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4 t 4 THE ATLANTA SEMI-WEEKLY JOURNAL, ATLANTA, GA., TUESDAY, SEPTEMBER 16, 1913. THE SEMI-WEEKLY JOURNAL ATLANTA, GA., 5 NORTH TOBBYTH ST. Entered at the Atlanta Postoffice as Mall Matter ot the Second Class. JAMES R. GRAY, President and Editor. SUBSCRIPTION PRICE v Twelve months 75e Six months 10c Three months 25o The Semi-Weekly Journal Is published on Tuesday and Friday, and is mailed by the shortest routes for early delivery. It contains news from all over the world, brought by special leased wires Into our office. It has a staff of distinguished contributors, with strong department* of special value to the home and the farm. Agents war ted «t every postoffioe. Liberal cons* mission allowed. Outfit free. Write R. R- BRAD LEY, Circulation Manager. The only traveling representatives we have are J. A. Bryan, R. F. Bolton. C. C. Coyle, L. H. Kim brough and C. T. Yates. We will be responsible only for money paid to the above named traveling repre sentatives. Through this council, the bankers can exercise a use ful influence in the administration of the new sys tem. The Government, we may be sure, will not be slow to avail itself of their experience nor to profit by good disinterestedly offered. The important and essential feature of the new system will be its freedom from the control of any special interest and, hence, its ability to serve the I common interests of the United States. And that | is the one great requisite of a banking and -currency t plan that will meet the financial needs of this day, j that will be at once secure and responsive, that will guarantee business freedom and business stability. The Glass-0 wen bill makes no pretense to perfection. In matters of detail it has already been amended to advantage; it will perhaps undergo other changes before its final enactjnent; and after it is a law, it will be readjusted as occasion may demand or expe rience warrant. Uut the basic principle of the bill, that of public instead of private control, must stand for the reason that it is wise and right. NOTICE TO SUBSCRIBERS. The label used for addressing your paper shows the time your subscription expires. By renewing at least two weeks before the date on this label, you insure regular service. In ordering paper changed, be sure to mention your old, as well as your new address. If on a rout© please give the route number. We cannot enter subscriptions to begin with back numbers. Remittances should be sent by postal order or registered mall. Address all orders and notices for this de partment to THE SEMI-WEEKLY JOURNAL, Atlanta, Ga. The Basic Principle Of the Currency Bill. T HE overshadowing issue of the hanking and currency bill now before Congress is whether -control of the nation’s monetary resources shall be private or public, whether it shall bn left with particular groups of financiers or shall be vested in the Government itself to the end that banks may be “the instruments, not the masters of business.” Other questions of more or less moment are involved but this is the one great principle em bedded in the pending bill; and on no other basis may financial interests expect to secure a new sys tem of banking and currency, better suited to their own and the common country’s needs than the crude, outworn system which now prevails. The need of prompt reform is universally recog nized. The bankers themselves have been most in sistent upon a change. They realize more- keenly, perhaps, than anyone else how essential is such leg islation to the security and progress of business. Yet, when the opportunity for constructive reform is ripe some of them are urging delay and are holding out for impossible compromises. Some of them, in deed, seem to forget that laws must be framed not for the benefit of particular interests but for the peo ple’s common good. No one doubts that under the system proposed by the Giass-Owen currency bill certain banking in terests will be far less powerful than now, but every one who views the measure with ai. open mind be lieves that the business of the country as a whole will be far more stable and free. That, indeed, is the prime purpose of the administration measure. Were it designed to serve bankers alone, if would be un worthy a moment’s thought from Congress and cer tainly it would not receive a moment’s support from the rank and file of the people. Whatever its details may be, any bill that passes the Democratic Congress and receives President Wilson’s approval must em body the one essential principle of Government in stead of private control for the new system. This provision is as wise, from an economic stand point as it is necessary from a political standpoint. The fatal weakness of our present Danking and cur rency system lies largely in the fact that it lias no responsible or trustworthy control. It is under the dominion of particular groups of men and particular centers of finance but there is no central force by which its complex machinery may be driven to serve the nation’s common needs. It works smoothly