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■±3*3 4 THE ATLANTA SEMI-WEEKLY JOURNAL, ATLANTA, GA., TUESDAY, NOVEMBER 18, 1913. « THE SEMI-WEEKLY JOURNAL ATLANTA, GA., 5 NORTH FORSYTH ST. Entered at the Atlanta Postoffice as Mail Matter of the Second Class. JAMES R. GRAY, President and Editor. SUBSCRIPTION PRICE Twelve months 76c Six months 40c Three months 26c The Semi-Weekly Journal is published on Tuesday and Friday, and is nr&aled by the shortest routes for early delivery. It contains news from all over the world, brought by special leased wires into our office. It has a staff of distinguished contributors, with strong departments of special value to the home and the farm. * Agents wanted at every postotfice. Liberal com mission allowed.- Outfit free. Write R. R. BKAD- LEF, Circulated Manager. The only traveling representatives we have are J. A. Bryan, B. F. Bolton, C. C. Coyle, L. H. Kim brough, W. W. Blackburn and J. W. Brooks. We will be responsible only for money paid to the above named traveling representatives. 1 g|v j NOTICE TO SUBSCRIBERS. The label used for addressing your paper shows the time your subscription expires. By renewing at least two weeks before the date on this label, you insure regular service. In ordering paper changed, be sure to mention you old, as well as your new address. If on a route please give the route number. We cannot enter subscriptions to begin with back numbers. Remittances should be sent by •postal order or registered mail. Address all orders and notices fo this de partment to THE SEMI-WEEKLY JOURNAL. Atlanta, Ga. A Great Day in Georgia. £ Tuesday will mark the definite beginning of a new epoch in Georgia—the epoch of independence in sup plies and foodstuffs, of raising all we want at home. That is the day, November 18, which has been desig nated by the Georgia chamber of commerce and pro- -claimed by the governor and numerous mayors as- Georgia Products day, when community banquets in scores of cities and towns and family dinners in hundreds of private homes will be spread with good things that Georgia has produced. In many ways the day will be notable, hut in none more than in its demonstration of the* wonderful ver satility of Georgia as a producing state. Meats and vegetables and fruits and nuts—all will be Georgia grown. Some of the feasts will be gathered within single counties, and one will be supplied from the farm of one man. Many of them will apply the Geor gia manufactures idea, too, and not only all that is eaten but all else that appertains to the spread will be Georgia made. . The Atlanta chamber of commerce feast of a thou sand covers, to he served in the main auditorium, will he perhaps the biggest and most comprehensive among all that are laid out upon the boards that day. For originating Georgia Products day and plan ning the uniform program that is to be followed, the Georgia chamber of commerce merits and will re ceive the appreciation of all thoughtful citizens—for in that it has done a great work for the state. In no other way could the tremendous resources that are here have been presented more strikingly. No other agency could have promoted the movement and led It to successful result. The healthy rivalry that there is between towns and cities has been harmonized in the state chamber of commerce and the great energy which they apply has been directed into the one \ channel of glorifying Georgia. An American heiress will pay more attention to a foreigner who talks through his coronet than to a native who talks through his hat. Morality, Too, Begins at Home. Charity is not the, only virtue that begins at home. There is the wellspring of morality also. It is an old truism, but its reiteration is in order, for it is all too apt to be forgot. A speaker in the recent International Purity Con gress at Minneapolis brought it to mind again. Clif ford G. Roe, delegate named by the secretary of state upon direction of the United States congress, scored that parental neglect of daughters which lets them grow up like weeds on the prairies. Mr. Roe committed, however, two errors. He lim ited his excoriation to those parents who possess means, and he limited it also to neglect of daughters. He should have included all parents, poor and wealthy alike; and he should have included sons with daughters. The mother who neglects her home for societies, theaters and card parties is to be censured; but the censure must be shared by the mother who neglects it for other interests than those here enumerated, who neglects it even for church or missionary work, or because she is indifferent and slothful, or because she is discouraged by poverty and nard work and an improvident husband. The degree lessens, but the censure should be applied to all alike. Similarly, the fathers who show a keener interest in their business properties than they do in those infinitely greater assets of the home are to be