Below is the OCR text representation for this newspapers page.

SOUTHERN FEDERAL UNION. Milled*'-eville, O-a. 1-clirr rori tbr C®n*pfr®llrr Cirneral to ihr ■floa. T. Iliiadiuau. of Arknu«nH. The 1Ioq» T. 0. Hindman, of Arkansas, on the 29th ult., by letter, asked to be in formed by the proper oiiiccr of Ge< rgia, as to the “rate of taxation"in said Stale, “be fore and since secession.'’ The following is the response of Peterson Thweatt, Esq, the Comptroller General of Georgia : Comi’troi i.er General’s Office, | Milledgeville Ga.. April 13. ) Hon. T. 0. Hindman, Helena, Ark. Dear Sir: Yonrs of the 29th uli., asking to be informed officiallyas to the “rate of taxation” in Georgia “before and since secession” is at hand, and i hasten to reply to the same. Our taxes in Georgia, are levied upon the ad valorem principle generally, as to property : Banking and railroad capital, however, paying a specific tax, the former paying 39-1 6-100 cents on the *100, and the latter paying one-half of one per cent, upon its net annual income. Our poll tax is 25 cents each; professions &c., and free persons of color are raxed *5 each. With the exceptions, then, of bank and railroad capital, the rate of taxation in Georgia for the past two years and at present, is six and a half cents on the hun dred dollars (or about one-fifteenth of one per cent.) There has been no increase of taxation in Georgia xmre the State seceded. The 6.4 cents on the *100 raised last year $400,000. In view of the State seceding, and the authorized issue of SI,000,000 of Bonds for her defence, the legislature, in December last, authorized the Governor and Comptroller General to raise $600,000 on the tax of 1*61.—Provided the same amount of property is returned, this would only make the whole .State or general tax nay a lew of about ten cents on the one hundred dollars, or one-tenth of one per cent. Beyond the raising of the $600,000, we cannot go. But the levy is not author ized to he made until after the 1st of Au gust next. The Governor and Comptrol ler General have not determined nor will they determine until that time, (at which time they can best judge of the wants of the State) whether or not they will in crease much the per cent, upon last year. As, however, our taxes are so very low, and as we have had to purchase about $320,000 worth of arms and munitions of war besides paying other military expen ses, it is probable that we may deem it necessary or proper to raise the $600,000, and if the same amount of property is re turned that was returned last year, we may have to levy about ten cents on the one hundred dollars, or one-tenth of one per cent. Of course, if the same amount of property he returned at a less value than it was returned last year, the per cent levied must he higher, to raise the same amount of money. But even if we do this, our taxes then will not he as high as that, paid by other States a year or two ago, when there was no war or other dis turbances of the public peace. As perti nent to this matter I deem it not inappro priate to present the following, contained in the report from this office in October, lSd9, to-wit: “With the slight glance I have been able to give the late Tax Acts, within my reach, of several Southern States, I find, that in South Carolina, upon lands, in ci ties, towns, villages, boroughs, &c., the tax is 12£ cents on the $100, and upon other lands it is 60 cents, and slaves pay 70 cents per head. In Kentucky, real and personal estate is taxed at 20 cents on the $100, iu xexas, 724 cents on the $100. In Mississippi, 16 cents on the $100 on lands, 20 cents on money, Ac., and 40 cents on each slave. In 1 lorida, 16g cents on the $100. In Virginia, 40 cents on $100. real and personal estate, and $1,20 on each slave. In Alabama, 20 cents on the $100 on real estate and other property, 50 cents on money at interest, and au average tax of 60 cents on eacli slave, (those between Id and 30 years of The Armstrong Gun.—We have no pre-J federate States Flag, made by the true cise information, say a the London Jour-1 aud noble hearted ladies of Bollingbrook nal, respecting the experiment conducted j street, as a token of their appreciation of recently with an Armstrong gun against the generous efforts they were about to a martill© tower at Eastbourn. The guns j make to achieve a successful defence of employed were a 40-pounder of 63 cwt.,! Virginia soil and principles. The enth ti mid a short 100-pounder, weighing only siasm at this point, among the voluntee rs, •13 cwt. The distance was 1032 yards, and the projectiles employed wer partly ! soiid shot partly percussion shells. The I tower was built of very strong brick-work, the thickness of the wall being 7 feet 3 in- I ches on the land side, and nine feet on the side next the sea. The roof or platform consisted of a massive vault of great strength, supported by the walls and by a solid pillar of brick-work occupying the centre of the tower. The $0 pounder shot was found to pass quite through the wall into the tower, piercing 7 feet 3 in ches of brick work; the other lodged in the wall at the dep'h of about five feet. Five shells were then fired, and with so much effect, that after eight or ten rounds from each gun, the interior of the tower became exposed to view. The centre pil larsupporting the bomb-proof was speed ily knocked away, hut the structure was so compact that the vault continued to ; tand and was only brought down by a succession of shells exploded in the brick work. Nothing could exceed the precision with which these shells were thrown. The broken section of the vault was itself but a small object to hit, but this was done with such unerring certainty that the] departure, very spot selected was almost invariably | dred. struck. The total number of shot and shell! Much feeling was shown, and many af- fired against the tower was 170, of which j fecting scenes was witnessed between the only a small portion was from the 100-! friends at parting.—Petersburg Express, pounder. The 100 pounder gun used on 1 2d>th hist. this occasion throws shells which weigh i ~ 100 pounds and contain S pounds of pow-j M<*SS<lgC of tllP Pr6Sid(*Qt« der, and yet the weight of the gun with] To t i u Special Session of the Congress Con vened at Montgomery, April 29th, 1801. 