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Southern Banner Extra, Athens, fia., Jan. 18,1881. THE FCTTRE OF THE .NEGRO LV THE SOUTH. BY HOWELL COBB. I (From the Christian Union, Dec. 22.) The country has spoken decisively by the ballot. The protracted ex citement and intense anxiety incident to the election of 1876 will not be repeated. We all can and do rejoice at this result. Business is quietly re sumed. The republican can eat his thanksgiving turkey rejoicing that Garfield is elected and the country has quiet. The democrat must re- juice that we have present quiet, and the pledge of the republican party that peace, plenty and prosperity shall not be disturbed the next tour years by any reactionary political legislation for party purposes. The time seems auspicious to con sider the future ol the negro in this country—especially in the South. Just now the Northern mind will be occupied with the wants of the South, aa you are pleased to term this negro question in a recent editorial written on the eve of the late election. Will you consider what I say before form ing and acting upon your opinion as to the pressing needs of the South ? 1 hope so, for our common good— more especially the goed of the negro. I think all will admit the voice of the country as uttered in the late election has no uncertain sound in one particular—‘ leave well enough alone.’ Whatever other sounds are blended with it, this deep undertone is un mistakable. Peace at home and abroad, prosperity present and pros pective, prompted this utterance. And it was the pledge ot the republi can party not to disturb the causes which led to this prosperity which secured it power for the next four years. Other causes doubtless ope rated upon the public mind, but all will admit that this was the decisive cause which induced Mr. Garfield’s election—especially in New York. The business interests of the whole country demanded quiet. The repub lican party pledged itself to a sound financial policy, to domestic tranquil- ' lily, and to abstinence from all dis turbing political legislation for )«rly ends. In the light of its past history the republican party has assumed no more grave responsibility to the country than that involved in its policy for the next four years touching the future of the negro in the South. From a Southern standpoint the voic" o', the country on this question is unmataka- ble. The business interests of the w hole country demand quiet through out the land. Four > ears of qniei under the administration of Prestdem llayes was the result ot rest from parti-an political legislation—legisla tion wlHMislly directed toward the South. This four years’ rest from political intermeddling between the white and black man of the South, together with continuous abundant harvests throughout the land, has brought the whole country to the high road of reluming prosperity. Disturb the iudustrial interests of the South by a repetition of the political legislation incident to the late recon struction days, or kindred legislation lor similar ends, and you will check the returning prosperity of that sec tion. The shock will inevitably react upon tlieJEast and West. And then- can not be conceived a more potent cause—single cause—to bring about a repetition ot tbe ruinous financial panic of 1673. The country lias condoned the blnn dors of the republican party—among them the political legislation touching the negro incident to thep.-sums, un certainty and perplexity of the day- of emerging Iroui war. Tne renewa ed lease of power to that party ha- been secured by small majorities in many of the Northern States—ma jorities which may ea-ily be made minorities by any unwise use of I tower. These close S’ates of the North wi l bold the republican parly to a strict and faithful compliance with its pledge to the country not to disturb the peaee and growing good will between the sections of the un> ion, so needlul to the harmony and prosperity of the whole country. Thug understanding the late elec tion, I see nos|>ecial cause for ahum to the South. If it portends evil at all it is to the whole Union, and the South iu common only w ith other sec tions of the country. I ace- pt the result, therefore, with the firm con- vie*ion that Mr Garfield’s adminis tration will be memorable in the an nals of our country for a w iso change of policy of the republican party to- watd the South. This is a golden •ipportunity to tliat party to alone for past blunders which the coiiuuy has condoned. President Hayes con- fronted a Democratic Senate and House. However well inclined he may have been, his position subjects him to the 'criticism that otiier policy was not open to him. Mr. Garfield * will, however, begin his administra tion with tbe House certainly reptibli can, and possibly the Senate. Hence the golden opportunity to dimon- ■irate the sincerity of Mr. Hayes, and that the pacific policy of his ad- his party. And until the contrary is proven by its future conduct toward tbe South, I cannot believe that the republican party will, by an abuse of the power now given, prove suicidal to its own