enough for a favored few but it scarcely works at all for the great mass of.interests on which steady, enduring prosperity depends. ' The fact is our banking affairs have been left virtually ungoverned; for certainly a regime that places the country’s commerce and industry and en terprise at the mercy of small coteries of financiers who can dictate terms of credit to suit themselves and who, were they so minded, could even create a panic—certainly such a regime is not government, rather, it is anarchy and chaos. And in times of storm or stress, it leaves the average business In terest, whether a bank, a store, a factory or a farm, without refuge or protection. The unrestrained will of individuals is the very antithesis of government, and the gravest menace to freedom that can be con ceived. Yet, this is the condition that will continue so long as banking and currency affairs remain under private control. It is to remedy this great evil and to avert consequent disasters that the measure ' now before Congress is designed. The bill provides, among other things, for the establishment of twelve so-called regional reserve banks in different parts of the country and for a supervisory federal board through which the Government itself will exercise competent control over the workings of the new system. It has been objected that such a board would be partisan and political in character and would pos sess undue power, and furthermore that active bank ers are to be excluded from its membership. The power of this board in its particular sphere would be no greater than that of the Interstate Commerce Commission over the country’s transportation busi ness. Time was when interstate commerce was com paratively without Government supervision, but today the railroads themselves realize that the federal commission is helpful to them as well as to the pub lic. It has established certainty and order where un certainty and dangerous confusion once existed and not once has it been tainted with anything like par tisanship or abuse of authority. The exclusion of active bankers from the proposed board is so obviously proper that it leaves little room for discussion. The fact that a man is experienced in banking would in no wise disqualify him for service on the federal board; but if he were identified with some particular banking institution, he would then be clearly incapacitated for public duties of this kind. He would have to sever private connec- tions 3 before assuming a public trust. The very essencs of efficient service on such a board would be disin terestedness. It should be noted, too, that the pend ing bill as amended provides for an advisory coun cil of bankers elected by the bankers of all sections. Nationl Aiad For Agricultural Needs. Several important measures looking to the devel opment of a national system of modern agriculture are pending in Congress. Those of especial note are the bills introduced by Senator Hoke Smith, Senator Page, of Vermont, and Representative Lever, of South Carolina. , Though differing somewhat in matters of detail, the common purpose of all these bills is to secure legislation that will enrich rural life, that will make the soil more productive and farm management more efficient and, what is particuarly essential, carry the advantages of agricultural research and education more directly to a larger number of people. These measures have been held temporarily in. abeyance because of the pressure of tariff and cur rency legislation; but at the regular session of Con gress the coming winter they will demand much at tention and definite action. It is, therefore, gratify ing to note that the House committee on education and labor, of which Representative Hughes, of Geor gia, is chairman, has favorably reported a resolution which provides that a commission be appointed to study in, its entirety the subject of all these bills and report some comprehensive plan in December. This method will greatly expedite agricultural legislation by enabling all the supporters of this great cause to rally around a single proposition. No work of Congress could he more constructive or more practical. The time has come when the best thought and energies of government, both federal and State, must be applied to the country’s agricultural problems. Our food production is far behind the increase in population, and that is one of the prime causes of the high cost of living. Our soil is not producing anything like as much to the acre as the soil of Eu ropean countries. Our farmers are handicapped by the lack of adequate marketing facilities and the lack of a satisfactory system of rural- credits. All these matters vitally concern the people as a whole; .in the long run, they are as important to the mer chant, the banker and the manufacturer as to the farmer himself. Our State colleges of agriculture are doing excel lent work and the federal department of agriculture is serving very useful ends. But there is manifest need of reaching the rank and file of farmers more directly and more continually. This is one of