2 pounder the weight of which is 32 j Gentlemen or mil C ongress: It is my pleasing duty to announce to i you that the Constitution framed for the was unbounded, and gave partial bent in three rousing cheers for the ladies. Charles Tinsley, one of their number, stepped forward to receive the dag, and in reply said—“We are willing to aid ^ ir- ginia’s cause to the utmost extent of our ability. We do not feel that it is right for us to remain here idle, when white gen tlemen are engaged in the performance of work at Norfolk that is more suitable to our hands, and of which it is our duty to releive them. There is not an unwilling heart among us, nor a man hut will tell in the work before us; and we promise un hesitating obedience to all orders that may he given to us.” In referring to the dag, he said—“I could feel no greater pride, no mere genuine gratification, than to bo able to plant it first upon the ramparts of For tress Monroe.” This was truly a patrotic speech, com ing from the source it did, and was received with a general outburst of cherring and applause. The men were then marched down Sycamore street to the tune of “Dixie,” to the depot, where iu the presence of an immense crowd of darkies, they took their They numbered just one hnu- which these tremendous projectiles are discharged is less than that of the ordina ry cwt. Amount of Absence Proper for Husbands. —The Home Journal gives credit to Miss Muloch for the following invaluable hints, which husbands will please take under es pecial consideration : “A lady of my acquaintance gives it as her sine yua von of domestic felicity, that the‘men of the family should always he against foreign aggression, has been grad ually perverted into a machine for their control in their domestic affairs: the crea ture lias been exalted above its creators; the principal* have been made subordinate to the agent appointed by themselves. The people of the Southern States, w hose almost exclusive occupation was ag riculture, early perceived a tendency in the Northern States to render the common government subordinate to their own pur poses, by imposing burthens on commerce as a protection to their manufacturing and shipping interests. Long and angry con troversy grew out of these attempts, often successful, to benefit one section of the country at the expense of the other; and the danger of disruption arising from this cause w'as enhanced by the fact that the Northern population was increasing by immigration and other causes iu a greater ratio than the population of the aouth By degrees, as the Northern States would gain preponderance in the National Con gress, self-interest taught their people to yield ready assent to any plausible advo cacy of their right as a majority to govern the minority without control; they learn cd to listen with impatience, to the sug gestion of any constitutional impediment to ihc exercise of their will; andsoutter- ly have the principles of the Constitution been corrupted iu the Northern mind, that in the inaugural address by President Lincoln in March last, he asserts as an ax iom which lie plainly deems to be unden’a- ble, that the theory of the Constitution requires that in all cases the majority shall govern; and in another memorable in stance, the same Chief Magistrate did not hesitate to liken the relations between a State and the, United States to those which exist between a county and the State in which it is situated and by which it was created. This is the lamentable and fundamental error on which rests the policy that has culminated in his de claration of war against these Confederate States. In addition to the long continued and deep seated resentment felt by the South ern States at the persistent abuse of the powers they had delegated to the Con gress, for the purpose of enriching the man ufacturing and shipping classes of the North at the expense of the South, there has existed for nearly half a century an other subject of discord, involving inter ests of such transcendent magnitude, as at supplied not only with bodily comfort but with careful religious instruction. Under the supervi sion of a superior race, their laboi had been so di rected as not only to allow a gradual and marked amelioration of their own condition, hut to convert ■ituidreJa-.ef thousands of square miles of the wil derness into cultivated lands, covered with a pros perous people; towns and cities had sprung into xisteucu, and had lapidly increased in wealth and population under the social si stem of the South; white population of the Southern slaveholditig appearance of the hostile fleet off Charleston ’ Fortunately not a life was lost on our side, and we were gratified iu being spareu the necessity ot a useless effusion of blood by the prudent caution ot establishment of a Permanent Government for the Confederate States, has been ratifi ed by Conventions in each of those States to which it was referred. To inaugurate the Government in its full proportions and upon its own substantial basis of the popu lar will, it only remains that elections should be held for the designation of the absent at least six hours in the day.’ And j officers to administer it. truly, a mistress of a family, however! There is every reason to believe that at strong her affection for the male members no distant day, other States identified iu j ail times to create the apprehension in the of it, cannot but acknowledge that this is j political principles and community of in- j minds of many devoted lovers of the a great boon. A house where ‘papa’ or ] terests with those which yon represent will Union, that its permanence was impossi- join this Confederacy; giving to its typi- j hie. cal constellation increased splendor—to its j Y\ hen the several States delegated cer- government of free, equal and sovereign j tain powers to the United States Congress, States a wider sphere of usefulness—and a large portion of the laboring population to the friends of constitutional liberty a j consisted of African slaves imported into greater security for its harmonious and j the colonies by the mother country. In perpetual existence. j twelve, out of thirteen States, negro sla- It was not,however, for the purpose of j very existed, and the right of property in making this announcement, that I the ‘hoys’ are always ‘pottering about,’ [topping in and out at all lionrs, everlas ting by wanting something, or finding fault with something else, is a considerable trial ever, to feminine patience. And I bog to ask my sex generally—in confidence, of course—if it is not the greatest comfort possible when the masculine half of the family being cleaied out for the day, the house settles down into regular work and orderly quietness until evening? Also, it is good lor them as well as for us, to have all the inevitable petty domestic ‘bothers’ go over in their absence; to effect which ought to he one of the pricipal aims of the mistress of a family. Let them, if possible, return to a quiet, smiling home, with all its small annoyances brushed away like the dust and cinders from the grate-which. en passant, is one of the first requisites to make a fireside look comfortable. It might he well, too, if the master himself could contrive to leave the worldly mud of the day at the scraper outside his door.” No Stomach for the Fight.—\Ye are glad to learn from the following brief, hut well put article from the Argus, that the Democracy of the Western portion of the Stare will enter upon no war against the South. In this portion of the State, we are happy to proclaim, that the universal sentiment of the Democracy is to take no part in a civil war, unless it be on the side of State Sovereignty. Hcres what 'I he \rgus says : “if the reports of the near approach of a bloody conflict should prove correct, it will he one satisfaction to those who have age being $110 each.) In Tennesseee, it j persistently warned against it and opposed is 134 cents on the aT00, while in Georgia j its consummation that the fight will have the taxon land and slaves aud other prop- j to he carried on on this side by tho<e who erty, (except hank and roilroad capital,,1 | have preached lor it, voted for it and pre cipitated it upon us. ed in the idea of war is now 6^ cts. on the $100. It will therefore be seen while the tax in Texas wants hut one-halt cent on the $100 of double our tax, the per. cent tax in the various other Southern States above named is more than double that ol Geor gia, while Alabama and Kentucky arc more than three times larger; Louisiana j teer for battle, is more than four times larger, and the per cent, tax in Virginia is more than six times larger than it is in Georgia. In Wisconsin it is 124 cents on the $100, nearly double; New Hampshire and Maine, it is 20 cents on the $100, over three times as large.