future, treacherous to its pledge to the country, and ruinous to every interest of all sections of the Union. We liavo had a period of passion, followed by a spasm of gush. Now the sober second thought ot the interests of trade prevails This will abide. The future of the negro in the South, however, is too momentous a question to be decided by simple con sideration of either the passing busi ness interests of the country or the temporary power of any political partv. The question of the negro iu our midst iuvolves our indnstria! and political future, and these should be considered in dealing with him. But there are deeper considerations and higher obligations involved in his presence here than the mere use ot the negro lor industrial or political .advantage. These are only incideuts to the higher duly to "id him iu the full development of-his latent main. ho- d. The sudden emancipation mid subsequent enfranchisement of the negro imposed a difficult duty a|>on the South. Mark my words—upon the South. Fur upon the South pri manly rests the responsibility of solv ing the pmblem imposed by the changed condition ot 4,000,000 ne groes—a problem involving every in terest. of the Sooth, social, industrial, moral and political; a problem not of theory or speculation, but a vital fact The solemn fact which the South has to face ami handle is 4,000,000 slave- freed in her miilgl in a moment— 4,000,000 freedtneu in one mad mom ent made citizens and voters—only one condition unchanged—ignorant, wofully ignorant and depraved. The primary duty of the South to the negro, and duty of tiie North to the South in her effort to discharge her obligation to the negro in her midst. I will discu-s in aim:her corn- condemned, but when once inangnr- ated he acquiesced in, and even fos tered, in tbe vain hope that peace would ultimately be the result of what bis reason and instincts fore warned him must prove .unending strife. The only peace of that p -Key was death. What wa« the actual re sult ? Distrust, alienation, a'itago:i- isin, where trust, union, co-operation was esseni ial. The politic d revoln- tion of 1874 gave a check to the in- ci-ive policy. What is the re-uli ? The Sbuth, in common with the North, is enjoying returning pros perity. The two i-accs are making strides toward cheerful co-opcrali n in accepting the situation, ami work ing together for their conuu-m weal —industrial, educational, moral and political Let the North learn then from facts, that any aid, by political legislation or otherwise, pi oil. re! the negro other than through the medium of the good will and institutions of the Southern white man is short sighted, and must prove detrimental to. the common interests of. the negro some. Yet through faith we live in the hope that even this continuous chastening, though for the time it seemeth grievous, will eventually yield the peaceable fruits of righteous ness. No one can deny that, we have been sorely exercised thereby. If the North will recognize that God reigns over the South ; that the South has a conscience guided by a Christian faith; that the primary duty to the negro devolves upon the conscience of the South; that interest unites with conscience ; that the duty of the North to the South is to leave the while and lilack man to work out together, under God, their common destiny; that any aid from the North which may be needful must lie prof fered through the white man of the Sou'h—through the institutions of the South born of the conscience and interests ot the white—then the future weltare ot the negro iu the South is assured. The while and black citizen ot tbe South will remain friends for ever. They were never alienated ■ilier limp by unwise aid to .tbe and the whitMian. other'c-mrse negro, tendered by the North direct- must retard and not hastiai the negiu’-; ly to the negro upon the false as. growth. . -aniption that enmity of the white to This, then, is the first great want of the black citizen existed, the South—white ami black—for the j Do you still*doubt the wisdom of North to be convinced, and to act i trusting the negro’s future to the eon upon tbe conviction, that the white I science’ and interest of the South? man of the S .nth is the only medium , God has so trusted the negro’s future, through which the nesjro can be aided, j Souml philosophy and experience le arn) that sell-protection will make j mount rate that his only hope lies here, him a willing . recipient ot every aid Will the North assume to be wiser proffered. This work may. appear j than God! Will the North turu a slow, but it will prove sure an I per- j deaf ear to argument (bunded on faith manent. The inci-ive p -licy in any ! iu God, and sustained by philosophy form engenders antagonism, hate, and , and fact! pursued relentlessly must eml in Let us see what the eon-cience and chaos. The policy I indicate is th I interest, under Go !, of the South has only one which will ceim nt the two j done and is doing voluntarily in people, white and black, and give op- I Georgia ; a negro college at Atlanta, portnnity forrhe »• luti-mof a problem | G;i., pennanemly endowed