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4 THE ATLANTA SEMI-WEEKLY JOURNAL, ATLANTA, GA., FRIDAY, MARCH 14, 1913. THE SEMI-WEEEY JOURNAL ATLANTA, GA., 5 NORTH FORSYTH ST. Entered at the Atlanta Postoffice as Mail Matter of the Second Class. JAMES 3t. GRAY, President and Editor. SUBSCRIPTION PRICE Twelve months '•5c Six months Three months The Semi-Weekly Journal is published on Tuesday and Friday, and is mailed by the shortest routes for early delivery. It contains news from all over the world, brought by special leased wires into our office. It has a start of distinguished contributors, with strong departments of special value to the home and the farm. Agents war ted at every postoffice. Liberal com* mission allowed. Outfit free. Write R. R- BRAD LEY. Circulation Manager. The only traveling representatives we have are J. A. Bryan, R. F. Bolton, C. C. Coyle, L. H. Kim brough and C. .T. Yates. We will be responsible only for money paid to the above named traveling repre sentatives. NOTICE TO SUBSCRIBERS. The label used for addressing your paper shows the time your subscription expires. By renewing at least two weeks before the date on this label, you insure regular service. In ordering paper changed, be sure to mention your old, as well as your new address. If on a route please give the route number. We cannot enter subscriptions to begin with back numbers. Remittances should be sent by postal order or registered mail. Address all orders and notices for this de partment to THE SEMI-WEEKLY JOURNAL, Atlanta, Ga^ President Wilson is an example of a man whom the job exactly fits. Now that the inauguration is over, most roads, as usual, lead to Atlanta. The Wonderful Prosperity Of Free Trade England. On the eve of a thoroughgoing and downward revision of American tariff schedules, it is reassur ing to note the prosperity which English trad& and industry enjoy without any tariff protection at all. It was some ten years ago that the British "Conser vatives” or "Tories,” whose politics may he likened in some respects to that of the Republican party in the United States, started their campaign for a levy of import duties. They predicted that if free-trade continued England’s commerce would slacken and fall back, that home industries would suffer and almost die, that there would be no employment for labor-and no profits for capital; in short, that the country’s business would be ruined. But all these gloomy prophecies are flatly belied by the record of Great Britain’s commercial growth within the very period of the futile efforts to place a so-called "protective” tariff about her ports. “Since 1903,” says the New York Evening Post in commenting on official statistics recently compiled, “the total value of the foreign trade of the- United—Kingdom has increased forty-nine per cent, a thing that the most hopeful free trader would not have dared to look for ( Since 1893, the imports have increased thirty-six per cent and the exports by the enormous amount of seventy-one per cent. In spite of thq, tremendous strain and loss produced by gigantic strikes in the past two years, the home business and industry in the United Kingdom are in a highly prosperous state, unemployment has come down to a very low figure and wages are rising.” The Democrats have no program of absolutely free trade for the United States nor of any revolu tionary and pellmell changes in the existing tariff schedules. They realize that a system which has been long decades in developing cannot be wiped out forthwith. They realize that tariff revision must be undertaken and carried out in a spirit of prudent regard for the economic interests that are interlaced with the present system. But ;i their purpose to revise the tariff “unhesitatingly and stead ily downward," they are fortified with the practical example of mighty and prosperous England and are impelled by the practical demands of the American people. Our art appreciation will soon be quickened by the attractive folders the summer resorts will be sending out. March 17 is the day when America is given over formally to the Irish. Popular Panama. Though it is doubtful that Panama will ever be come a pleasure resort, its attractions to sightseers just now is remarkable. During the short month of February, six thousand two hundred and thirty- seven visitors from divers parts of America were landed at Colon, travelers who had no direct interest or connection with the building of the canal, but who were led thither to see the great task in the crown ing stages of its completion. The New York Times aptly comments that “as Panama is so far from al most everywhere else that it takes a good deal of time and not a little money to get there, the drawing power is evidently commensurate with its magni tude.” The tourist tide to the Panama zone may be ex pected thenceforth to increase. Those who now make the trip are advance comers who for the most part have some appreciation of engineering feats and wish a clear view of the canal’s structural work. The full force of popular curiosity is yet to make itself manifest, hut it is steadily developing. The canal will appeal to men everywhere as one of the world’s great wonders. Tourist trips to Panama are becoming cheaper and more convenient, and they will doubtless grow more and more so. The isthmus is being provided with modernly equipped hotels, so that the visitor is as sured of every comfort. Of particular importance is the fact that the country itself has been redeemed from the plagues that once made