—In Pennsylvania it is 2'> cents on the $100, nearly four times as large, and in Minuessota it is 26 cents on the $100, being four times larger than our tax. In Ohio, the per ceut., 31 cents on the $100, is nearly five times larger, and in They have delight- and bloodshed, and announcement, that I have deemed it nty duty to convoke you at an earlier day than that fixed by yourselves for your meeting. The declaration of war made against the Confederacy by Abra ham Lincoln, the President of the United States, in his proclamation issued on the. fifteenth day of the present month, ren dered it necessary, in my judgment, that you should convene at the earliest practi cable moment, to devise the measures nec essary for the defense of the country. The occasion is indeed an extraordinary one. It justifies me in a brief review of the relations heretofore existing between us and the States which now unite in war fare against us, and in a succinct state ment of the events which have resulted in this warfare; to the end that mankind may pass intelligent and impartial judg ment on its motives and objects. During the war waged against Great Britain by her colonies on this continent, a common danger impelled them to a close alliance, and to the formation of a Confed eration, by the terms o f which the colonies, stylingthcmselvcs States,entered ‘severally into a firm league of friendship with each otherfortheir common defense,the security of their liberties, and their mutual and gen eral welfare, binding themselves to assist each other against all force offered to. or attacks made upon them or any of them, on account of religion, sovereignty, trade or any other pretense whatever.’ In order to guard against any miscon struction of their compact, the several , ' MIUCUUU V»I Uicil V'Xi liljitiv l y UIV POClill then they will have to shoulder their raus- gf a tes made explicit declaration, in a dis- ket and take the realities of war. I hey j tiuct article, that “each State retains its will not, fd course, ask Democrats to take sovereignty, freedom and independence, part in such a fight. I hey will not hesi-| an( j ev(?r y power, jurisdiction and right iatc to go forward themselves- to volun-1 wn ; c h is not by this Confederation cxgress- If they do hesitate to en- I /,/ delegated to the United States in Con- list they will be kicked out of the country ' ~ PSS assembled.” I by the boys and women. Democrats who , have always fought the battles of their : country against foreign foes will have no j relish for killing their Southern brethren j and will “decline the honor,” leaving it i all to those who have enjoyed the antici pation of it with so much apparent gusto, i YVc are sorry to say that in some few in- ] stances abolitionists have looked rather i blank when informed that Democrats could not he compelled into such a war—that . there is no law for it—but the sole reliance Underfill's contract of alliance, the war of the revolution was successfully waged, i slaves was protected by' law. This prop erty was recognized iu the Constitution, and provision was made against its loss hv the escape of the slave. I he increase in the number of slaves by further importa tion from Africa was also secured by a clause forbidding Congress to prohibit the slave trade anterior to a certain date ; and in no clause can there be found any dele gation of power to the Congress author izing it in any manner to legislate to the prejudice, detriment or disconragemcnt of the owners of that species of property, or excluding it from the protection of the government. The climate and soil of the Northern States soon proved unprojiitious to the continuance of slavery, whilst the con verse was the case at the South. Under the unrestricted free intercouse between the two sections, the Northern States con sulted their own interest by selling their slaves to the South, and prohibiting sla very within their limits. The South were willing purchasers of a property suitable to their wants, and paid the price of the acquisition without harboring a suspicion that their quiet possession was to be dis turbed by those who were inhibited, not only by want of constitutional authority, but by good faith as vendors, from dis quieting a title emanating from them selves. As soon, bow'ever, as the Northern States that prohibit African slavery with in their limits had reached a number suf ficient to give their representation a con trolling voice in the Congress, a persistent and organized system of hostile measures against the right of the ow r ners of slaves in the Southern States was inaugurated, and gradually extended. A continuous series of measures was devised and prose cuted for the purpose of rendering insecure the tenure of property in slaves: fanatical organizations, supplied with money by and resulted in the treaty of peace with ] voluntary subscriptions, were assiduously Great Britain in 17S3, hv the terms of I engaged iri exciting amongst the slaves a which the several States were, each by name, recognized fo he independent. The articles of confederation contained a clause whereby all alterations were pro hibited, unless confirmed by the Legisla tures of every State, after being agreed to bv the Congress: and in obedience to this spirit of discontent and revolt; means were furnished for their escape from their own ers, and agents secretly employed to en tice them to abscond; the constitutional provision for their rendition to their own ers was first evaded, then openly denoun ced as a violation of conscientious ohliga- Iilinois, the per cent, tax 67 cents on the \of the president in a conflict of this kind must\ v ^ ^ j ie y[ st 0 f February, 1787, the several provision ntider the resolution of Congress j f ion and religions duty; men were taught $100, is over ten times larger than it is in Georgia. Thus it will be seen that the tax of Georgia is so far below that of other •States, that it may be termed almost a nominal tax.” But this is not all. As I have seen it stated in some of the Northern Abolition prints, that forced loans have boon exac ted in the Confederate iStafee of the South, i be upon abolition volunteers \ Money for the Nary.—We are antbori- i zed by a patriotic gentleman of intelli- ] gence and high standing, of Thomas coun ty, to say that he will be one of one thou sand citizens in the Confederate States to i give *1000 for the building of a navy for immediate service. 'The suggestion has been made that subscription lists be open- sincc they have seceded, 1 take this oc- : ed in the various newspaper officers casion to say that, no forced loans have throughout the South for this purpose, in been exacted in Georgia of any character order to afford opportunity to all who de- whatmer. The public debt of Georgia, sire to subscribe money for the immediate on the 20th of October last, was $2,670,- | construction of ships of war to protect our 750. To redeem this, besides her taxes, ] commerce and drive the Abolition fleets (which have been annually applied to the from the blockade of our harbors, payment of the interest and reduction of More will he added on the subject next the public debt) this State owns the Wes- week. Exchanges please copy and corn- tern and Atlantic Railroad supposed to meat. Southern Enterprise. be worth $7,000,000, which lias been pay- - ing into the State Treasury $430,000 per ; Departure of Negroes for Norfolk.