the chief aims of the bill by Senator Hoke Smith which purposes for one thing, to “carry to the farmer the' best methods and practices that have been deter mined at the agricultural colleges and experiment stations by maintaining in each agricultural county a skilled farm demonstrator who will be the repre sentative of the extension department of the State college of agriculture, the expense to be shared by the State and the federal government.” Kill the Cottqn Tax. So admirable a work of legislation as the Demo cratic tariff bill, designed as it is to encourage in dividual enterprise and to promote the common wel fare of the American people, should not be tainted with an amendment which in effect will foster a new and dangerous monopoly aftd bring irreparable hard ship upon hundreds of thousands of our citizens. That is the character of the so-called Clarke amendment which proposes to tax, at the rate of fifty cents a bale, all cotton sold for future delivery. The Senate has ill-advisedly allowed this pernicious clause to creep into the tariff measure. The Demo crats of the House should now insist unswervingly that it be eliminated. It is foreign to the entire pur pose and spirit of true tariff reform. It is at va riance with all those liberal policies for which the Wilson administration stands. It is un-Democratic, unwise and unjust. The public is so familiar with the general merits of this issue that they need not now he discussed in detail. Suffice it to say that the proposed tax, by de priving cotton merchants of the so-called "hedge” protection, would force out of the market the rank and file of small buyers and thereby concentrate the power of merchandising cotton in the hands of a few large interests. The effect of this upon the cot ton producer is easily foreseen. Even should a con siderable number of buyers remain in business and pay the almost prohibitive tax on future contracts, they would naturally discount the price they hereto fore have paid the farmer and thus at the farmer’s ex pense insure themselves against loss. In any event, it would be the cotton grower who would bear the brunt -of this unjust tax. It would be from his labor, his earnings that the tribute would ultimately be drawn. Cotton interests as a whole would suffer. The average merchant and manu facturer would be damaged but the heaviest injury of all would be visited upon the Southern farmer. Though the avowed purpose of the Clarke amend ment is to prevent gambling in futures, it is palpably insincere, for while prescribing a prohibitive tax for cotton futures, it takes no account whatsoever of hedging in com and wheat and other commodities. Were the proposed amendments at all consistent it would apply alike to every commodity in which con tracts for future delivery are made. Instead, how ever, it singles out for penalty the one staple which above all others is most subject to continual and vio lent fluctuations In price and i» which the hedge pro tection is most necessary. The Senate recognizee) the danger of such a scheme when it provided that the proposed tax should not become operative until September, 1914; at the final moment the Senate became cautious, though it is to be regretted that it did not fully accede to the logical pleas of leading Southern Senators and kill the amendment outright. That, however, is now clearly the duty of the House Democrats. Let them stand firmly against the Clarke amendment and it will die a natural and deserved death. The Treasures of Georgia Clay. Among the most inviting, though as yet undevel oped, industries in Georgia is that of pottery. State Geologist McCallie calls timely attention to the fact that Georgia clay is now being shipped to Ohio and there manufactured into the finest and costliest china. At a recent meeting of the geological board he exhibited several specimens of this ware which had been made of kaolin taken from beds in Twiggs county, a short Astg.nce below Macon; and he also read letters from the manufacturers themselves who testify that the Georgia clay has all the qualities es sential to the production of the best grades of china. This does not mean, of course, that every clod of mud in the State can be transformed into a rare and beautiful cup, but it does mean that a targe area of kaolin, deposits which are now unutilized or are sold in the crude state for comparatively little could to turned to highly profitable account. This clay when shipped to distant manufacturing centers brings only about seven dollars a ton; If it were worked in Georgia potteries, its potential value would be nearer seven hundred or seven thousand dollars a ton. It is to be hoped that Mr. McCallie’s wise sugges tions in this regard will commend themselves to thoughtful business men and also to our educational institutions. Scnools like the Georgia Tech can do a vast deal toward stimulating practical interest in such enterprises by establishing courses of study along this line. Boards of trade or chambers of com merce in towns that are adjacent to kaolin beds would do well to exploit