by the at best difficult ami lull ol friction, j Constitution d Convention of 1877, It is not pertinent to suggest the i wh it the inc : s<£e p .licy was dead; prejudices of -the white, the unequal a common-school system being stead- chance of the Idack, etc. All this j j|y perfected throughout the State of granted only emphasizes the truth that! Georgia, with equal privileges and the white man and the black'of the I f icilities to the negro and white ; mu municaticn. This is already too long I S° u U> must lie friends. Co-operation , uicipal common schools in Savannah, Athens, Ga., Nov. 6, 1880, II. (From the riirintiun Union. Dec. 29.) I said in my first communication on this subject that primarily the duty was imposed up n the South to devel op the latent manhood ot the negro, It is needless now to consider who wa- responsiblc for the suddet. thrusting ot 4 000.000 negres up-m the South uts terly unfitted to discharge the duties of citizenship—unfitted alike in in-el- ligence and moral character. It is quully useless to inquire who is re sponsible for th-- negro’s low condi tion mentally and morally. The only practical ques'iou is upon whom rests the obligation to liberate him spec-li ly from the th-aldom of ignorance, and to CfeyjUe his moral character. A correct apprehension of this ubliga lion is alike vital to the n.groand the j wou , d educate and elevate him mor- peop'e ol this whulc country. 1 mams their only hope. Antagonism, j Augusta, Macon, Atlanta, and -mailer produced and continued by the si rung j towns in tbe State, with equal privi- arm of th- gpvernm.ui' thru-t be- , leges to white and bh-ck; tbe impulse tueen tlum, ran bare but one of two i f»|t in almost every town in the State ends. Remove this foreign pow. r to in nigurale common-school systems, which sustains the negro in the mi- with equal piivilege- to white and equal struggle, and instantly superior i black—no outside pre-sure, hut the intelligence, wealth and chaiac'er j volutn ary action of the conscience and prevail. Continue the powe> to its interest of white citizens of Georgia. certain end, and society will b- sub verted. Strife will only end thus in desolation el the South. The Soil' hern white man, however, if left to wmk out this problem with the friendly co-operation of the negro, would use every effort to develop the uegro into jtu intelligent, honest, virtuous, permanent citizen, Would accord him all ids equal rights ns a citizen ; would permit hi n to reitp iu common with tiie white iieighboi the trails of theirnniled industry; wouPl encourage hmtlmTieeoihe a property ' owner, with its conservative |iower; tain that tins duly devolves upon the white man of the South ; that he may be trusted to discharge the duty ;and that all other aid to the negro must be through that channel. 1 heir common domicile, interests and destiny impose this duty upnu the Southern wtiite. The interests—iudustrial, social, mor al and political—of the white impel him to give to tiie uegro citizen iu his uiidsl every opportunity tor the full d'velopmenl of his manhood. High er, howevei, than mere interest is the Cbtistain obligation of man to bis neighbor. The while man of the South is the negro’s nearest neighbor, and tbi- tact imposes primarily upon the Southern white the Chri-tian ob ligation to : id tiie negro in his strug gle tor moral and intellectual devel opment. Conscience aud iuteiest unite in con.-traming the white man o the South to the di-charge of this duly. Tne future of the negro in volves the future of the white. Un der God’s'providence, their _ interests are inseparably finked together. Any injustice to the uegio wi 1 inevitably react upon the white. In industrial pur-uits tire interests of the white compel, if bis conscience did not, strict justice to and fair dealing with the negro. Their mutual de|iein dence imposes fidelity upon each. In politics, tiie debauched negro voter will debauch the white. The negro’s only protection against ti i- result is in meutal and moral training. The sal vation ot the white is in the elevation of the negro character. The negro cannot go down alone. He must drag the white dowu to his own level The protection ot the negro and tbe white alike from political degradation, is to he found alone iu the full development intellect uafiv and morally o the ne gro. And ihe speedier the elevation of negro character, the belter for the Southern white ; any conduct of the Southern white toward the negro re pressive iu its effect, will inevitably react detiitm-ntully to his own inter est and character. Bear with me here, for at this point the vital errors of U-e past were made t>y the North. The haired of the white man ot the South to the uegro citizen was assumed—an inevitable conflict ot races was assumed—and, logically, legislation was enacted bring ing to bear the stroug arm of gov- ally, so th.it he may appreciate and intelligently- discharge all his duties as a citizen ; and would have him grow as speedily as practicable to tine man hood, moraiiy, mentally and politi cally. Another great want ot the South is that the Noith Itarn to