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BOlGHTOff, MSBET & BARNES, Publishers and Proprietors. n. ?r. BOifinTo.x,) JO*. H. SISBET. $ * Ik Soutffnu jfcbcnl Pinion Js published Weekly, in JIUleilgevWr, Cl a. Corner of Hancock and Wilkinson tit*. I opposite Court Ilome.J At $2 a year in Advance (Unless in Advance, $3 Per Annum.) VOLUME XXXII.j MILLED&E VILLE, GEORGIA, TUESDAY, AUGUST 13, 1861. [NUMBER 12. IIATES «V -A DV6:RTIM.\G. I’-r njunre of t'celaeliiM. One insertion #1 00, uud fifty cents for each subsequent continuance. yho*eseut without the specification of the nuiaberof insertions will be published till forbid and charged accordi ngly • _ Business or Professional Cards, per year, where they do not exceed Six Lises - $ 10 00 A literal con'rad trill be made with those trlto Irish to Adrcrtise ly the year, occupying a specified space LEGAL ADVERTISEMENTS. Sale? of Lund and Negroes, l»y Administrators, Ejl centers or Guardians, are required by law to be belt , the first Tuesday in tiie month; between ibe hours ol lOin the forenoon and three in tiie afternoon, at the Courthouse in the county in which the property is sit uated. ... Jfotiee of these .ale* must be given in a public ga- , e tt?4<) davs prv. ious to the day ofsale. Xntices lor the sale of personal property must be giv en in like manner 10 days previous to sale day. Notices to the debtors and creditors of an estate must also be published 40 days. Notice that application will be made to the Court of Ordinary for leave to sell Land or Negroes, must be published for two months. 1 Citations for letters of Administration Guardianship, A.... must be published 30 days—for dismission from Adininistration, monthly six months—for dismission jrom Guardianship, 40 days. Kulw for foreclosure of .Mortgage must be published monthlyf" r fOtar month*—for establishing lost papers, for the full space of there months—for compelling t itle? f-nm Executors or administrators, where bond has been (riven by the deceased, the full space of three months. Publications will always be continued according to these, the legal requirements, unless otherwise ordered »t the following RA’TES: Citations, on letters of administration, Ac. “ “ dismtssory from Adror’n. “ “ “ Guardianship. Leave to sell Land or Negroes Notice to debtors and creditors. Sales of persona! property, ten days, 1 sqr. Sale of land or negroes by Executors, fee. pr sqr Estravs. two weeks For a man advertising his wife (in advance.) SPEECH OF or. laiiundjoiiuiii of liiiio, on liic Loan Bill. ^ a he Charleston Courier, in publishing i‘iis speech, prefaces it with the following remarks : “Rarely since the warning voice °f 1 atrick Henry aroused And animated the Burgesses of Virginia, has there been t.ntcred in any American Legislature, a more manly and eloquent appeal than was made on the 10th inst., in the United States House of Representatives, by Clem ent L. \ allandigham.'of Ohio.” V. e commend its perusal to our readers. chase; were revived by the Hartford con I tedious delay, and with the utmost difficul I of interest and trade. The city of New vention in 1814, and culminated, during i tv—sixty-five Republican members, with ! York, the gteat commercial emporium of the war with Great Britain, in sending j the resolute and determined gentleman j the Union, began to clamor now loudly commissioners to Washington to settle from Pcnnsyvania [Mr. Hickmanj at their the terms for a peaceable separation of head, having voted against it and fought New England from the other States of the \ against it to the very last. Union. He forgets to remind us and the j And not this onjv, but, as a part of the country, that this present revolution began ; history of the last session, let me remind 4. 4 III! 3 ltd 1 50 . 5 0(1 1 50 5 00 GENERAL ADVERTISED ENTS. ' J. A. & W. W. TURNER, ATTORNEYS AT LAY, Ealontoo, .Ga, October, iS, 1859. COATES & WOOLFOLK ftlattljonse anil Commission m MERCHANTS, ARK now open and prepared for the re option of Cotton ot their NEW FIRE PROOF WAREHOUSE, opposite Hardeman .fc Spark 4 *. We will endeavor t*> prove ourselves worthy of the patronage of those who will favor u* with their business. Liberal advances mu le on cotton when desired. Macon Ga., Sept. 21,1859. 18 tf. johsi a?. so^Dosrj, ATTORNEY AT LAW. BVTOX'FON, CL Estonton, Ga., Feb. 14, I860. 38 tf. BOARDING. ■^JY HOUSE will be open for transient end regu lar boarders. JAMES E Milledgeville, Jnu. 18tli, ISO!. HAYGOOD. 35 tf. NOTICE. T HE UNDERSIGNED Laving bought the es tablishment of his friend F. 8HOENBEIN, deceased, respectfully informs the public, that he will continue the business in the same form and respectfully solicits a share of public patronage. \VM. SCHEIH1NG. Milledgeville, July 13, Ifcftl. 