it perilous to health. Indeed, the work of the United States gov ernment in rendering the zone sanitary is scarcely less remarkable than the building of the canal itself. The marvel qf the entire achievement will take a stronger and stronger hold on the public’s imagina tion, and in time no traveler will find his ambition satisfied until he has seen the canal. The world do move, and in England they are figuring on reforming the house of lords. It Is very apparent that the present administra tion doesn’t get Its inspiration from rum and to bacco. “I The Wilson Way. LOVE the people but' I do not like to stage me to their eyes,” says one of Shakespeare’s worthy dukes, “nor do I count the man of safe discretion who does affect it.” That is the tem per of sincere democracy; and that is the manner, the simple unpretentious manner, of the American who now governs at the White House. Overworked and misconstrued as it often is, the phrase, “Jeffersonian simplicity,” holds a genuine and a really nobie suggestion. It implies a freedom from tawdry or useless display! a natural sympathy and kinship with the ways of every-day folk, a dig nity that rises above tinsel and outward trappings and trusts to inherent worth. No personal cir cumstance of the new administration is more dis tinctive or refreshing than its adherence to what may be called “the Wilsonian simplicity.” The new President has not set out purposely to break White House precedents; he has simply gone on living his own life as any citizen would, with never a thought to hedge himself about with the pomp or spangles of office. One of his first acts was to relieve the newspaper men of a binding tradition that forbade them to quote the President in the first person. He rea soned that if he had anything to say, he had as well say it directly and that there was no objection to him being quoted, if he were quoted truthfully. Last Sunday the President went to church. It never occurred to him that his attendance at the service should or would be different from that of any one else similarly disposed. But on approaching the church where he intended to worship, he saw that the sidewalks were packed with crowds drawn thither out of sheer curiosity. He took in the situa tion before he himself was observed and straightway told the chauffeur to drive to another church, where he entered and departed comparatively unnoticed. The next evening Mr. Wilson and his family, ac companied by guests, went to a play. Now, it has been a custom that when a President enters the theater, the orchestra shall solemnly render- the “Star Spangled Banner,” while the audience stands; that the Presidential box shall he gorgeously deco rated, that the President shall be accompanied by a retinue, glittering with braid; and that the Presi dential party shall be furnished complimentary tickets. Mr. Wilson saw no occasion for such dis play or special favors. He was going to the theater for recreation not for exhibition; he wanted to see a show, not be one. And so, he entered unheralded and unattended by gaily uniformed officers; and he paid for his own tickets. The President has expressed his intention of not keeping for his private social use the govern ment yacht, “Mayflower,” which for long seasons past has been 'employed as a pleasure craft for teas and dances given by the White House family. If Mr. Wilson finds need for any ship of the navy for official purposes, he will call it into service but, as the Washington dispatches relate, “he will not keep at his beck "and call for pleasure trips the Mayflower or any other craft of her type.” These are hut a few instances of the President’s thoroughly natural and democratic attitude to the great office he holds. Unaffected and unconcerned with the limelight, he is ‘doing the nation’s work from day to day, tremendously in earnest over the duties of his station but utterly indifferent to its bric-a-brac. There are public men and there have been Presidents, who do little things with great solemnity; Woodrow Wilson has the dis tinction of doing great things with rare simplicity; and that is the spirit which makes the Presidency truly Impressive and noble. Also the president continues his policy of saying exactly what he means. It makes a man feel good when he is pretty cer tain he is going to miss a train and doesn’t. Effective Health Campaigns. The aggressive and fruitfut service of the North Carolina state board of health is attracting coun trywide attention. Its work is described editorially by the New York Sun as “an example of business like application of sanitary science to the needs of the people;” and that newspaper commends the North Carolina plan to the authorities of New York state. This should be particularly interesting to Geor gians for the reason that their own state’s health de partment is pursuing substantially the same methods as those for which our neighboring commonwealth is so cordially praised; and, if the legislature will be duly liberal in its appropriations, Georgia will rank in the forefront of the nationwide campaign for public health. The funds allotted to the North Carolina board enable it to issue daily bulletins on subjects of hy giene and the prevention of disease, direct and sim ply worded messages to the people, instructing them as to how they can keep well. One of these bulletins recently declared that between two thousand and twenty-four hundred lives were saved in North Caro lina last year through the public health campaign. Two thousand lives at $1,700 each, the lowest