these resources. The State Chamber of Commerce* whose organization Is soon to he perfected in a meeting at Macon could under take no more seasonable work than that of encourag ing the development of pottery industries. The fact is the entire. South should awake to the importance of using its clays. The Manufacturers Record states that last year the value of all the clay products in the country amounted to $172,811,275, to which the South contributed only $31,285,039, or less than one-fifth. “The value of the country’s out put of brick and tile,” the same authority tells us, “$136,307,111, the South's share being $27,199,029.” “It is suggestive of the South’s opportunity, with its abu/ndanec of clays of many kinds, to note that two States, Ohio and Pennsylvania, had in 1912 brick and tile to the value of $28,- 711,454, or $1,512,428 greater than the value of brick and tile made in thz South; and that the value of clay products in Ohio alone was $8,256,- 469 greater than the value of such products in the ^ South. Ohio led in the value of pottery with $15,508,735.” In the manufacture of brick and tile, Georgia holds a leading place among her neighbor States. Her products of this kind for the past year are valued at $2,787,484, a record far ahead of Alabama’s, Flor ida’s, North and South Carolina’s, Tennessee’s and Virginia’s and somewhat better than that Gf Kentucky and Texas. It should be noted, however, that while the value of Georgia’s brick and tile is $2,787,484, the value of all its clay products is only $2,806,541, a comparison which shows that the manufacture of its clays into the rarer and costlier wares is being sadly neglected. This is but one among many of the State’s re sources which remain to be developed. That its pos sibilities will be realized in the near future, can scarcely be doubted. It was comparatively a few years ago that the peach or the pecan industry was seri ously undertaken in Georgia; but today they are of far-reaching importance. With the aid of science, capital will yet turn Georgia clay to wonderfully profitable uses. New York Politics Simplified. The sudden death of Mayor Gaynor simplifies and" yet, in a measure, complicates the political situation in New York City. Three tickets for the approaching municipal election were in the field, one of them headed by Edward E. McCall, Tammany’s nominee, another by John Purroy Mitchell, candidate of the so-called Fusion movement which was organized to prevent the election of a mayor controlled by Boss Murphy and a third headed by Mayor Gaynor, who was the choice of an independent element opposed equally to the Democratic machine and the Fu- sionists. It was expected that Mayor Gaynor would draw heavily from the strength of Mr. Mitchell, though his campaign for re-election was launched a few days chiefly on a basis of opposition to Tammany. Whether his followers will attempt: to nominate an other candidate in his place is as yet problematical, though it is hardly likely that they will do so, for they depended upon the Mayor’s popularity and his fighting genius. That he would have received a considerable vote, if not a large or victorious one, was never doubted. The question of the hour is to whom this vote will now fall, whether to Tammany or to the anti-Tammany forces. The leaders of the Gaynor campaign can scarcely be reconciled to those of the Fusionist movement. 4 Mr. Mitchell has at tacked them unsparingly and they have fought him in like manner. It would seem, however, that the elimination of the third candidate, if no future entanglements de velop, will result in the defeat of Tammany, an end which thd great majority of good citizens in New York and the nation over-devoutly wish. In the last mayoralty election, the Tammany nominee, who then was Mayor Gaynor, received two hundred and fifty thousand, three hundred and eighty-seven votes. Against him, there were polled mere than three hun dred and thirty-one thousand votes but these were divided between two candidates, so that the Tam many nominee was elected. The present Fusion ticket represents an alliance among independent Democrats, "Progressives” and Republicans. If the issue is drawn squarely between them and the Murphy machine, without the interven tion of a third candidate, the effort to overthrow Tammany will be relatively simple and have a fair prospect of success. Editorials in Brief The American Motorist expresses the opinion that macadam is obsolete, and says that the road of the future must be not only superior to macadam in wearing quality, but also strong enough to hold the weight of loaded trucks weighing eight to ten tons. New macadam construction has been practically “eliminated from consideration by traffic requirements upon the principal highways,” in the view of the most prominent highway engineers, says the Amer ican Motorist. Concrete with a bituminous surface is high in favor as its successor.