6 lyr. $200 REWARD! V s ' AKY, on the 23rd inst . the following Convicts • WILEY MORRIS, ANDREW COX. CHARLES HUMBOLDT alias CHARLES BAKER alias CHARLES SCHROEDEIi, and JOHN JOHNSON alias CHARLES THOMPSON. The above Reward will be paid for their delivery at the Georgia Penitentiary, or for their confinement in I mime safe Jail in this State, so that I can get them or $50 each for their apprehension and delivery a above. JAMES A. GREEN, Principal Keeper. DESCRIPTION. MORRIS—34 years old, G feet higl ion. dark lair and hazel eyes. C< IX—'-'3 years old. 5 feet 6 inches plexion.dark hair and blue eve?. HUMBOLDT—25 years old,5 feet 8 1-2 inolio fair complexion, auburn hair and hazel eyes. JOHNSON—22 years old. 5 feet G 1-2 inches higl dark complexion, dark hair and black eves. Milledgeville, July 2Gth, ISfil. * 103t. dark complex- high, fair eom- 1 high, tv■ /%. KFE l "VST-A-iO-!! JU VOLUNTEERS UNIFORMS CTjm TO* pllE Subscriber will, upon short notice, virit any County in the State, and CUT UNIFORM* for Companies, and warrant a good fit. Orders respectfully solicited. Address, THOMAS BROWN, Merchant Tailor. rull sett of Patterns for Uniforms -ent to any part of the State, upon the receipt ot $5 00. Milledgeville. Ga., July 15, 1801, 8 tf In the House of Ilepresentalives, Congress. Wednesday, July 10, 1561. J be bill to authorize the Secretary of the 1 leastiry to borrow money on the cred it of the United Stales, a stun not exceed- ing 8250,000,000, being under considera tion. Mr. \ allandigham said : Air. Chairman : In the Constitution of the United States, which the other day we swore to support, and by the authority of which we are assembled here to-day, it is written : “All Legislative powers herein granted shall be vested in a Congress of the Unit ed States.” It is further .written also that the Con gress to which all Legislative powers gran ted are thus committed : “Shall make no law abridging the free dom of speech or of the press.” And it is yet further written, in protec tion of Senators and Representatives, in that freedom of debate here, without which there can be no liberty : “That for any speech or debate in either bouse they shall not be questioned in any other place.” Holding up the shield of the Constitu tion and standing here in the place and with the manhood of a Representative ofthe people, I propose to myself, to-day, the an cient freedom of speech used within these walls; though with somewhat more, 1 trust, of decency and discretion than have sometimes been exhibited here. Sir, I do not propose to discuss the direct question of this civil war in which we are engag ed. Its present prosecution is a foregone conclusion ; and a wise man never wastes | bis strength on a fruitless enterprise. My position shaii at present, for the most part, be indicated by my votes, and by the reso lutions and motions w^ich I may submit. But there are many questions incident to the war and to its prosecution, about which I have somewhat to say now. Mr. Chairman, the President, in the message before us, demands the extraordi nary loan of 8400,000,000—an amount nearly ten timesgreater than the entire pub lic debt. State and Federal, at the close of the revolution in 17S3, and four times as much as the total expenditures during the three years’ war with Great Britain, in 1812. Sir, that same Constitution which I again hold up, and to which I give my whole heart and my utmost loyalty, com mits to Congress alone the power to borrow money and to fix tbe purposes to which it shall be applied, and expressly limits any appropriations to tbe term of two 3’ears. Each Senator and Representative, therefore, must judge for hitnsell upon his conscience and oath, and before God and the country, of the justice and wisdom, and policy of the President’s demand; and whenever this house shall have become but a mere office wherein to register tbe decrees of the executive, it will be high time to abolish it. But I have a right, I believe, sir, to say that, however gentlemen upon this side of tbe chamber tnay differ finally as to the war, we are yet firmly and inexorably united in one thing at least, and that is, the determination that our own rights and dignities and privileges, as the representatives of the people, shall be maintained in their spirit and to tbe very letter. And be this as it may, I do know that there are some here present who are resolved to assert and to exercise these rights, with becoming decency and moderation certainly, but at tbe same time fully, freely, and at every’ hazard. Sir, it is an ancient and wise practice of tbe English Commons, to precede all votes of supplies by an inquiry into abuses amt grievances, and especially into an infrac tion of the constitution and tbe laws of tbe BOOK-BINDING The Subscriber is now pre pared to do Eook-Sind- ing, in all its branches. Old Books rebound, &c. MUSIC bound in the best, style. Blank Books lnanotacturcd to order. Prompt attention "ill be given to all vroik entiusted to me. . S. J. KIDD. Kindery in Honlhrrn l>rirrnl I nion dlur. Milledgeville, March BJth, 1861. 