have it!—the solution flashes * full-born into your mind. You may say it "just came” to you. Better, it just came out of you. For after your conscious intelligence had chewed and chewed upon it, you swallowed it, so to speak, and it passed down into your subconscious In telligence, then was digested and prepared, and when perfected suddenly reappeared in your consciousness, after the manner of ruminants. A genius is a person who is endowed with a pow erful subconscious mill for grinding out ideas. He does not necessarily have a trkined mind; he must have a wonderful sub-mind. The physician who is a genius looks over the pa tient and the correct diagnosis "just comes” to him. That is the genuine God-made doctor. The man-made product of the schools tries to pierce the mysteries of life with his bare brains and stumbles into an inex tricable maze. The lawyer genius penetrates at once into the gist of a case. Study and experience may help him, but nothing can take the place of that inward nature-born sharpness vision. The literary genius is one to whom the right word "comes,” the priest genius is the one with the X-ray of ethical sympathy, the artist genius is the worker whose subconscious soul grasps the truth of beauty with unerring taste. That is why no genius can explain himself. Mi chelangelo or Conan Doyle or Paderewski cannot tell how he does it. He doesn’t know. The great things he does are nonconscious. There is ground -for believing that there is as much c-fference betwee the genius and the common man as there is between man and the animals. Kant says: "The greatest discoverer in the sphere of science differs only -in degree from the ordinary man; the genius, on the other hand, differs spe cifically.” For your true optimist, there is no time like the future. If the cost of living remains high it oughtn’t kick if the price of cotton keeps on soaring. It’s the easiest thing in the woTld for a pretty woman to manage a man—if she isn’t married to him. i Frederic J Haskin III. THE PROVISIONAL GOVERRNMENT The Republic of China Popular agitation for reform in China developed into the well organized revolutionary movement in the spring of 1911. The, appointment of the notorious Prince Ching to the new post of prime minister, together with delay in the promulgation' of the constitution, even after the prince regent had appeared to take a personal interest in the matter, convinced the young students who were developing public sentiment that only the overthrow of the Manchus and| their fawning Chinese officials and the establishment of a re public patterned after the gov ernment of the United States, would give the people the just and modern administration which they clamored for. • • • Renewed demands for a con stitution in June, July and Au gust were met by the usual promises. In September Spe cimen province seethed in the protest against the rail way policy of Sheng Kuan-huai. On October 10 the accidental explosion of a bomb in Hankow exposed the revolutionary plot, and precipitated the conflict. The rebels demanded a modern government and constitution at once. The forty-eight generals of the royal army' advised the Manchu court to grant the demands of the rebels or face certain destruction. Even at that time the revolutionary leaders would not have objected to aj limited monarchy with a Manchu on the throne, which would be an ornament and not a burden. • • * The national assembly drew up nineteen fundamen-' tal principles of government based on the revolution ary demands. In the meantime, the Manchus, in the name of the poor baby infant, in manifesto after mani festo, did the humble kow-tow to the rebels and to the' whole people in a most astonishing manner. ... i On November 3 the program of the national assem bly was accepted In an extremely advanced grant of a constitutional government. It provided that “the Ta-! ching dynasty shall reign forever!” and that “the per son of the emperor shall be inviolable," but it also said that “the power of the emperor shall be limited by a constltuion; the order of succession shall be prescribed by the constitution; and the constitution shall be drawn up and adopted by the Sze-cheng-yuan (national assem bly) and promulgated by the emperor.” ... This grant gave the parllam-nt absolute power over taxation and expenditures and made! the premier and his cabinet responsible solely to parliament. It was. In essence, the British constitution put in writing. No power was held hack—the throne abandoned all sub stance in the hope of preserving the shadow. ... This was a remarkable document In the light of centuries of Chinese history, and doubly so when com ing from a Manchu ruler. As further evidence of ab solute abasement the court two days later directed that the parliament be convened immediately. On No vember 16 Tuan Shih K’ai, now