believe, and act upon tiie belief, thai Goil reigns directly over the South .is well as the North. The North mus lie convinced that the South is nut devoid of intel ligent co-science and is not abandoned by God. T: is want, which is the reatest need of the South, I will dis could not afford to wait till this changed ot itself. The North was prosperous, the South poor; the North had free schools, the South none. And the first thing for the North to do wa» just what it did, 'go into the Snuth without waiting for an invitation am) carry its fi ee schools and plant them there. But this time hat passed. There is not a Southern State now that has not something of a free-subon] system. There is no*, a State that would not be glad of a better system. There i- . not one which, as a Stale, is opposed to the rudimentary education of tiie negroes. To-day the thing for the N<>, th to do is to work with and through the South. The South may lead if she will, ard we will follow. The nation ought to make national appropriations to be expended by the Southern States. The Northern mis sionary associations ought to secuib the aid and fellowship of Southern work ers in their missionary schools. If we are not mistaken they are working iu this direction. They have stopped planting primary schools and art- maintaining normal schools. That is, they are helping the South to help herself; and Mr. Cobb and all those who with him arc prepared to hope and labor and pray lor a now South, may depend on it that the great body ol the Northern people will be only too glad to act on his principle and work with the South for the negro, just 03 fast as the South will give us the chance. Offer us the partnership and see if we do not accept it. But. do not wonder that we do not wait tor the offer. Thu North owes a duty, and loyalty impels it. The Nortli Irced the negro; freed him in spite of the sworil and the bayonet ot the South. The North gave him the ballot; gave it him in spite of the protests, not always gently phrased, ami resistance, not always legally or constitutionally carried out, from the South. Whether it was right iu free ing the negro, whether it was right in giving him tbe ballot, we need not here discuss. But having assumed this responsibility, loyally to tbe negro, loyalty to tiie South, loyalty to the nation requires it to go on and help to fit the negro^or fr. edntn and the ballot. We had no right to take him from the protection ot his mas ter and deny him our own ; no right to give him tbe ballot aud make no effort to educate him to use it; no right to thrust on the South a system of free labor and tree voting which equirc3 also free schools, and given no aid in planting them ; no right to sacrifice thousands of lives and mil lions ot money' to destroy slavery and do nothing to rebuild free institutions where slavery’s ruins lie. The North lias out its band to the plow and will not look back ; but it will welcome every such hand as that ot Mr.. Howell Cobb i tretched out to unite ^vith it in a work too large and too important to be other than a work of tbe whole nation, and of all in it who love theif country and their fellow men. cuss in my last qouiiuuuicalion on this j g,mixes white and black will be an un subject. Athens, Ga., Nov. 6th, 1880. ministration represented the spot ot erument to protect the negro against the republican party. 1 believe Mr. I the white enemy. Thu was what Mr. llayes was sincere, and I trust he les Beecher termed 'he incisive policy—a presented the contr< lliag sentiment of | policy which his heart and head alike III. (From the Christian Union, Jan. #.) I propose to discu-s in this com munication what I stated iu my last to he the greatest waul of the South in solving the problem tf the tuture ■if tlm negro That waul is that the North lie convinced that G-;d reign- directly ovei the South. The North ern mind must be disabuse- 1 of the impression that God is the Provi dence of the North, and the North, under God, the I’rovioence of the South. It is sl-ange that the North cannot see God in all this negro ques tion. The South recognizes God’s presence in all this trouble. God’s ways are uot our ways—and the South does not understand all his prove donees in the negro’s presence here, tout the faiili ot the S uith accepts ali 88 Of God. — Ttie South firmly lielievej that God overruled the coming of the negro from Africa to America, his slavery here era clime slavery _ reconstruction more wasting than war; the slave suddenly fr ed and then enfranchised. In all this the South bows submissively to the/wili ot an ovemdi ig God. The Christian faith of the S >u h explains her res signation, her patient endurance, her cheerfui adaptation to changed cous ditious, her hopeful spirit, her activity amid desolation. The South through exercise of this faith, has even borne meekly the charge against her by the North that all this patient resignation, hopeful spirit and active industry only- evidence the perverse cunning bl willful baibarism. Candor compels the confession that at times this last infliction of Providence is very irk- VV i-o pays