—A annum after paying all expenses and she [ very interesting scene was witnessed iu owns also $790,000 of good hank and rail- jour streets yesterday morning, previous road stock—in all $7,790,900. The late to the departure of our dark regiment for Legislature, however, iu view of the an* j Norfolk. At an early hour in the day th“ ticipated troubles now upon the land, au- jmemlcrs were busy receiving their provi- thorized the issue of six per cent. State Bonds, payable at 20 years, for the de fence of the Mate. Up to this date the banks of this State and individuals, have already voluntarily and patriotically taken $330,000 of those bonds at par, and as Georgia lias abundant means to meet any emergency, (which fact is well known to her own people) if we need more, we h tve no fears about getting what money we want at home. Hoping to see Arkansas and every oth er border Southern State again free and with their friends who are note free, and far removed from an Abolition government, Abolition rule and Abolition dominion and destruction, I have the honor to be, Ver3 r respectfully, Yonr obedient servant, FETEIISUN THWKATT, Comptroller General. North Carolina Calls a Convention.— Wdmmgton, May 1—6 p. m.—The Legis lature of North Carolina met at II o’clock to-day, at Raleigh. The House, at 1 o’clock passed an un restricted Convention bill, unanimously. The bill was sent to the Senate, aud will he certain to pass this evening. The election of delegates is to take place on the 13th, and the Convention is to meet on the 20th inst. sions, blankets aud shoes; afterwards col lecting in the vicinity of the Court House. A dense crowd of negroes, composed of friends, relatives and interested lookers-on, ! gathered round and almost blockaded j Sycamore and the street leading to the Temple of Justice. At length, about 11 [o’clock, when everything was in readiness, the men were drawn up in line on th Court House Square, in the presence of a large assemblage of whites, to listen to an address from John Dodson, Esq , who congratulated them upon the commenda ble spirit they had shown in this crisis, and complimented them in merited terms upon their w illingness, aye, their anxiety to aid in any manner in the defence of our State against her Northern Enemies. He felt that Virginia could depend upon the strong arms and ready hearts of those he was addressing, and he bid them do their duty in such a manner as would effec tively tell in the defence oi the State, and when they returned they would reap a rich reward of praise and merit from thankful people. Mr. Dodson was fre quently interrupted by hearty cheers from the negroes. Mr. Wm. Fenn next addressed them upon their duties, apt only to the State, hut to him as their’temporary master, ex pressing the hope that he should in no case have to complain of a single member. He States appointed delegates who attended a Convention “for the sole and express pur pose of revising the articles of confedera tion, and reporting to Congress and the several Legislatures, such alterations and provisions therein as shall when agreed to in Congress, and confirmed by the States, render the Federal Constitution adequate to the exigencies of government and the preservation of the Union.” It was, by the delegates chosen, by the several States, under the resolution just quoted, that the Constitution of the United States was framed in 1787, and submitted to the several States for ratification, as shewn by the 7th article, which is in these words : “The ratification of the Constitution of nine States shall be sufficient for the estab lishment of the Constitution BETWEEN the States, so ratifying the same.” I have italicised certain words in the quotations just made, for the purpose of attracting attention to the singular and marked caution with which the States en deavored. in every possible form, to ex clude the idea that the separate and inde pendent sovereignty of each State was merged into one common government and nation ; and the earnest desire they evin ced to impress on the Constitution in its true character—that of a compact be tween independent States. The Constitution of 17 87 having, how ever, omitted the clause already recited from the articles of Confederation which provided, in explicit terms, that each State retained its sovereignty and independence, some alarm was felt in the States when invited to ratify the Constitution, lest this omission should be construed into an abandonment of their cherished principle, aud they refused to be satisfied until amendments were added to the Constitu tion, placing beyond any pretence of doubt, the reservation by the States, of all their sovereign rights and powers—not ex pressly delegated to the United States by the Constitution. Strange indeed must it appear to the impartial observer, but it is none the less true, that all these carefully worded clauses proved nnavailing to prevent the rise and growth, in the Northern States, of a political school which has persistent ly claimed that the Government thus form ed was not a compact between States, but was in effect a national government, set up above and over the States. An organi zation, created by the States to secure the also presented them with a beautiful Con* blessings of liberty and independence that it was a merit to elude, disobey, and violently oppose the execution of the laws enacted to secure the performance of the promise contained in the constitutional compact; owners of slaves were mobbed and even murdered in open day, solely for applying to a magistrate for the arrest of a fugitive slave; the dogmas of these vol untary organizations soon obtained control of the Legislatures of many of the North ern States, and Jaws were passed provid ing for the punishment by ruinous fines and long continued imprisonment in jails and penitentiaries, of citizens of the South ern States who should dare to ask aid of the officers of the law for the recovery of their property. Emboldened by success, the theatre of agitation and aggression against the clearly expressed constitution al rights of the Southern States was trans ferred to the Congress; Senators aud Rep resentatives were sent to the common councils of the nation, whose chief title to this distinction consisted in the display of a spirit of ultra fanaticism, and w hose bu siness was, “not to promote the general welfare or ensure domestic tranquility,” but to awaken the bitterest hatred against the citizens of sister States by violent de- nunciath n of their institutions: the trans action of public affairs was impeded by re peated efforts to usurp powers not delega ted by the Constitution, for the purpose of impairing the security of property iu slaves, and reducing those States which held slaves to a condition of inferiority'. Finally, a great party was organized for the purpose of obtaining the administra tion of the government, with the avowed object of using its power for the total ex clusion of the slave States from all partic ipation in the benefits of the public do main, acquired by all the States in com mon, w hether by