premier, announced his cabinet. To appease the rebels there was only one Manchu member among nine Chinese, one of whom was an avowed rebel leader. ... Too late! The revolution triumphed; on February 3 the emperor abdicated—the Manchus were cast off for- ever. A provisional republic was formally organized March 10, 1912, and now the Chinese people are select ing members for the first congress, which will devise a constltuion'adequate for a modern republic, and will' elect a permanent president, who doubtless will be the present provisional president, Hon. Tuan Shlh K’at. Should he decline, the honor will go to General L.1, Tuan-hung, the provisional vice president and hero of the revolution. The constitution which the first con-! gress will formally adopt has already been outlined by the national assembly. • • • The congress of the republic of China will consist 1 of a senate and house of representatives. Each of the eighteen provinces Is entitled to ten senators, who will' be elected by the provincial assemblies. Election of senators will not be confined to provincial assembly-' men. Mongolia will have twenty-seven senators. Tibet! ten, Chlnghal three. In addition, the Central Educa tional society will provide eight, and Chinese citizens' who live abroad will be entitled to six. ... •i Two or three of the last named will be from the United States and one from the Philippines. The Ma nila senator has already been elected In the person of Sy Cong Bleng, a millionaire merchant. These out-' side senators will be elected by the foreign Ch/hesa chambers of commerce which the Peking authorities recognize. The senators will serve for six years, ex-; cept those of the first congress. They will be divided by lot into three groups, to serve two, four and six) years each. Thereafter the term will be full six years. The senate will have 234 members. • • • The house of representatives will consist of about BOO members, as the ratio has been fixed at one repre sentative to each 800,000 of the population. The term will be for thre e years. A system of primary and fi nal elections has been devised. At the primary elec tion each district entitled to the representative will elect fifty men. The fifty having the most votes from the people will be declared elected at the primary election. ... At various electoral centers the chosen representa-: tives-apparent of not more than eight districts; In oth er words, 400 men, at the outside, will meet, form an' electoral college, and from their number elect the onaj man in fifty who shall go to congress. At the same' time an equal number of reserve candidates will baj elected, so that no seat in the house of'representatives shall be vacant for long because of the death, resigna-j tion or removal of a member. ... | Widespread poverty and paucity of general educa tion will serve to keep the voting proportion low for! several years. Any male who Is twenty-one years old! and over, who has resided at least two years in his! electoral district, may vote If he can prove any one of| the following requirements: * * * Payment of at least $1 per annum in direct tax to, the government; possessing; immovable property worth' $250 (this proviso will not operate in Mongolia, Tibet j and Chinghai); graduate of a grammar or high school of western standards, or the equivalent. ! * * * Suffrage is denied army, navy, police, admlnlstra-, tive and Judicial officers while they hold office. Oth ers who cannot vote or hold office are idiots, bank-1 rupts, Illiterates, opium-smokers, those who have been deprived of civil rights and priests, except priests fill Mongolia, Tibet and Chinghai. To hold office a man must be at least twenty-five years old. * * * Senators are now being chosen by the several prov incial assemblies. The primary election for represen tatives was held throughout China December 10 last, and th© final elections are being held now. The new congress will meet next month or as soon as possible thereafter. Its principle duty will be the adoption of a complete constitution and the election - of a president of th© republic, whose term will be for six years, It IS; expected. A two-thirds vote will be necessary for the adoption of the constitution. All laws, of course, must pass both houses and get the signature of the presi dent. Congress will meet twice a year. The powers i to be given the president of the republic have not yet been defined, but it is likely that they will be midway' between those exercised by the president of the United States and the president of France. The British sys tem of having a ministerial bench in the house of rep resentatives with absolute responsibility to parlTa- i ment, will probably be used. properly constitifted courts will be organized, taxes equalized, and life, lib-' erty and. the pursuit of happiness guaranteed. fi