generally accepted valuation, represents a saving of $3,400,000 for this single item, says the bul letin. If any one says that $1,700 is too much for a human life, ask him what he will take for his. Nothing is allowed here for the sickness prevented or the increased efficiency obtained through health work; they would bring the total saving to the state through health work alone up to $5,000,000 for last year. And further: “One of the greatest troubles with health work is that we do not know, and can never tell, whose life has been or is going to be saved from preventable) disease. All we do know is thaj. in one-sixth of the state 265 people died from typhoid in 1911 and only 162 died from tyhpoid in 1912. No one knows who the lucky 103 people were. But one thing is certain, if the ravages of typhoid had gone on last year as •they did in 1911, those 103 people would not be answering to roll call today. They are the ones that owe gratitude to health work. Are you one of the luckies? If you think you might be, why don’t you try to pass a good thing along and urge more health work in your own town, county and state? You owe it to your fellow citizens.” For several years past the Georgia state bof»d of health has been issuing popular bulletins which deal with matters that are of broad and immediate in terest. These messages to the people of the state have accomplished much, but vastly more could be accomplished if the board were given all the finan cial support It deserves. The present abundance of water Is doubtless in tended by nature for the watermelon. WALLS AND ARMOR By Dr. Frank Crane % One marked way in which the modern world dif fers in appearance from the ancient world is the ab sence of walls. Every city in antique days was sur rounded by a huge pile of stone wherein were thick gates. No city in modern civilization has a wall which it uses for defense; some of them have remains of walls preserved as curiosities. The Chinese built a vast wall o defend their whole frontier. The walls about the city of Rome still stand, but are of no military use. They are pre served merely for their pictur esqueness. The castles, towers and strong holds of a former age in Europe are practically now in the same category as grandfather’s sword chat hangs over the fireplace. In Paris the old wall lines are replaced by boulevards. Former ly a city of ten thousand was not considered safe without a protecting wall to keep out the enemy; now cities of millions are wide open. At the same time armor has disappeared. It can be found only in museums and among the relics in family halls. The plain reason seems to be that invention has lendered walls and armor almost useless. No barrier of stone can be built that cannot be pulverized by modern gunfc; no armor made that cannot be pierced by the modern rifle. Put yourself, now, in the place of a person living in the age of Richard Coeur de Lion or Chevalier Bay ard, and suppose you were told that the time would come when walls and armor would no more be used; would it not seem to you unthinkable? You would be prone to say, “If you take away walls from the citj- and armor from the duke, how can society exist? Would not the barbarians speedily invade and extin guish civilization?” Logically* they would. Really, they did not. One of the slowest lessons men learn is that when they cease to defend they cease to be attacked. When walls ^were removed invasions practically ceased. The taking off of armor made the noble’s life safer. There is no r^asoif, except divine reason, in this. It is simply a fact. In the same way the abolition of armies and na vies by the nations of the world would just a. cer tainly mean the cessation of the menace of invasion or any other sort of war. Isn’t it queer how many thousand years it takes a stupid world to learn the plain common-sense of Je sus, who said that the best way to conquer the man who smites you on one cheek is to turn the other? New Words Were Blackballed Thpmas R. Lounsbury in Harper’s Magazine. Always, indeed, in the history of every tongue, men have insisted on maintaining a firm stand against the entrances into it of new expressions of any sort. In so doing they have honestly believed that they were actuated not by a senseless but by a holy zeal for purity of speech. The strongest sort of opposi tion has been frequently offered to the recognition of words which it would now seem to us we could hardly do withou The feeling existed in high places. In 1773 the fourth edition of Johnson’s dictionary was published. It was the last edition which appeared un der his own supervision. Boswell tells us that he in vain urged Johnson to insert civilization. This was just then beginning to take the 1 place of civility in the sense of being opposed to barbarism. He refused to acknowledge the intruder. Humiliating he admitted to be a word frequently used, but he did not know it to be legitimate English—whatever that means. So, though he inserted the noun).humiliation, the corre sponding verb and adjective are not found in his final revised edition. Not long after this time development appeared in the title of a book. Its author was stern ly informed by one of his reviewers that there was no such word in the language. William Taylor, of Nor wich, somewhat renowned for the peculiar words he used in his writings, sent an article to the Monthly Review, in which occurred the verb habilitate. It was at once once struck out by the editor. It was not English, Taylor was informed, and would not have been understood. It may be said in palliation if not defense of this action that it was not until the latter half of the nineteenth century that the word became well known, especially tn the sense of whitewashipg questionable characters. A woman will cry over a heroine in a novel. She would probably call said heroine a designing cat if she met her in real lire. * * * Joe Struthers says he has quit trying to be philo sophical because he notices that bei/ig too philosophicr al is what gets a man to wearing hay wire instead of suspenders. * * * “I don’t see what makes my wife play solitaire.’’ “It does seem rather trivial amusement.” “Not only that, but it affords her no possible excuse to. stop the game and ask ‘What’s trumps?* ” * * * He gave advice and never quit. He tossed it ’round both far and nigh, and was annoyed when some of it flew back and hit him in the eye. w *■ * When a young man is willing to try to explain th® tariff and a young woman is willing to listen, you may take it as a pretty sure sign of true love. PHILANDER JOHNSON. H O O ’ S H O O BY JOHN W. CAREY. Who drags upon the Turkish rug the nabobs with the dust—the gents who own the universe, yclept the Money Trust ? Who sits him in the swivel chair in Washington, D. C., and puts your Banker Ba ker through the well-knew third 1 e g r e e ? W r ho summons Mr. Morgan' for a quiet little chat, and listehs to the story that he tells 'him through his hat? Who tells his sleuths to “get that guy” and “get him good and quick” when Mr. Rocke feller sends him word that he is sick? Who’s free to go ahead and get the money combine’s nan? (WE’VE got a per fect alibi.) That Mr. Pujo man. W.hen you feel resentful against the rain, re member that 1913 is still behind the normal. Soon the south will he preparing for the more peaceful if none the less dangerous invasion of the Mexican boll .weevil. ^(OUAITRY rjOME TOPICS OWlCTED BYJT6S. \T. HJJT.LTD/1 getting out op the white house. We are gravely told that Mr. Taft and his wife went out at the back door of the White House as President Wilson and his wife came in at the front door on inauguration, day, and the late occupants chose to hustle to tile depot, jump aboard a train and get away somewhere out of sight, something like scared rabbits, on their way to Georgia. .Prithee! Why such haste? Why not “take a hasty cup of tea” as did General Polk before he started to the battlefield of Chicka- rnauga? I’m sure it would look better to vacate the premises in a more leisurely manner, less like one had had been hurried out by the toe of an angry boot, or been given a ticket of leave with scant limitations! If I had been Mrs, Taft I’d have sent bag and bag gage to the Union station early in the morning and gone direct to the train from the nearby capitol, rather than give the incomers a look at my back as I scurried down the back steps and slipped out the back way as she vacated the White House on the 4th of March. It is a most undignified climax to a change of ad ministration, and I thought so when Mrs. Cleveland’s departure was painfully chronicled with her babies and her nurses. Enough said on this line, but it is a fitting text on ‘human vanity and the perishing glories of political ambition. The good Catholics of Augusta are letting down Mr. Taft easily (as it is possible) because Mrs. Taft is said to be an ardent Catholic in her faith and envi ronment, and the Augustans propose to amuse the wounded child with a little golf and taffy until tears cease to flow and the game leg quits hurting. If I had been Mr. Taft I’d have made a straight track to Cincinnati and put up with Brother Charley for a week or so, and I would have gone downtown early in the day and said “Good morning” like a man with a head on him. He gives evidence that he was too small a peg to fit in the hole, and was placed in positions that greater men should occupy. ^vnd the paths of political ambition seem to lead to the grave, as there was but one living ex-president when Mr. Taft reigned in the White House and the assassin’s bullet nearly robbed us of that one last Oc tober. It was - miracle that Teddy escaped with his life, and also gives proof that he did not die from grief when he gave up the White House, as so many of these highly promoted gentlemen have done. Mr. Taft has had h.s mouth on the public teat ever since he came of age and ' * is going to test his endur ance to work for his living, l3ut if golf will let him down easily, of course, I am glad he knows how to play golf. ALFALFA AND ITS POPULARITY. When I first came to Bartow county, just married, nearly sixty years ago, I found in our family garden a strange looking plant and it was used to border some flower beds. I was told the plant was called "lucerne." We allowed it to grow as a bordering, but cut it off with the hoe when it begun to spread out. That was my first acquaintance with the most remarkable forage plant of the twentieth century alfalfa- It is now a staple crop in the majority of the agricultural states of these United States. We southerners buy the baled alfalfa to feed to our horses and mules to make cotton crops with. A11 sorts of stock are fond of alfalfa hay. It seems to be a favorite over the standard red clover. Even before the war we had large clover fields, but we were timid concerning alfalfa. gees (it should be written runagees), without any money fees (it should be written runagees), without any money and hardly put to it to get cornbread to eat, we had clover fields on which our old lean, rundown cows and mules got a living. What would have happened to us if we had failed to get milk and butter, and to occa sionally sell some beef to buy flour and meal to eat, I am sure I cannot say. It kept us alive, and although we do not incline to clover any more (because we are like our neighbors, confirmed cotton-tots) I shall al ways praise the bridge that carried over a lot of im poverished folks in a time of sore penury and anxiety. I do wish some of my Country Home readers would buy alfalfa seed and test the matter of this forage crop in old Georgia. Clover cannot survive in a droughty season. Maybe alfalfa would do better. Aerograms From Antiquity BY EDWARD J. COSTELLO CASTLE GIANO, Spain, March 12 (A. D. 1507).