conquest or purchase; of surrounding them entirely by States in which slavery sLould be prohibited; of thus rendering the property in slaves so insecure as to be comparatively wortljess, and thereby annihilating in effect property woith thousands of millions of dollars. This party, thus organized, succeeded in the month of November last, in the elec tion of its candidate for the Presidency of the United States. In the meantime, under the mild and genial cli mate of (lie Southern States, and the increasing care and attention for the well-being and comfort of the laboring class, dictated alike by interest and humanity, the African slaves had augmented in DtflRker from about fittOJlOO, at the date of the adoption of the constitutional compact, to upward* of 4,006,Boo. In moral and social condition, they had been elevated from brutal savagea into docile, intelligent aud civilized agricultural laborers, and it •Slates had augmented from about l.25u,l)(.U at the 'late of the adoption of the Constitution, to more than 8,5lM!.0t!y in IMiC; and the prodneiion of the ■South in cotton, rice, sugar and tobacco, for the bill development and continuance of which, the labor of African slaves was, and is iudispensable, bad swollen to an amount which formed nearly three-fourths of the exports ot the whole United States, and had become absolutely necessary to the wants of civilized mau. uli interests of such overwhelming magnitude imperilled, the ptople of the Southern States were driven by the conduct of the North to the adoptiou of some course of action to avert the danger with which they were openly menaced. With this view, the Legislatures of the several States invited the people to select delegates to Conventions to he held for the purpose ol determining fur themselves w hat measures were best adapted to meet so alarm ing a crisis in their history. Here it may be proper to observe that from a period as early as I71H, theie had existed in all of the States of the Union a party, almost uninterrup tedly in the majority, hased upon the creed that each State was in the last result, the sole judge as well ot its wrongs, as of the mode and measure of redress. Indeed, it is obvious, that, under the laws i>l nations, this principle is an axiom as appli ed to the relations o( independent sovereign States, such as those which had united themselves under the constitutional compact. The Democratic par ty of the l nited States, repeated in its successlul canvass in 1*56, the declaration made in numer ous pterions contests, that it would “faithfully abide by and uphold the principles laid down in the Kentucky and Virginia resolutions of 1798, and in the report of Mr. Madison to the Virginia Leislature in 179J; and that it adopts those prin ciples as constituting oue of the main foundations of its political creed.” The. principles thus emphatically announced, embrace that to which I liavo already adverted, the right of each State to judge of. and redress the wrongs of which it complains. These principles were maintained by overwhelming majorities of the people of all the States of the Union at differ ent elections, t specially in the elections of Mr. Jefferson in I .'•On, Mr. Madison in 1899, and Mr. Pierce in 1852. In the exercise of a right so ancient, so well es tablished. and so necessary for self-preservation, the people ot the Confederate States iu their Con ventions, determined that the wrongs which they had suffered, and the evils with which they were menaced, required that they should revoke the delegation ot power to the Federal Government which they had ratilied in their several Constitu tions. They consequently passed ordinances re- uming all their lights as sovereign and independ ent States, and dissolved their connection with the other Slates of the Union. Having done this, they proceeded to form anew compact amongst themselves, by near a nicies of Conlederation, which have broil also ratified by the Conventions of the several States, with an ap proach to unanimity far exceeding that of the Con ventions which adopted the Constitution of J7r?T. I hey have organized their new Government in all its departments: the functions of the Executive, as well as the Legislative and Judicial Magis trates, are pel formed in accordance with the will ot the people, as displayed, not merely in a cheer ful acquiescence, bnt iu the enthusiastic support of the Government thus established by ihemselves; aud, hut for t’ e interference of the United Stales in this legitimate exercise of the right of a people to self-government, peace, happiness and prosper ity would.t.ow smile on our land. That peace is ardently desired by this Govern ment and people, has been manifested in every possible form. Scarce had you asseml led in Feb ruary last, when, prior even to the inauguration of the Chiel Magistrate you had elected, you passed a resolution expressive of your desire for the appoint ment of Commissioners to be sent to the Govern ment of the United (States, “for the purpose of ne gotiating friendly relations between that Govern ment and the Confederate States of America, and for the settlement of all questions of disagreement between rlie two Governments upon principles of right, justice, equity and good faith." It was my pleasure, as well as my duty, to coop erate with you in this work of peace. Indeed, in my address to you on taking the oath of office, and betore receiving from you the communication of this resolution, I had said, “as a necessity, not a choice, we have resorted to the remedy of separa tion, and, henceforth, our energies must be direct ed to the conduct of our own affairs and the perpe tuity of the Confederacy which we have formed. If a just perception of mutual interest shall permit us peaceably to puisue our separate political ca reer, my most earnest desire will have been ful filled.” It was in furtherance of these aecordaut views of the ( ongress and the Executive, that I made choice ot three discieet. able and distinguished cit izens, who repaired to Washington. Aided by their cordial cooperation, and that of the Secretary ot State, eveiy effort compatible with self-respect and the dignity of the Confederacy was exhaust- id before I allowed myself to yield to the tiwu that ihe Government of the United States was determined to attempt the conquest ot this people, and that our cherished hopes of peace were unat tainable. On the arrival of our Commissioners in Wash ington, on the -'th of March, they postponed at the suggestion of a friendly intermediary, doing more than giving informal notice of their arrival. This was done with a view to afford time to the Presi dent, who had just been inaugurated, for the dis charge ot other pressing official duties in the or ganization of his administration, before engaging his attention in the object of their mission. It was not until the 12th of the month that they officially addressed the Secretary ot State, informing him of tin* purpose of their arrival, and stating, in the language of their instructions, tiieir wish “to make to the Government of the United States overtures for tiie opening ot negotiations—assuting the Gov ernment of the United States, that the President, Congress and people of the Confederate States earnestly desire a peaceful solution of these great questions; that it is neither their interest nor their wish to make any demand which is not founded on the