43 forty years ago in the vehement, presis- tent, offensive, most irritating and provok ed agitation of tbe slavery question in tbe North and NYest, from tbe time of tbe Mis souri controversy, with some short- inter vals, down to the present hour. Sir, if bis statement of tbe case be the whole truth, and wholly’ correct, then the demo cratic party and every member of it, and tbe Whig party, too, and its predecessors, have been guilty for sixty years of an un just, unconstitutional and most wicked policy in administering the affairs of the government. But, sir, the President ignores totally the violent and long-continued denuncia tion of slavery and slaveholders, and espe cially since 1835—I appeal to Jackson’s message for the date| and proof—until at last a political anti-slavery organization was formed in tbe North and West, con tinued to gain strength year after year, till at length it had destroyed and usurp ed tbe place of tbe Whig party, and final ly obtained control of every free State in illo Union, and elected himself, through free State votes alone, to the presidency ofthe United States. He chooses to pass over the fact that the party to which he thus owes his place and his present power of mischief, is wholly and totally’ a section al organization ; and as such condemned by’ Washington, by Jefferson, Jackson, Webster and Clay’, and by’ all the founders and preservers of the Republic, and utter ly inconsistent with the principles, or the peace, the stability, or the existence even, of our Federal Union. Sir, there never was an hour, from the organization of this sec tional party, when it was predicted by the wisest and truest patriots, and when it ought not to have been known by intelli gent men in tbe country, that it must soon er or later precipitate a revolution and the dissolution ofthe Union. The President forgets already that, on tbe 4th of March, he declared that the plat form of that party was “a law unto him,'’ by which he meant to fee governed in his administration ; and yet that platform an nounced that whereas there were two sep arate and distinct forms of civilization in the two dilferent sections of the Union, yet that the entire national domain, be longing in common to all the States, should bo taken, possessed, and held by one section alone, and consecrated to that kind of labor and form of civilization alone which prevailed in that section which by mere numerical superiority’, had chosen the President, and now has, and for some years past has had, a majority in the Sen ate, as from the beginning of the govern ment it had also iu the House. He omits, too, to tell the country and the world—for he speaks, and we all speak now to the world aud to posterity—that lie himself and his prime minister, tbe Secretary of State, declared three years ago, and have maintained ever since, that there was an “irrepressible conflict” between the two sections of this Union ; that tbe Union could not endure, part slave and part free; ant] that ihp whole power an,l ii.llnono? tii‘ tbe Federal Government must henceforth be put forth to circumscribe and hem in sla very within its existing limits. And now, sir, how comes it that the Presi dent has forgotten to remind us, also, that when tbe party thus committed to the prin ciples of deadly bate and hostility to the slave institution of the South, and the men who bad proclaimed the doctrine of the irrepressible coullict, an who, in the dilemma or alternative of this conduct, were resolved that “the cotton and rice fields -of South Carolina, and tbe Sugar plantations of Louisiana, should ultimate ly be tilled by’ free, labor,” bad obtained power and place in the common govern ment of the States, the South except one State chose first to demand solemn consti tutional guarantees for the protection against the abuse of the tremendous power and patronage and influence of the Feder al Government, for the purpose of securing the great end of the sectional conflict, be fore resorting to secession or revolution at all ? Did be not know—how could he be ignorant—that at the last session of Con- propose to consider the present state of tbe nation, and supply also some of the many omissions of the President in the message before us. Sir, be has undertaken to give ns information of the state of tbe Union, as tbe constitution requires him to do; and it was ltis duty, as an honest execu tive, to make that information full, impar tial and complete, instead of spreading be fore us a labored and lawycrly vindication of his own course of policy which has pre- SLATIN6—SLATING. Mi«LY.r? le “ DdM °° iy executive. Let us follow this safe prac- gress, every substantive proposition for ad- tice. We are now in the committee of justment ana compromise, except that oil- the whole on the state of the Union; and f ,ec | Ly the gentleman fron Illinois, |-Ir. in the exercise ot my right aud my duty j Kellogg]-and we all know how that was as a representative, and availing myself j received came .tom the South . Stop a ofthe latitude of debate allowed here, I j moln ent, and let us see. Tbe committee of thirty-three was mov- W. E. ELLIOTT, I in the midst of a general civil war. not PRACTICAL SLATER AND I1EILF.R IT now a pretty insurrection, to he suppress- I3E ST StT. A T 1 TTB 9 ed in