— Cesare Borgia, one of th e most picturesque princes of the present age, was assassinated here today. The missile was thrown from one of the walls of the castie, by whom has not been established. But the assassin is believed to have been employed by survivors of the League of Italian Princes, members Of which were treacherously murdered at Borgia’s behest oq the day of the victory at Sinigaglia.” Borgia, or the Duke of Valentin, as he was often called, was the man of whom it has been said: “He deserved to be the ideal of Machiavelli (the Florentine statesman), not because he was more perfidious than other princes, not for having been the assassin of his father, for he could not surpass his father in cruelty and depravity, but for having made crime into a sci ence, for having set up a school of crime and given lessons in it.” Perhaps to no other character has a more spectacular career been allotted. He was the son of Rodrigo Borgia, an Italian of Spanish origin, who afterward became Pope Alexander VI. Cesare was made a cardinal by his father, but, be ing ambitious, soon resigned the purple to devote him self to the profession of arms. In 1499 he married the daughter o’ the King of Navarre, and assisted Loui3 XII in the conquest of the Romagna in Italy for the Holy See. He became Duke of Romagna in 1501, and shoi tly afterward, by treachery and violence, made himself master of Urbino. The leaguj of Italian princes was formed to resist him, but he kept them in awe' by force until he had succeeded in winning some of them against the others, and then treacherously murdered them on the day of the Sinigaglia victory. Valentino now seized their possessions, and seemed to have removed every obstacle in the way of becom ing King of Romagna and of Umbria, when his father died. One account has it that the father and son in vited a cardinal to their table, but drank the poison which had been intended for the guest. The conse quence was a severe illness for both from which the father died. Borgia, some time prior to this, is said to have told Michiavelli that on- hig father's death he hoped to nominate a pope. He had foreseen everything ex cept the possibility of his being incapacitated by'ill ness at the demise of his father, and this was pre cisely wh:_* happened. He was unable to help him self at' a time when the utmost activity aqd presence of mind were, requisite for his affairs. When Julius II accepted the papal throne Cesare was arrested and conveyed to the Castle of Medina del Campos in this country, where he lay imprisoned for two years. Several months ago he contrived to effect his escape to the King of Navarre, whom he accompanied in the war against Castile. His sudden death today was the result. His sister, Lucrezia Borgia, has been represented as placed outside the pale of humanity by her wan tonness, her vices, and her crimes, but it is probable that a little investigation would refute the more ex travagant’ of these assertions. Certain it is that Ce sare set her a bad example when he killed her hus band, the Duke of Bisceglie. CHANGING ADMINISTRATIONS II. MAKING APPOINTMENTS. By Frederic J. Haskin A wise man is one who isn’t as many kinds of a fool as the average. To the person "who never has had to choose be tween a dozen rival claimants in the filling of one po sition the claims of each urged by men who know how to beg, beseech, and even to de- r mand, the task that confronts a president when he assumes I office and sees 100,000 appli- r ♦ -^i cants for 11,000 jobs may not appear so serious. But it is a task that has almost resulted in the political undoing of some presidents, has made many en emies for others, and has ruf fled the temper even of such a placid chief magistrate as •William McKinley. * • • It was a task that tore the Republican party asunder when Garfield became president and received his ,? cussing out” at the hands of Conkling; a task that made innumerable ene mies for Grover Cleveland; a task that disgusted the younger Harrison and caused him to become the Human Icicle in office; a task that only Roosevelt could approach with equanimity, and that Taft escaped only because he started out to carry out “my policies.” * * * President Wilson’s reputed feeling that the best argument against an appointment, generally speaking, is made by th e act of the man seeking if, has not, as might be expected, deterred the office seekers. They have felt that that was one of those "white lies” that a man high in authority must tell to save his office from swarms of office seekers who try to win his fa vor. It might be estimated that there are approxi mately 1,000,000 voters in the United S fetes who are as willing as Barkis that their distinguished services should be utilized by the Wilson administration, and that is probably under the fact rather than over the