the tax ? The white bears nearly the whole burden. Has God trusted the negro to barbarians? Trust the negro, under God, to the conscience and interest of the South, tnd his future in the South is hopeful. Inaugurate an incisive policy, political or other, based upon the fal-e assuinp tion that lie must be protected agaiusl the white man of the South, and Ilia future is li-peless.' The first will guarantee free and full •levelopment ot the qy'ro’s latent manhood. Xfe second util eiid in the repression ot the uegro or desolation ut the South. I have purjhwly discu-scd this question trom a uon-p ilitical stand- poilt. It IS loo grave a milter to I -THE SOUTH, THE .NORTH, AND TflK rest upon m. re business inrere-ts or ' NEGRO.” political advantage. The true view of I (Editorial from the Southern Bannor.) it is seen only trom the standpoint ol i Under this caption, the Christian Christian charity—the duty ot man to j Union, of New York, has an editorial man under Goo’s law, b il ling up n j in its issue of January 12lh, which we all mankind. : transfer to our columns ibis morning. If 1 am correct in inv conclusions, j Its spirit isopen, manlv and baternal. any aid proffered the negro ot the j -4t one point, it is in error, viz: “when South other tluiu though the channel the war closed there was not a single of the good will and cosoperatiou ol the 1 Southern Stale that had even the ruin ■ South, rn white will he unwise and de- i or the seed of a true f.-ee school svs- I trimental. And auv political legisla- J tem.” Bui let this pass. The great tii. n for party ends whio'i 'gain ant a-1 questions that have been pending be- 1 tween Nortli aud South, have had little i pardonable crime. j or nothing to do with tree schools, i It may not bo out of place to say, j They have been far deeper and more in conclusion, that there is one great j vital than education. Had there been want of this whole Union—all sec-I a common school system in every lion. U is this: we should in all | Southern Stale, it ia not likely that things consider the good of the whole jibe e-sentiai principle ot northern in Union. K ich citis- n ow.-s a mure di ! terference with the affairs ot the reel doty to his iuiinedaie section. South, would have been other than it “ Do tiie duly which lies nearest to i was. you ” is a wise maxim. The aim and j The last paragraph of the editorial wish paramount in every section, how j : s not quite in keeping with the main ever, shuui.t be to promote the good ; body ot the Union’s article. Nodoitht, ol the whole Union. It would be will j the North tell it sell under obligation it we could forget there was any ; to help “fit the negro for freedom and North, East, West or South, save to j tbe lmilot.” If a man get* his friend* remember that in promoting the in— j into a new and difficult position, for terests of either we advance the coins j which that friend has not the slightest ■non weltare of al'. ‘ preparation and for which moreover, , j he has been utterly unfitted by all his THE SOUTH, THE NORTH, and THE antecedents, it is certainly proper, on NEGRO. (Editorial trom the Christian Un'on ) The essential point in Mr. Howell- Cobb’s Southern view ot the negro question, as presented to the readers of The Christian. Union in its last three numbers, is, it we uudcrsrand bitn aright, that the North should work witn aud thiough the South iu uiug to learn it. We can never Christianize China’s tour Luodred millions by sending missionaries to convert them all. We must help China to help her-elf. We must educate Cniucse missionaries to preach the Gospel to the Chinese. But there are exceptions to ibis general princi ple. When the war closed there was not a single Southern' State that had even the ruin or the seed of a true free-school system. Iu most of them teaching the laboring classes—that is, the negroes—bad been a penal offense. Tbete were many communities whioh did not eveu know wbat a free school was ; others which had been sedul ously taught to hate it. The nation the mere ground ot humanity, that he should stand by his friend and see him through ‘‘the untried hazards of the State-’’ Anil so the North was in duty bound to “ help” the negro. On ibis point, Judge Cobb made no issue. The issue presented by the Judge wag as to tue true way, tiie wise way, the statesmanlike way, and above all, the Christian way of managing the “help” given to tbe negro. This and this only was ’he matter under discussion. The policy adopted by tbe North to “help" tbe negro has proved to be not a “help’’ but an immense hindrance, and furthermore, it has been a most grievous wrong to the white race ot the South. Nothing but the interpo sition of Providence by means of nat ural instincts and organic laws—in stincts aud laws beyond the reach ot unwise legislation—has kept the scheme of “help” from being datal to both races in the Southern Slates. Yet this is in the past and let it all be for gotten. A better day has dawned. North and South can only bo wise and true by beiug wise and true together ; and in this spirit, we heartilyrecipro- cate the kind temper of the Union,