twenty days by a proclamation RECENTLY FROM RICHMOND, VA., - and a posse e vomit at us of three months mil- I S now ready to do any work in his lire of httsi- itia. ness—Slating, and wat ran ted free from Leak-; yj ri has been the misfortune ofthe ! President from the beginning that lie has Bepair. to Old^su^e Uo*f. nt.rnded to J tola] iy au d wholly underestimated the ... f , j magnitude and character of the revolution W.E. E. is Acrent for an extensive Manufactory ® , .11 of Iron Railing. Verandah, Balconies, Iron Stairs, with which he had to deal, or surely he Fountains. Settees, Chairs, Tables, Tree Boxes, j never would have ventured upon the wick- Uigure?. &c,&c, and all other JronMorkoi a i e( ] all J hazardous experiment of calling decorative character. _ thirty millions of the people to arms among Cncladu Caeclrr, L»l» will rcctire hi» par- J , , flcrtar Afi<-ntiou. J themselves Without tbe counsel and au W. E. E. is Agent for an extensive Marble I tliority of Congress. But when at last he Monument Works, likewise for the Steam Marble j found himself hemmed in by tbe revolt! Mantle Works. . .. 11ion, and this city in danger, as be de- Dcigns of all, with prices, can be seen^aMiis j c j arg c an( j W aked up thus, as the procla- Xc "'' \ ■»*«•« .»A P ,n. p*.™, i-» A eppeimonjof our work maybe seen on the 1 have waked up to the reality and signih Depot building in Milledgeville Refereii;e—G. VV. Adams, Superintendent C. R- R. Savannah. ^3 dds&wtf. 50 Saw Cotlon Gin for Sale. ONE of WATSON'S best 50 Saw Cotton Gins, is offered for sale. This Gin is new, and is equal to any in use. Sold for 110 fault, the present ow ners having no use for it. Any planter wanting a good Gin, can have a chance to get one at a re duction on the regular price. Apply al this office, ‘ 1 olN. Tift, or J. H. Watson, at Albany. Confederate r pREA8URYNoten and Bonds taken at PAR fo* Furniture or Notes ami Acconnts WOOD & CO., Macon,Ga. Americas, Albany. Cuttibert. Fort Gains, Griffin and Milledgeville papers will please copy six months and *ndbili. (4 h mi.) W ACO. FOR SALE. S uperior vbxtt cloth, weighing 12 ozs per yf.rd, 30 inches wide, in Bales containing about 620 yards, mnuufac- tured by Ocmulgee Mills. Apply to ISAAC SCOTT, July 18th, 1831. (9 6mos # ) Macon. Ga. If you are afflicted with Piles, send to Herty * Hali and get a box of Sturdevant’s pile oint- ***t, ud be eased. Friee #1 a box. canco of the movement, why did lie not forthwith assemble Congress, and throw himself upon the wisdom and patriotism of the representatives of the States and of the people, instead of usurping powers which the constitution has expressly con ferred upon us? ay, sir, and powers which Congress had but a little while before re peatedly and emphatically refused to ex ercise, or to permit birrs to exercise. But I shall recur to this point again. Sir, the President, in this message, has undertaken also to give us a summary of the cau?es which have led to this present revolution. He has made out a case—he might, in my judgement, have made out a much stronger case—against tbe secession ists and and disuuionisls of the South.— All this sir, is very well as far as it goes. But the President does not go back far enough, nor in the right direction. He forgets the still stronger case against tbe abolitionists and disuniouists of the North and West. He omits to tell us that seces sionists and disunionists had a New Eng land origin, and begun in Massachusetts in 1804, at the time of the Louisiana pur- ed for in this house by a gentleman from Virginia the second day of the session, and received the vote of every Southern repre sentative present, except only the members of South Carolina, who declined to vote. In the Senate the committee of thirteen was moved for by a Senator from Ken tucky, (Mr. Powell,) and received tbe si lent acquiescence of every Southern Sena tor present. The Crittenden propositions, too, were moved also by another Senator from Kentucky, [Mr. Crittenden,J now a member of tiiis house, a niau venerable for his years, loved for bis virtues, distin guished for his services, honored for his pa triotism ; for forty-four years a Senator; or in other public ofiiee; devoted from the first hour of his manhood to the union of these States; and who, though be himself proved his courage fifty years ago upon the battle field against the foreign enemies of his country, is now, thank God, still for com promise at home to-day. Fortunate i:i a long and well spent life of public services and private worth, he is unfortunate only that be has survived a union, and, I fear, a constitution younger than himself. Tbe border State propositions also were | projected by a gentleman from Maryland not now a member of this House, anti pre sented by a gentleman from Tennessee, | Mr. Ethridge] now tiie clerk ofthe House. And yet all these propositions, coaling thus from the South, were severally anil repeatedly rejected by the almost united vote of the Republican party in the Sen ate and the House. Tiie Crittenden