mark. • * • Certainly, there will be several hundred thousand active candidates for appointment, and the majority of these will feel that if they could lay their cause directly before the President they would be sure to land the job they seek. They will, therefore, for sev eral moons make miserable the lives of the forty peo ple around the White House. * * • The president seldom decides any other appoint ments than those of the members of his cabinet be fore his inauguration. He waits to hear the claims of all who are put forward for the bigger berths in the departmental and diplomatic services, and usually waits until he has, these decided upon before he takes up, except in unusual cases, the postal, customs, in ternal revenue and department of justice places in the field. Some idea of how the task of the president has grown from McKinley to Wilson may be gathered from the fact that while McKinley had only 4,815 of fices to fill with th© advice and consent of the sen ate, Wilson has 11,000. • • • It will be seen that although the number of posi tions transferred to the civil service between the In auguration of McKinley and that of Wilson goes far up into the thousands, the tremendous growth of the service of Uncle Sam gives Wilson nearly two and s half times as much patronage as McKinley had. • • • It usually takes three or four days for the mem bers of a new cabinet to get their bearings after they are nominated. They are named on March 4, con firmed on the 5th, and sworn in on the 6th, as a rule, and sometimes their predecessors help them out un til the 9th or 10th. Usually about two weeks elapse before the first important new appointments are made. When McKinley came into power it was the 16th of March before he sent in his first nominations —after those of his cabinet—John Hay to be ambas sador to Great Britain and General Horace Porter to b e ambassador to France. • • • President Wilson will have several thousand ap pointments t) make in the service in Washington. In the state department he will have three assistant sec retaries and a half dozen or more other prominent officials. Of course, he will be guided largely by the recommendations of the secretary of state in making them. A president very seldom goes over the heads of his chief advisers in making such appointments; unless the reasons are extremely urgent he defers almost entirely to tae selections and recommendations of his cabinet officers. When there are such urgent considerations he will probably say something like thus; “Mr. Secretary, it seems that we cannot ignore the claims of Mr. So and So, and if you can see youf way clear to appoint him, I shall be pleased.'* Of course, the secretary, when it comes down to that* gladly, unless he has the most urgent reasons, waives his own choice in the matter. More usually the pres ident shifts the 'burden to the shoulders of his cabi net officers and refers the contending applicants to the one under whose portfolio the position being sought is given out. • * * Next to the postoffice department the largest list- of presidential appointments, outside of the arfny and navy, is to be found in the treasury department. Here are three assistant secretaries, and under them the supervising architect, the director of the bureau of engraving and printing, the chief of the secret serv ice, the general superintendent of the life saving service, the comptroller of the treasury, who passes upon the legality of all money paid out by the treas ury, the registrar of th e treasury, a job that nearly always goes to a negro, the auditors for the several departments, the treasurer of the United States, th* comptroller of th e currency, the commissioner of in ternal revenue, the director of the mint and the sur geon general of the public health service. • • • Such positions as these the president fills in all the departments in Washington. Outside of Washing ton he has the 8,000 postoffices of th© presidential class, 1 fhe several hundred customs and internal rev enue officials, the. half a thousand positions in the diplomatic and consular service, the several hundred United States marshals and district attorneys, and the like. • • • With the positions in the several states, including the marshalships, the district attorneyships, the col- lectorships and the postmasterships, the procedure has been somewhat simplified, and certain position* are filled upon the recommendations of senators and others upon the recommendations of representatives, It is not probable that the policy of the Wilson ad ministration will depart radically from this, because, although it generally is regarded as a bad method, 1| seems to be about the most satisfactory one yet de» vised for filling these places. « * * • • The president is always limited in his choice by tht willingness of the senhte to acquiesce in it. A marked difference of opinion exists as to whether the senate has any right to recommend appointees or not. Thf constitution says that the president may make the ap pointments "with the advice and consent” of the sen* ate, and senators frequently have contended that thi* gives the senate such a right. Others take the con trary view and say that the senate has no power over a nomination until it is actually made. In prac tice the contending views are somewhat harmonized by the recognition the p-csident gives to the recom mendation of individual senators. ARMLESS Benham—I have alw’ays been sorry for the VaM of Milo. Mrs. Benham—Why? Benham—She couldn’t go through her husband’s pockets.