—Louisville Courier Journal. How a man does enjoy spending money if he can’t afford ltl NEW YORK IN A. D. 2013 BY DR. FRANK CRANE. (Copyright, 1913, by Frank Crane.) This year of grace 1913 the city of New York will overtake and pass London in respect to population and become the largest city in the world. Nowhere since time began has there been so vast and so heterogeneous an aggregation of people as that now embraced in Greater New York and its suburbs. Now that we are at the head of the class it is time we recommenced having a little self-respect. It is time we realized our cityness. The city ought to be more beautiful than the coun try, being nature plus the craft of man. Instead of which all cities are ugly. The reason they are ugly is to be found in the rampant individualism hitherto. Every man builds as he pleases. Beside a marble palace is a rambling shack, covered with red advertisements. We have no civic beauty because we have no civic consciousness. There have been occasional, feeble, sporadic at tempts among the cities of the world to adopt some sort of plan and reconstruct the city toward it. Paris, under Napoleon the Little, cut avenues thorugh solid blocks of buildings for the sake of symmetry, and has now purenased from the general govenrment the old city fortifications, twenty-one miles in extent and five hundred yards wide, to convert them into parks. Berlin has spent millions and is preparing to spend millions more rearranging herself. Chicago has a bold ideal, a plan toward which the young city proposes to work, so that in a hundred years from now the metropolis by Lake Michigan shall appear a harmonious unit. What New York needs is some such ideal. There should be some sort of uniformity in office buildings; not monotony, but artistic cohereno/e. Individual caprice should be subject to communal taste. Our city symbolizes our civilization, slap-bang in dividualism, every fellow for himself and devil take the city. Just to look at a town where every man builds what is right in his own eyes, where any architectural crime is allowed, here personal liberty is inflamed to destroy all social solidarity; just to look at its rows of hideous tenements, its ragged unimproved lots held by speculators until other people shall raise the value of their property, its edifices a hodge-podge of styles, Greek, Gothic, Renaissance, Colonial, English, having no style of its own no self-expression; just to ride through it and observe is to see why its government is smitten with graft and public service is inefficient. It is the materialism of public indifference and pri vate greed. It is time now to begin rebuilding New York for the year 2013. Far-reaching plans should be made. The city soul should awake and assert itself. The twenty-first century should see its mightiest city, its world capital of activity, intelligent in its self-government, beautiful in its self-esteem, a world- example of organized democracy, a world-flower of civic consciousness, a world-model of good taste. How Old Is Dentistry? Tooth-pulling is doubtless as ancient a surgical operation, if so it may be called, as is known to man kind, but tooth-filling has been supposed to be a mod ern invention. Herodotus, and, of course, Galen, knew something about dentistry, but apparently not about fillings. But as early as the sixteenth century there is found printed evidence that the use of gold leaves to fill cavities had long been known, if not generally practiced. The assertion that Egyptian mummies have been found with gold-filled teeth is now generally thought to b e an error arising out of the fact that the Egyp tians often gilded the teeth of mummies for ornament. The question comes up in connection with the ex plorations of Prof. Saville, of Columbia,' in Ecuador. He found many p*'e-Aztec skulls* perhaps 1,000 years old, of a type superior to the Aztetss, and what was especially remarkable was that their teeth showed both gold and cement filling. The New York Sun, in describing this find, says: “The gold-filled teeth struck him as the most unusual feature of his finds. In Mexico he had dug np skulls with teeth filled or ornamented with stone, but he had never before seen gold fillings in a pre historic skull. The gold was on the edges of the teeth, and had been applied from the inside. It showed little on the outside, so the purpose appeared to be less for ornamentation than for utility. “Some of the teeth were filled with cement. In all cases, whether the fillings were gold or cement, the borings indicated that a tool had been used that did the work possibly as well as the instruments of the modern dentist. Some of the teeth that apparently had been loosened were held together by gold banos. • • * Prof. Saville said that the residents, or na tives, of that part of Ecuador where he found the skulls and the pottery, just north of the equator, ap parently were the only primitive people who under stood the art of using jewels and platinum in decora tive art. One of the objects of using gold in the teeth doubtless was ornamentation, but the chief pur pose seemed to be to preserve the teeth.”