blamed, hut they are not alone in their wrongdoing. The fathers who have no business properties, who live from year to year on salaries, or from week to week on small wages, must be brought within the sad consuoany. Nor must all the care be expended upon the daughters of a home. The sons of humanity consti tute a potential menace toward its most carefully uurtured daughters. Train sons as well as daughters in their obligations to society at large. Parents and children of all degress and both sexes constitute the great American home where morality must begin. Start.it there, and the mistake made in after life will be but an accident. Formative measures with morality are the best, the easiest and the most natural. Apply them in the home, and cura- , tive measures will We less and less needful as the generations succeed each other upon earth. Now for the Currency Bill The welcome news comes from Washington that the'senate finance committee has agreed to disagree over the currency hill and that six of the Democrats will report the administration measure this week when the seventh Democrat (Senator Hitchcock) and the five Republicans transmit their own recommenda tions. This assures the country of immediate considera tion of the matter by the senate. The delay has been not only in the senate hut in a committee of the senate. The trouble has been to get. the bill back into the open. Now it is about to come out of the committee. The speedy passage of a measure that will be acceptable in the main to all interests and that will be devoid of some features that were ob jectionable to the great banking interests, seems now certain. Whatever difference of views there may have been as to the provisions of the measure, the country is of one mind in its confidence in the administration and its admiration of the determined stand which President Wilson has maintained in bringing about this great reform of the currency. During half a generation past the need for it has been admitted, but no statesman seemed able or determined enough to formulate a measure that would suit until the present administration defined its views. What is known as the administration measure approaches complete suitability nearer than any other previously suggested. The early enactment of the currency law will give the business interests of the country renewed confi dence in the federal government, and will clear the way for other reforms to which the Democratic party stands pledged. When a watch is run down it stops working; hut it’s different with some men. New Era for Georgia Farmers. Much importance attaches to the announcement that the United States department of agriculture has enlarged the scope of its work in Georgia in co-operation with the state college of agriculture. The corn clubs which have been bringing such won derful benefit to the state are to be duplicated in pig clubs and in other similar organizations to en courage the production of hay, oats, fine cotton, and the breeding of live stock. J. Phil Campbell, the representative of the federal department, who has been leading the corn club work in this state so efficiently, brings this announcement. In no phase of its activity does the federal gov ernment reach the people more directly or more beneficially than in this which diginifies the great work of the farmer by training its novitiates for greater efficiency. Every dollar that is spent upon it is well invested, for its returns are manifold and immediate. It would be almost futile to attempt a close estimate of what the corn clubs have done for Georgia. The amount spent upon their encour agement is so inconsiderable when compared with the rich harvests they have yielded that the reckon ing hardly could be made. Basing a prediction upon the success of the corn clubs and the girls’ canning clubs, it is safe to an ticipate that within a very few years Georgia’s whole grain yield will have become tremendous; pork raising will have become a recognized and well understood industry; and the breeding of live stock, for which Georgia now is sending millions each year to other states more enterprising, will have stopped that heavy outflow. v Such work as this has a great constructive pur pose. Its value to Georgia cannot he overestimated. The easiest thing for a man to acquire is old age -—if he lives long enough. Screen Your Grates. A letter from State Fire Inspector W. R. Joyner, printed in another column, emphasizes the point which The Journal made the other day in comment ing upon waste of infant life upon the altar of open fires. There is one phase of criminal carelessness upon which the community stands indicted. Figures compiled by Chief M. C. Harrington of the Rome fire department have shown a staggering total of deaths by fire last year among infants in Georgia. The list has begun again with the approach of winter. Practically every case of children dying from burns received