strictest justice, nor do any act to injure their late confederates.” To this communication, no formal reply was re ceived until the Mil of April. During the interval, the Commissioners had consented to waive all questions of form. With the firm resolve to avoid war, if possible, they went so far, even, as to hold, during that long period, unofficial intercourse, through an intermediary, whose high position and character inspired the hope of success, and through whom constant assurances were received from the Government of the United States of peaceful in tentions; of the determination to evacuate Fort Sumter: and, further, that no measure changing the existing status prejudicially to the Confederate States, especially at Fort Pickens, was in contem plation, hut that, in the event of any change of in tention on the subject, notice would be given to the Commissioners. The crooked paths of diplo macy can scarcely furnish an example so wanting iu courtesy, iu candor and directness as was the course of tl;e United States Government towards the United States was to place the besieging force at Charleston between the simultaneous tire of the fleet and the fort There remained, theaefore. no alternative hut to direct that the fortshonld at once be reduced. This order was executed by General Deauregaid. with the skill and success which were uaturally to be expected from the wellkuovrn char acter of that gallant officer: and although the bom bardment lasted hut thirty-three hoars, ottr flag did not naive over its battered walls until alter the tinns, that it would seem incredible . • could have been issued by authority \ *' conceding this to be the case, so far Executive is concerned, it will be difficult to satisfy the people of tbe.se Static -i their late confederates will sanction jj i at clarations,. will determine to ignore*th usages of civilized nations, and will ^ gurate a war of extermination on toll' rides, by treating aspirates, open pnc,V ' acting tinder the authority of commit H the officers who commanded the fleet, in abstain-1 issued by an organized Government : r .l- i .i_ - •" ...... ,i... i jUC i, proclamation was issued, it If ing from the evidently futile i ffort to cuter the harbor for the rebel of Major Anderson. I refer to the report of the Secretary of War and the papers which accompany it for furlher details of this bril liant affair. In this connection I cannot refrain from a well-deserved tribute to the noble State, the eminent soldierly qualities of whose people were so conspicuously displayed in the port of Charleston. For months they had been irritated by the spectacle of a fortress held within their principal harbor, as a standing menace against their peace England, France, Russia ami He! and independence. Built in part w ith since j our ad journment, to ask otn-, their own money, its custody confided t nition as a member of the family of na with their own consent to an agent who JtionB, and to make with each of those port held no power over them other than sncli j ers treaties of amity and commerce as they had themselves delegated for their j Further steps will be taken to enter bl own benefit, intended to be used by that j like negotiations with the other Europe-’ agent for their own protection against for-; powers in pursuance of vour resolution, eign attack, they saw it held with persist-1 passed at the last session. Sufficient tii only have been published under th e den-influence of passion, and we renv assured mankind will be spared tlie hoi• of the conflict it seems to invite. For the details of this administration the different departments, i refer to the ports of the Secretaries which aecomp a ] " this message. The State department In' furnished the necessary instruction, t;,'. three commissioners who have been sent t * has not yet elapsed since the departure (l - these commissioners for the receipt of arv intelligence from them. As I deem it dj. sirable that commissioners or other diplo matic agents should also be sent at an early period to the independent American ent tenacity as a means of offense against them by the very Government which they had established for their protection. They had beleaguered it for months—felt entire confidence in tbeir power to capture it— yet yielded to the requirements of discip line, curbed tbeir impatience, submitted powers South of our Confederacy, with ' without complaint to the unaccustomed ] of whom it is our interests and farm.- hardships, labors and privations of a pro-! wish to maintain the most cordial an ! traded siege; and when at length theiri friendly relations, I suggest flic expeffi. patience was rewarded by the signal for, ency of making the necessary approjuia. attack, and success had crowned their j tions for that purpose, steady and gallant conduct—even in the' Having been officially notified by tbo author - very moment of triumph—they evinced n 1 'ties of the State of V irginia that she hml u ,- . , - , j e .i e i- O .L drawn trom the Union, and desired to uwiiii.rn chivalrous regard for the feelings ot the the closest political .elations with us which j, brave but unfortunate officer who had been ; possible at this time to establish, I cotun,1 compelled to lower his flag. All manifes- ] *A e Hon. Alexander II. Stephens, Vice Pn-sidcnt tations of exultation were checked in his] of th«Confederate States, to represent this Gov. . ernment at Kiemnoiul. I am happy to inform v# presence.^ I heir commanding general, j t |, at j ias concluded a convention with the State with their cordial approval and the con- j of Virginia, by which that honored Conmuanveauii sent of his Government, refrained from I so long and justly distinguished among U i a^ter imposing any terms that could wound the ! States, and so dear to the hearts ot thousand,. • sensibilities ot the commander ot the fort. \ her power and her fortunes with ours, and he-r,-.. He was permitted to retire with the hon ors of w ar—to salute his flag, to depart freely with all liis command, aud was es corted to the vessel in which he embark ed, with the highest marks of respect from those against whom his guns had been so recently directed. Not only does every event connected with the siege reflect the highest honor on South Carolina, but the forbearence of ber people and this govern ment from making any harsh use ofa vic tory obtained under circumstances of such taken in connection with further facts, which I now proceed to relate. Early in April, the attention of the whole coun try. as well as that of our Commissioners, was at tracted to extraordinary preparations for an exten sive military and naval expedition, whose destin ation was concealed, only became known when nearly completed, and, on the 5th. Ctli and 7th of April, transports and vessels of war, with troops, munitions and military supplies, sailed from North ern ports, hound booth wards. Alarmed by so ex traordinary a demonstraaon, the Commissioners requested the delivery of aa answer to their official communication of the 12th of March, and thereup on received, on the 8th of April, a reply dated on the 15th of the previous month, from which it ap pears that, during the whole inteival, while the Commissioners were receiving assurances calcula ted to inspire hope of the success of their mission, the Secretary of the State and the President of the United States had already determined to hold no intercourse