—The Out look, Bebel's Tremendous Sincerity “Th© end is nothing, the cause is everything"—this was one of the late August Bebel’s most striking ut terances, forged out of his innermost political convic tions. Now that he is gone it is more clear than ever that his great power over the masses lay in his ex traordinarily earnest temperament. Not even oppo nents could listen to the ardor of his speech without feeling the intense sincerity of the man. But some times that very passion of conviction ran away with him, and he said things which he afterwards regretted. He once laughingly declared: “If one had to account for everything that one has said in the heat of battle, the devil would long ago have, carried one off.” xet to hear him even when it was apparent that his tem peramental fire was leading him into exaggerations of statement and belief was ever an intellectual treat, for every art of the great orator was at his service. Old age, sickness and many a buffet of fortune ren dered him personally milder and more resigned, com placent he never was with the status of society; yet when he came to recognize that his ideal state was not to be brought about overnight, or in his lifetime, as he had fondly hoped, it did not embitter him; and at the end he was a genial, kindly, warm-hearted, clear-minded old gentleman, who bore but little re semblance to the wild revolutionst demanding the overturn of almost every custom of society, who ap peared in the old parliament of the North German Confederation and at the first session of the present reichstag.—New York Evening Post. How to Cut a Cantaloupe The common way of dividing a cantaloupe Into halves Is by cutting it from pole to pole, running the knife along in the creases or depressions between the melon's longitudinal rounded ridges; but her e were melons that had s been cut just the other way, not longitudinally but f through their equator, as you might say. The result was that each half presented around its upper outer edge a scalloped effect; produced simply by cutting the melon not lengthwise, between the ridges, but crosswise of them at the middle, each half now showing all those ridges in outline, running uni formly around and at their greatest cross section. Perhaps it is only melons somewhat flattened at the poles that can~advantageously be cut in this fash ion; but a cantaloupe so cut tastes as well as any oth er, while that scalloped effect around the edges is not unpleasing. THE CLEAN MILK CRUSADE I.—CONDITIONS THAT DEMAND REMEDY. BY FREDERIC J. HASKIN. In 1907 there was established in the city of New York a committee known as the New York Milk com mittee. It was organized by the Association for the Improvement of the Condition ot the Poor, and started out mainly to improve the character of thf milk fed to babies of the me tropolis. Immediately after tak ing ap its work the committee found that a larger and more far-reaching problem confronted It—that of improving the na tion’s supply of milk. The work It has accomplished in that di rection constitutes one of the most inspiring achievements In sanitary progress the country lias witnessed. * • • The first step taken by the milk conlmittee was to demonstrate the value of sup plying wholesome milk and education in the care of babies to mothers through milk stations. To this end it organized the Committee for the Reduction of Infant Mortality, for the purpose of uniting all the babies’ welfare activities in New York City. Through its efforts the 150 agencies dealing with babies’ inter ests in New York were given a clearing house for their, labors, and a half million pieces of educational litera- tupre a year are now being distributed to tenement mothers. Out of 1,350 babies born alive and assisted through the first month of their lives by the nurses and doctors of th e committee only thirty-seven died, which is less than one-third as many as died in the' homes of the unassisted. • • • 4 As soon as the work of demontrating the posibili- ties of a proper baby-saving campaign was well on its feet, the milk committee took up another line of en deavor. It had already proved the value of a proper milk supply, and now it wanted to prove that such a milk supply was possible. To this end it decided to show the farmer how he could produce good milk at little or no increase in cost So the Dairy Demon stration company was organized. A dairy at Hoiqer, N. Y., was purchased and rehabilitated for handling the milk supplied by the farmers of that vicinity. They were paid a half^ cent more a quart for milk from tuberculin-tested cows, a fourth of a cent more for milk having a low number of bacteria to the drop, and a fourth of a cent more for milk rich in butter fat. The farmers were assured that good methods were more important than high-priced equipment. All pails and cans were sterilized at the dairy for the farmers, and all they had to do was to put the milk into them and bring it to the dairy. The result of this attempt at scientific dairying was that thirty-five farmers were converted from skeptics into enthuslastiq supporters of the dean milk crusade. • • • Having proved the possibilities of clean milk