at open grate fires might have been prevented by proper care on the part of the parents or guardians in charge. The terrible remorse that follows a fatal accident of this kind, or even one that merely scars the child, precludes any possibility of another similar accident in that home. From then on through the rest of time every precaution is taken. But these are the things that should have been done before. They do not recall the little life that has been taken. The trouble is that the community is slow to learn by the experience" of individuals. This is one lesson that cannot be impressed too clearly on everyone in whose home there are a child and an open fire. Screen your grates now, before it is too late. One is tempted to return to the farm reading that the wealth from cotton is something like $200,000,000. Commissioner Clements. The prediction from Washington in the news dis patches is that Judson C. Clements, the Georgian who has been a member of the interstate commerce com mission for the past twenty-one years (since its organization), will not he reappointed by President Wilson on December 31 when his term expires, and that Governor R. B. Glenn, of North Carolina, will be appointed in his stead by President Wilson. Gover nor Glenn is an active and energetic leader of the Democratic party in his state, and his work on the interstate commerce commission is certain to re flect credit upon himself and his party. But aside from that and from the further fact that Commissioner Clements is a Georgian, it is to be re gretted that Judge Clements will retire from public service. He has done valuable work and his effi ciency has been recognized universally. It is a pity that such an official must be displaced. His dis placement is due to his age, he being now 67 years old. His long experience and his mature judgment make him even yet a most valuable officer for deal ing with those matters of great import which the commerce commission is called upon to handle, and render it extremely unfortunate that he is to be re lieved. He will retire with a long and honorable record of useful public service. No, Alonzo, you can’t always judge by appear ances. A girl with eyes like a dove may have an appetite like an ostrich. Our Sole Interest in Mexico. Now and then there rises someone to ask, “What business have we to interfere in Mexico’s family rows? What interest has our nation there? Why can’t we keep hands off and let them work out their own troubles any way they like?” Years ago a similar question might have been heard about our retention of the Philippines after we expelled Spain from those islands. Time has shown the motive and its wisdom. The situation then was very much as if one man had incapacitated or killed another in fair and just fight and out of the gen erosity of his heart had undertaken the care of that man’s helpless dependents against misery and dis aster. But save in their inherent wisdom, the two situa tions are not parallel. In the Philippines the sole incentive whs altruistic humanity./ In Mexico our national integrity, perhaps our national safety, is involved. The Monroe doctrine has been cJ ec l are d, and we must uphold it or make ourselves less before the world by retracting it. We have not gone to war yet in Mexico, and there is small probability that we will; but humane motives might impel us later even, to that. Just now President Wilson, that admirable and perfectly poised executive of our nation, is actuated solely in all that he does by the Monroe Doctrine. What is the Monroe Doctrine? It is a principle, a policy, not a written law, set down in a message to congress by President Monroe ninety years ago 'on December 2. All political par ties have adhered to it. President Cleveland invoked it when he threatened war _f the Guiana-Venezuela boundary .dispute was not submitted to arbitration. It has become a fixed part of our foreign policy. Here is an extract from President Monroe’s mes sage to congress. This is the only written form of the Monroe Doctrine; “In the wars of the European powers in mat ters relating to themselves wn have never taken any part, nor does it comport with our policy so to do. . . We owe it, therefore, to candour and to the amicable relations existing between the United States and those powers to declare that we should consider any attempt on their part to extend their system to any portion of this hem isphere as dangerous to jur peace and safety. With the existing colonies or dependencies of any European power we have not interfered and shall not interfere. . But with the governments who have declared their independence and main tained it, and t nose independence we have on great consideration and on just principles ac knowledged, we could not view any interposition for the purpose of oppressing them or controlling in any manner their destiny by any European power in any other light than as the manifesta