with them whatever: to refuse even to listen to any proposals they had to make, and had profited by the delay created by their own assu rances, in order to prepare secretly the means for effective hostile operations. That these assurances were given, has been vir tually confessed by the Government of the United States by sending a messenger to Charleston, to give notice of its purpose, to use force, if opposed in its intention of supplying Fort Sumter. No more striking proof of the absence of good faith in the conduct ot the Government of the United States towards this confederacy can be required than is contained in the circumstances which accompani ed this notice. According to the ngnal course of navigation, the vessels composing the expedition designed for the relief of Fort Sumter, might be expected to reach Charleston harbor on the 9th of April: yet with our Commissioners actually in Washington, detained under assurances that no tice should he given of any military movement, the notice was not addressed to them, but a messenger was sent to Charleston to give the notice to the Governor of South Carolina, and the notice was so given at a late hour on the &th of April, the eve of the very day on which the fleet might be expected to arrive. That this tnana-uvre failed in its pur pose was not the fault of those who contrived it. A heavy tempest delayed the arrival ot the expe dition, and gave time to the commander of our forces at Charleston to ask and receive the instruc tions of this government. Even then, under all the provocation incident to the contemptnona te- fnsal to listen to our Commissioners, and the tor tuous course ot the Government of the United States, I was sincerely anxious to avoid the effu sion of blood, and directed a proposal to be made to the commander of Fort Sumter, who had avow ed himself to be nearly out of provisions, that we would abstain from directing our fire on Fort Sum ter if be would promise not to open on our forces unless first attacked. This proposal was refused and the conclusion was reached, that the design of - r Commissioners in Washington. For prof J of j troops as an unconstitutional usurpation .1 .. !■ of power to which they refused to respond, I was not at liberty to disregard the fact that many of the States seemed quite con tent to submit to the exerc’se of the pow er assnmed by the President of the United $tates, and were actively engaged in levy ing troops to be used for the purpose indi cated in the proclamation. Depi ived of the aid of Congress at the moment, I was under the necessity of con fining my action to a call on the States for volunteers for the common defence, in ac cordance with the authority you had con fided to me before your adjournment. 1 deemed it proper further to issue procla mation inviting application from persons disposed to aid our defence in private armed vessels on the high seas, to the end that preparations might be made for the immediate issues of letters of marque and reprisal, which you alone, under the Con stitution, have power to grant. 1 enter tain no doubt you will concur with mein the opinion that in the absence of a fleet of public vessels, it w ill be eminently ex pedient to supply tbeir place by private armed vessels, so happily styled by tLc publicists of the United States “the mili tia of the sea,” and so often and justly re lied on by them as an efficient and admi rable instrument of defensive warfare. I earnestly recommend Ihe immediate pas sage of a' law authorizing me to accept the numerous proposals already received I cannot close this review of the acts of the United States without referring to a proclamation issued by tbeir President under date of the 19th iusi. in which, after declaring that an insurrection has broken ont in this Confederacy against the Govern ment of the United States, he announces a blockade of all the ports of these States, and threatens to punish «s pirates all per sons who shall molest any vessel of the United States under letters of marque is sued by this Government. Notwithstand ing the authenticity of this proclamation, you will concur with me that it is bard to believe it could have emanated from a President of the United States. Its an nouncement of a mere paper blockade is so manifestly a violation of the law of va- one of us. This convention, together with ti ordinance of Virginia, adopting the I'rovisiona, Constitution of ihe Confederacy, will la- laid be fore you for your Constitutional action. I fi aT „ satisfactory assurances from other of our late Co:., federates that they are on the point of arii«pting similar measures, and I cannot doubt that ere Tea shall have been many weeks in session, the whoV of the slaveholding States of the late Union, «; respond to the call of honor and affection, and hr uniting their fortunes w ith ours, promote our con: mon interests and secure our common saf. tv. In the Treasury Depaitnuiu. regulations have been devised and put into execution for cam ing . out the policy indii Med in your legislation on the peculiar provocation, attest to the fullest : subject of the navigation of the Mississippi fiivtr. extent the absence of .any purpose beyond as we U as * or l l* e collection ot revenue on the »»•» a„d sincere desire to avoid the calamities ot,g[ a ( e s; and delay and inconvenience have bem war. i avoided as far as possible in organizing tlie rev- Scarcely had the President of the Uni- cuneserviee for the various rail-ways.entering<v-: l o. . J • j • . n* e .1 territory. As last as experience shall indicate th’ ted States received intelligence of the posgibi ,i ty of improvement in these regulations failure of the scheme which he had devised n0 effort will be spared to free commerce from ; fqr the reinforcement of Fort Sumter, j unnecessary embarrassments and obstructions. 1 Under your act authorizing a loan, proposih were issued inviting subscriptions for live millions of dollars, and the call was answered by the prompt subscriptions of more than eight miiltoi.- hy our own citizens, and not a single bid was made under par. The rapid development of the purpo,- of the President of the United States to invad ■ our soil, capture our forts, blockade our ports, and wage war against us, induce me to direct that the entire subscription should be accepted. It will now become necessary to raise means to a m’n-ii larger amount to defray the expenses of maintain ing our independence and repelling invasion. 