In the care of babies and the ease with which the co-opera tion of farmers in producing clean milk may be en listed, the next step was to create a commission mads up of the best authorities on milk in the United States^ whose duty it would be to fix a standard of milk torf. such states and municipalities as might see fit to ac cept it. This commission wAs organized In 1911, and has had five meetings. In making up its membership the names of over 200 men of prominence in medicine, sanitation, public health and laboratory work, especially those having a national reputation in milk matters, were considered. Among the seventeen commission ers finally secured to serve are Dr. vV A. Evans, pro fessor of preventive medicine in Northwestern univer sity; Dr. John F. Anderson, director hygienic labora tory United States public health service; Dr. A.* D.f Melvin, chief United States bureau of animal industry, and Dr. John S. Fulton, secretary of the International- Congress of Hygiene and Demography. • • • The commission holds that milk should be graded' according to intelligent standards, just as are wheat, com, oats, cattle and other commodities. The poet. Lamb, was asked upon one occasion what was neces sary tq the enjoyment of salisages, and he replied^ , “Confidence.” The milk commission holds that confi dence is an asset of the highest value in *kh* milk business. • » • The milk produced in this country for market pur-* r poses is divided into three grades by the commission. Grade “A” from cows free from disease as determined by tuberculin tests and physical examinations made by qualified veterinarians, handled by persons freej from disease as determined by a qualified physician, and produced under sanitary conditions such that the bacterial count shall not exceed 200,000 to the cable centimeter. If Pasteurized, the tuberculin test and medical inspection may be omitted. Grade “B” milk, * raw, must come from healthy cows, and must not contain more than 1,000,000 bacteria to the cubic centimeter* Grade “C” milk includes all that has more than 1,000,- OOo bacteria to the cubic centimeter, and is to be used only for cooking purposes. • • • Pasteurized milk must be heatefc to a minimum temperature of 140 degrees, Fahrenheit, for at least twenty minutes, and the commission recommends that automatic recording instruments should be required for making record sheets for the health officers. It is rec ommended that all milk shall be dated so that the consumer may know tfie day it left the cow’s udder. • • ■ The bacterial count method of standardizing milk is used because it furnishes a good check on the pres ence of dirt, underrefrigeration and age. It has not been found, however, that this determines the danger of milk in every instance. To illustrate: Here Is a pail of milk that shows 1,000,000 bacteria to the cubic centimeter, and here is another that shows only 10,000. But the former may be only the result of careless handling, while the latter may consist largely of ty phoid germs, arising from the use of water containing these germs for washing milk containers. Medical and sanitary inspection and Pasteurization are the best methods of protection against human contagion- in milk. • • • The full report of the commission is a most inter-, esting one and lays down the rules whereby the milk supply of a community may be protected and the health of the urban population of the nation thereby material ly enhanced. A list of requirements has been adopted which the commission unanimously considers abso lutely essential to a proper regulation of a municipal milk supply. Then there is also a list of recommenda tions which sets forth the things which it is advisa ble to do, but which depend principally upon the pub lic sentiment of the community as to whether or not they'shall be made law. • * • Altogether, the report of the commission consti tutes the most advanced step toward a wholesome na tional milk supply that has yet been taken. It has been received with approval , by sanitarians every where, and it will undoubtedly prove the basis upon which the laws and ordinances of the states and mu nicipalities of the future will be enacted. • * * Few people realize the importance of a wholesome milk supply. One-sixth of all the food the average man <?ats Is milk or its derivatives. Nothing that passes his lips Is so susceptible to contagion and dirt as the milk he uses. The contagion usually come* from the human intestinal tract, while the dirt ia made up mainly of tiny particles of cow manure. The major portion of the milk supply of the country comes from the small farm where the milk business is mere ly a by-product, and the problem of getting good milk is largely one of paying more for clean milk than tot unclean milk. The e'ffect of the milk commission has been to frame regulations that will not drive the small milk seller out of business, but which will, neverthe less, teach him to regard the welfare of the people In* the city to whom his milk goes. It is realized that all this means most of all a campaign of education.