tion of an unfriendly disposition toward the United States. ... It is impossible that the allied powers should extend their political sys tem to any portion of either continent without endangering our peace and happiness; nor' can anyone believe that our Southern brethren, if left to themselves, would adopt it of their own accord. It is equally impossible, therefore, that we should behold such interposition in any form with indifference.” The foregoing was written at a time when the United States had reason to apprehend European combination of arms to restore to Spanish domina tion certain South American states which had as serted their independence from Spain. It stopped ■ .those plans immediately. It warned against any future colonization by Europe on the American con tinent. Briefly, the Monroe Doctrine is a promise that the United States will not interfere in the affairs of the eastern hemisphere, and a declaration that the na tions of the eastern hemisphere shall not interfere in the affairs of the two Americas. It originated in the policy recommended by President Washington that the United States should avoid entanglement in European politics. The counterpart, that Europe should not interfere in American politics, grew stead ily through succeeding years until it was crystallized by President Monroe in his message to congress. Therefore, though the doctrine is aimed to prevent foreign interference in the political affairs of the in dependent nations of North and South America, it carries the counter obligation (which we have never violated) that the United States shall not interfere in Europe. The declaration of the Monroe Doctrine was a bold step, but this government pledge! itself upon the principle and has continued to maintain it. Great Britain was in hearty agreement with President Mon roe’s message at- the time of its delivery. In time the other nations of the old world acquiesced in it, until now it has become one of our fixed and recog nized principles of government. ■, That is the ground upon which the United States stands today in its attitude toward Mexico. It cannot permit foreign interference there without abrogating the Monroe Doctrine. In enunciating that doctrine this government assumed the responsibility of seeing that the American states protected by it commit no rob bery or destruction upon the interests, the citizens and their property, of the nations-of Europe. We as sumed the obligation to protect those interests. We are discharging that obligation in refusing to recog nize Huerta and his despotic lieutenants as the legal governors of Mexico; for if we did recognize them, we would he encouraging anarchy and revolution and assassination among all the other American republics and so would increase our burden not only for the time being in Mexico hut for all future time in both of the Americas. England, ’Germany, France, and other nations of Europe, have enormous interests at stake in Mexico, hardly less than those of American citizens. Mexico is in a state of anarchy; an unconstitutional dictator occupies the seat of government in Mexico City. Therefore it behooves the United States to encourage by all fair means, and by force only if humanity de mands it, the restoration of constitutional govern ment in that republic. Inasmuch as the nation would not countenance the repudiation of that established principle in our conduct, the obvious and only thing for the Washing ton administration to do is to assume for itself the burden of protecting the interests cf Europe in Mexico and to demand that a stable government be estab- Msned there in lieu of the Huerta regime built upon assassination. The position of the United States is not one of arbitrary interference by right of greater power, but is one of necessity arising out of a fun damental principle of our government. The administration is procedir-g cautiously and has won the confidence of all loyal citizens. It will avoid unnecessary entanglement. It does not contem plate violence. There will be no armed intervention in Mexico except as a last measure. The question has weased even to look like a party matter. It has be come broadly naticnal. Therefore the hands of the administration should be upheld by all true patriots without regard to their political affiliations. MAN, PROUD MAN BY DR. FRANK CRANE (Copyright. 