1 invite your special attention to this subject, and the financial condition of the Government, with the suggestion of ways aud means for the supply <f the Treasury, will be presented to you in a separata communication. To the Department of Justice you have confide! not only the organization and supervision of a. matters connected with tiie course of justice, b :: a ! so those connected with patents and with the hnreau of public, printing. Since your adjournment all the cotuts, with : : exception of those of .Mississippi aim Texas, have been organized by the appointment of Mai.bxls and District Attorneys, aud are now prepared n r the exercise of"tbeir functions. In the two States just named, the gentiemeu confirmed as judges, declined to accept the Appoint ment, and no nominations have yet been nude to tiil the vacancies. I refer yon to the report of the Attorney General,and concur in his lecommenda- tion, for immediate legislation, especially on the subject of patent rights. Early provision shoold he made to secure to the subjects of icreign na tions the enjoyment of their property in valuable inventions, and to extend to our own citizens p.o- tection, not only for their own invi litions, hut for such as may have been assigned to them, or may hereafter he assigned by persons not alien enemies. The patent office business Is much more cxt-i - sive and important than had been anticipated. The applications for patents, although confined under the law exclusively to citizens ot cur Con federacy, nlready average seventy per month, showing the necessity for the prompt organization of a bureau of patents. The Secretary of War, in his report and accom panying documents, conveyed full information concerning the fores, regular, volunteer and pro visional, raised and called for under the several acts of Congress, their organization and distribn tion. Also, an account of ihe expenditures al ready made, and ;lie further estimates for the fiscal - ear ending on the I'.h February, 1862. rendered necessary by recent events. I refer to his report also for a full history of the occurrences in Charge- ton harbor, prior to and including the bombard ment and reduction of Fort Sumter, and tie measures,8ubsequeutly taken for common defeu-e, on receiving intelligence of the declaration of wr-r against us made by the President of the Ui-itc-I States. There are now in the field at Ciiarlestc::. Pensacola. Forts Morgan, Jackson, St Philip an 1 Pulaski, nineteen thousand men. and sixteen thousand are now rn rutile for Virginia. It is pro posed to organize and hold in readiness for inst.-r-t action, in view of the present exigencies ot !ir< country, an army of one hundred thousand m -n- If further force should be needed the wisdom at- ’• patriotism of Congress will he confidently ap; ’. ed to for the authority to call into the field addi tional numbers of our nobie spirited volunteers who are constantly tendering service far in excess of our wants. The operations of the Navy Departments have been necessarily restricted by the fact that snff cient time has not yet elapsed for the purchase or construction of more ti-an a limited number ol vessels adapted to the public service. Two ves sels purchased, have been named tlio “Sumter aud “Macree,” and are now being prepared for sea at New Orleans with all possible despatch. Con tracts have also been made at the city with two different establishments for the casting of ord nance, cannon, shot and shell, with the view to en courage the manufacture of these articles so indis- pensihle for our defense, at as many points withm our territory as possible. I call your attention to the recommendation of the Secretary for the establishment of a ntngazin and laboratory for preparation of ordnance stores and the necessary appropriation for that purpos . Hitherto snch stores have usually been prepare ' at theNavy-yards, and no appropriation w as tnsd at your last sessiou for this object. The Secretary also calls attention to the ia'f, that no provision has been made lor the payment • the invalid pensions to our own citizens. M®".' of these persons are advanced in life, they h* va no means of support, and by the secession ot thf' 1 ’ States, have been deprived of their claim•g® 1 ®** the Government of the United States. I recen:- tneiid tli3 appropriation of the sum necessary to pay these pensioners, as well as those of the ® rII> -; when he issued the declaration of war against this Confederacy which has prompted me to convoke you. In this ex traordinary production, that high function ary affects total ignorance of the existence of an Independent Government, which, possessing the entire and enthusiastic de votion of its people, is exercising its func tions without question over seven sover eign States—over more than five millions of people—and over a territory whose area exceeds half a million of square miles. He terms sovereign States ‘combinations too powerful to be suppressed by the ordi nary course of judicial proceedings, or by the powers vested in the marshals by law.’ He calls for an army of seventy-five thou sand men to act as a posse comitatus in aid of the process of the conrts of justice in States where no courts exist whose man dates and decrees are not cheerfully obey ed and respected bv a willing people, lie avows that “the first service to be assign ed to the forces called out,” will be, not to execute the process of conrts, but to capture forts and strong holds situated within the admitted limits of this Confed eracy, and garrisoned by its troops ; and declares that “this effort” is intended “to maintain the perpetuity of popular Gov ernment.” lie concludes by commanding “the persons composing the combinations aforesaid,” to-wit: the five millions of in habitants of these States, “to retire peace ably to tbeir respective abodes within twenty days.” Apparently contradictory as are the terms of this singular document, one point was unmistakably evident. The Presi dent of the United States called for an army of seventy-five thousand men, whose first service was to be to capture our forts. It was a plain declaration of war which I was not at liberty to disre gard, because of my knowledge that under the Constitution of the United States the President was usurping a power granted exclusively to the Congress. He is the sole organ of communication betw een that country and foreign powers, The law of nations did not permit me to question the authority ef the Executive of a foreign na tion to declare war against this Confeder acy. Although I might have refrained from taking active measures for our de fence, if the States of the Union had all imitated the action of Virginia, North Carolina, Arkansas, Kentucky, Tennessee and Missouri, by denouncing the call for whose claims can scarcely exceed tweury ibonsat- - duilais per annum 1 he Postmaster General has already sucreedf* in organizing his department to sueh an extent s- to be in readiness to assntne the direction of ,irr postal affairs, on the occurrence of the cont.ngru - cy contemplated bv the Act of the 15th MaivB- 1861, or even sooner if desired by Congress various books and circulars have been pnf* r t and measures taken to secure supplies of ben i' postage stamps, stamped enx’elopes, mail Wf. ’ locks, keys, etc He presents a detailed cation and arrangement of his clr-ricsl forte, ® D ^ asks for its increase. An auditor of the tr sf,,r - for this department is necefsary, and a plan is mitted for the organization of his bureau- great number and magnitude of the account* “ this department, require an increase of the co ral force in the accounting branch in the '1 re** D • j The revenues of this department ate collecttO * disbursed in modes peculiar to itself, and requ» special bureau to soeure a properaccountahd".' ike administration ef its finances. . . n I call yonr attention to the additional !egis ,: ' required for this Depaitnvent. to the rewmmeuo tiou for exchanges in the law fixing the r» * ^ postage, on newspapers, and sealed pack®? . certain kinds, and specially to the lecoromee _ of the Secretary, in which I concur, that you P vide at once for the assumption by him ot too e tiolofour entire postal service. . . „ rc - In the military organization of the Mates. P vision*is made for brigadier and majorff en but in the army of the Confederate States,