1913, by Frank Crane.) Man, proud man, is a considerable fellow. He tames the horse, shoots the lion, harnesses the steam and the lightning, and all that sort of thing; but every once in a while nature hands him a jolt and brings it home to hi,m that after all he is but a large worm. Worms have a nice -time carrying on their worm affairs and doubtless thinking this worm-world is a pleasant place in which to wriggle and eat cabbage leaves, until some huge creature comes along and steps on them. And against this calamity falling upon them from outside their ken they can never provide. Man thinks he has mastered the sea with his huge steamboats. One night the biggest boat he ever made bumps into an iceberg and goes down as easily as a smashed dor,y. Fire breaks out on the Volturno, and before its devastation he is helpless. Science has made seagoing safer? But it has made calamities also greater. The storm that raged over the Great Lakes No vember 9 and 10 was a rude reminder of how terrible may be the cruel forces that lie in leash all about us. For sixty hours the wind whipped the waters; seventeen lives are known to be lost, probably there are forty more; three steamers went down in the wild welter, a dozen were driven ashore. The damage in money will run into the millions. The same day the old ocean showed his teeth. Six liners reached port several days late. Five human beings were injured aboard the Pretoria. An eight-ton anchor was wrenched away from the Prinz Friedrich Wilhelm. On land also the angry elements were busy, -it Cleveland twenty-one inches of snow fell. Five men were killed. Business was paralyzed. There were no deliveries of groceries, bread, milk, or coal, and suf fering was widespread. Trains were stalled. Tele graph wires were down. The loss is estimated at two million dollars. But, for that matter, are we not all walking in the midst of danger, more constant, if less dramatic, than these? Fifty thousand people die every hour. All over the world, one by one, they drop. The passage of souls into the unknown is like the swift patter of the elec tric spark. Microbes crowd our air, water, and food. Acci dents happen. Hearts fail. Brains give way. Death and disaster are common, persistent factors of life. This is not a sermon. It is a plain statement of what everybody knows. Is it not strange how fatuously we believe that “tomorrow will be as this day and much more abun dant”? What to do? Why, the least we can do is to live on such a plane that we are ready to go or stay. No better lines upon this theme have been written than the familiar close of Bryant’s “Thanatopsis”: So live, that when thy summons comes to join The innumerable caravan which moves To that mysterious realm where each shall take His chamber in the silent halls of death, Thou go not, like the quarry slave at night, By an unfaltering trust, approach thy grave Like one that wraps the drapery of his couch About him, and lies down to pleasant dreams.” Danger in Talking Verbomania isn’t a new disease—in fact, it is an cient—but its terrible dangers to society are just be ginning to be realized, says Ossip Lourie, a Russian writer, in an article ranking excessive talking as a dangerous disease and a* menace to civilization. Civilization is responsible for it, in his opinion, and nothing but strenuous regime to enforce temporary si lences on those afflicted can stop its dreaded ravages. "And he urges humanity to inaugurate a campaign against tuberculosis and against excessive alcoholism. Progress is decidedly hindered, he goes on to say, by this prevalent vice, and he urges the immediate at tention of the teacher and the minister and the doctor. According to his theory, human language developed from signs into articulate speech and then was fixed by writing. Then people, like pianists who can render difficult compositions without thinking about them, acquired the power to talk without thinking about what they were saying. So words become possible without ideas in the mind of the speaker. If it were impossible to speak without thinking, Mr. Lourie insists that the greater part of mankind would grow dumb in a few years. For far from be ing creatures that think “men are nothing but ani mated talking machines.” They carry within them selves the principal of verbal movement, which is de termined by a power over which they have no control. When the words become divorced from the idea talking becomes pathological, a disease, for a man’s intelligence is not measured by the number of words he speaks, but according to his power of comprehen sion. Idiots frequently express themselves with great facility, while men of genius are often able to talk in only the most poverty-stricken terms. Verbomania, he insists, affects numbers of people who are in other respects quite normal and whose mal ady does not prevent them, unfortunately, from taking part in the regular business of e'veryday life. Among its victims he counts leaders of sects and of political parties, and also habitual gossips, whom he places in the same class as dipsomaniacs. These verbomaniacs become moral weaklings, and their disease becomes associated with all kinds of vanity, slander, calumny and perjury. It is more fre quently found among women than men, and it spreads more rapidly among the southern races. Mr. Lourie urges preventive remedies for family, school and general social use. Don’t let a child pro nounce a word until he knows its meaning, don’t let him talk rapidly and force him to remain alone for at least one hour a day. And for professional and incurable talkers he recommends longer treatment of silence. There is an absolute need for places where gossips and social wrecks of various descriptions can pick themselves up. Otherwise there is infinite future woe and disaster which will be world-wide.—Philadelphia Public Ledger. Quips and Quiddities The New Reporter (going to the telephone and os tentatiously starting the machinery)—Hello, central! Let me have 2745 C, please. (A pause.) You giddy little thing! No, I said twen-ty-seven. Twenty-sev— Hello! Is that 2745 C? Is Mr. Sawgertees Devoy in the office? Will you tell him that Mr. Jefferson Mc- Addister would like to speak with him? Yes, that’s the name, McAddister, journalist. (The other reporters listen in awe-struck silence.) The New Reporter—Is this really Mr. Devoy? My name is— Ah, you recognize my voice? You perhaps remember that I interviewed you yesterday? What’s that? Best report? Oh, thank you! You’re very kind. I tried to make it so. Has anything turned up in re gard to that case since noon? Well, sorry to trouble you. Eh? Dinner? You’re extremely kind. At Sher ry’s? What? And a bottle? (Surging interest in the entire staff.) It’s awfully kind of you. Well, say Tuesday at 8. But really I— City Editor (in his everyday voice)—I have some work here, Mr. MAddister, when you ar e quite through talking to yourself. That telephony has been discon nected since morning.—Puck. * * * An eminent but rather eccentric author wore a busi ness suit with immaculate white kid gloves when he called on some friends who were proud parents of a small boy. The little boy seemed to be much attracted by the caller and stayed close by his chair all the time. “You like to stand by Mr. L— and hear his funny stories, don’t you, Arthur?” asked his father. “No; his hands smell just like our automobile,” re plied Arthur.—Delineator. RURAL CREDITS VIII.—THE SCHULZE-DELITZSCH BANKS. BY FREDERIC .7. HA SKIN. While Schulze-Delitzsch banks, founded by Herr Schulze in the town of Delitzsch, are regarded in Ger many as “town” banks as distinguished from “coun try” banks, and while they are most used Dy small traders and industrial workers, they yet form a link in the chain of Germany’s credit system which has served to put the small borrower on a par with the large one with respect to rates and standing. The Schulze-Delitzsch bank was started by the same dis tressful year 1848 that set Raiffeisen to work laying the foundation for the application of his credit ideas. In 1849 Schulze organized a friendly society ft>r tne relief of sickness and also an association of shoe makers for the purchase of raw materials. In 1850 he founded a loan society, with ten members, all of them artisans. Two years later he remodelled it, making it a self-supporting institution with capital and shares. He saw that the lack of good credit was at the root of the poor man’s helplessness, and that this could be removed by collective action of a number of such men. • • • Working along similar lines, one for town people and the other for country people, Schulze and Raiffei sen did not think very highly each of the other's ideas. Schulze blinked suspiciously when he saw Raiffeisen departing from his ideas, and Raiffeisen pitied Schulze as a sort of Bourbon who never would learn by expe rience. However, experience proved that Schulze was right in what he provided for the town bank and Raif feisen right in what he provided for the country bank. • • * The bank founded by Schulze is an association to provide credit for its members only. It has two kinds of assets—the money paid in for shares and the un limited pool of the credit of a ll the members. Each share is fixed as high as possible. High enough to keep out the undesirables and to afford some ready money for the bank’s operation, and yet low enough not to prevent the entrance of any frugal workingman. The buyer of a share may pay for it in installments, and gets a dividend on the part he has paid for from the day he starts his payments. • • • The profits of the society are divided into two parts, one part to the reserve fund and the other to the shareholders. The law requires that the reserve fund shall amount at least to 20 per cent of the share capital. The Schulze-Delitzsch bank gets its fund for lending to its members from deposits and from redis counts by outside banks. Deposits are in large part the savings of the community, and non-members may use the bank for purposes of depositing money, though not for borrowing. The bank pays 3 per cent and up ward for money deposited with it, and lends it again at 5 per cent. *■ • • • The banks protect themselves from sudden with drawals of deposits in time of financial stringencies by requiring notice of intention to withdraw, ranging from two weeks to twelve months, and pay an ascend ing rate of interest according to the length of notice required. In ordinary times, however, they waive the night of demanding notice. • • • Regular deposits differ from savings deposits in their size and the length of time they must be left in bank. They are for larger amounts and are de posited for a shorter period. Only the larger banks, with well trained officials, will accept such deposits, as the slightest error in fixing interest rates may in volve important losses. • • • In addition to these forms of accounts there are regular checking accounts that may be opened by members and non-members. Public moneys are often, deposited in these banks, although they are n&t con sidered as legal trustee investment institutions, ex cept by special enactment for each bank. | • • s» In furnishing credit to their members the Schulae- Delitzsch banks have two methods—the straight loan and the discounted trade bill of exchange. Loans are sometimes made in the shape of a single definite ad vance of money. At other times a credit limit is fixed, and the borrower can draw out the money jus^ as he needs it, paying only for the amount he actually uses, and for the time he uses it. For instance, he gets a credit of a thousand dollars at the bank. He can use such portion of this as he desires today, pay it all back a month hence, get some out again two months later, and *ho on, enjoying the advantage that a thousand dollars to his credit gives him, and yefc be ing under the necessity of paying interest only on the part he actually uses. • • • The bank is protected in one of four ways in each credit advance—by the indorsements of two responsi ble fellow members, by the hypothecation of land mort gages, by the deposit of collateral, either scrip or val uables, or by the good name of the borrower. This latter form of protection is called “Blanco,” meaning “white,” and refers to the good standing of the bor rower. • * • The banks frequently go on a bond for an individ ual member upon the payment of a cash fee, guarantee ing the performance of his contracts up to a certain amount. • • • In the discounting of trade bills of exchange tho transaction is along the following line: Mr. Smith buys a bill of goods of Mr. Jones, and is allowed by law and usage of a three-months credit thereon. But Mr. Jones wants his money immediately, and so ho presents his bill to the bank, which discounts it and holds it against Mr. Smith, provided it is convinced that Smith is financially sound. If Smith comes for ward at maturity and pays the bill that is the last heard of the transaction; but if he fails to do so, the bank holds Jones to its payment. * * * The Schulze-Delitzsch banks are controlled by a col lege of three salaried members—one member attending to the money department, a second member to the ac countancy department, and the third serving as a gen eral head, whose business, so they say in Germany, is to worry the other two. Two signatures are required to every transaction entered into by the members of tho college, and their responsibility is joint and undivided. They are elected for three years by the entire member ship, and their work is reviewable by a board of control or directorate. * * * In operation the Schulze-Delitzsch banks have trained the people to become their own bankers, assist ing the individually weak to grow into the unitedly strong, and aiding the community to develop self-dis cipline and prudence. They have developed co-opern- tion where it is needed and omitted it where it lo un necessary. They have saved the. poor but honest arti san from being the prey of the money lender. They know their customers and their customers know them. Being both borrower and lender in one, they invite in spection of their private finances as the best means of protecting themselves. Combining saving with credit, they find their organization a two-edged sword that cuts the adversity of small means from around them, and lifts them to a plane of economic independence that never could be possible with the ordinary non co-operative bank. Building up their savings and ex tending their credit at once, they gradually lift them selves up the ladder of life. * * * The complaint is often heard that the man of little means is getting less attention in these banks as the years go by, and that they are losing their hold on him. The reply to this is that it is not a case of big men capturing and driving out the old members from con trol, but rather that the small men of yesterday un der its beneficent operations, have become the compara* tively big ones of today—and that that is the best proof of all that a Schulze-Delitzsch bank renders a great service to the community in which it operates. After it is established for a long while its old members do outgrow the small men who would join—It simply becomes the proper course of the latter then to organ ize another bank of their own, and to wax strong with its extending years.