prnp- you that bills were introduced into this house proposing to abolish and close up certain Southern ports of entry ; to author ize tbe President to blockade the South ern coast; anil to call out the militia and accept the service, of volunteers, not for three months merely, hut without any lim it as to either numbers or time, for the very purpose of enforcing the laws, collect ing the revenue, and protecting the pub lic property ; and were pressed vehemently and earnestly in this house prior to the arrival of the President in this city, and were then, though seven States had sece ded and set up a government of their own, voted down, postponed, thrust aside, or in some other way disposed of, sometimes by large majorities in this house, till at last Congress adjourned without any action at all. Peace then seemed to be the policy of all parties. Thus sir, the case stood at 12 o'clock on the 4th of March last, when, from the Eastern portion ofthe Capitol, and in the presence of twenty thousand of his country men, hut enveloped in a crowd of sol diery, which no other American President ever saw, Abraham Lincoln took the oath of office to support the Constitution ; and delivered his inaugural—a message, I re gret to say, not written in the direct and straight forward language which becomes an American President aud an American statesman, and which was expected from the plain, blunt, honest man ol the North west, hut with the forked tongue and crooked counsel of the New York politi cian,! eaving thirty million of people in doubt whether it meant peace or war.— But whatever may have been the secret purpose and meaning of the inaugural, practically for six weeks the policy ot peace prevailed ; and they were weeks ol happiness to the patriot, and prosperity to the country. Business revived ; trade re turned ; commerce flourished. Never was there a fairer prospect before any peo pie. Secession in the past languished and was spiritless and harmless ; secession in t Ire future was arrested, and perished.— By overwhelming majorities, Virginia, Kentucky, North Carolina, Tennessee, and M issouri, all declared for the old Un ion, and every heart beat high with hope that in due course of time, and through faith aud patience and peace, and by ulti mate and adequate compromise, every State would be restored to it. It is true, indeed, sir, that the republican party, with great unanimity and great earnestness and determination, had resolved against all compromise and conciliation. But, on the other hand, the wdiole Democratic party, and the whole Constitutional Union party were equally resolved that there should be no civil war upon any pretext; and both sides prepared for an appeal to that great and final arbiter of all disputes in a free country—tbe people. Sir, 1 do not proposed to inquire now whether the President and his cabinet were sincere and in earnest, aud meant pm-lly tn prworvo tn t!i»> r »nd in the policy of peace ; or whether from the first they meant civil war, and only waited to gain time till they were fairly seated in power, and had disposed, too, of that prodigious horde of spoilsmen and office seekers, which came down at first like an avalanche upon them. But I do know that the peo pie believed them sincere, and cordially ratified and approved of the policy of peace, not as they subsequently responded on the policy of war, in a whirlwind of passion and madness, but calmly and soberly, and as the result ot their deliberate and most solemn judgment; and believing that civil war was ab solute and eternal disunion, while seces sion was but partial and temporary, they cordially indorsed also the proposed evac uation of Blunter aud the other forts and public property within the seceded States. Nor, sir, will I stop now to explore the several causes which either led to a change in the apparent policy or an early devel opment of the original and real purposes ot the administration. But there are two which I cannot pass by. And the first of these was party nec essity, or the clamors of politicians, aud especially of certain wicked, reckless and unprincipled conductors of a partisan press. Tlic peace policy was crushing out the Republican party. Under that policy, sir, it was melting away like snow before the sun. The general elections in Rhode Island and Connecticut, and municipal elec tions in New York and in the Western States, gave abundant evidence that the qeople were resolved upon the most ample and satisfactory constitutional guarantee to the South as the price of a restoration of the Union. And then it was, sir, that the long and agonizing howl of defeated and disappointed politicians came up be fore the administration. The newspaper press teemed with appeals and threats to the President. T he mails groaned under weight of letters demanding a change of policy; while a secret conclave of the Governors of Massachusetts, New York, Ohio, and other States, assembled here, promised men and money to support the President in the irrepressible conflict which they now invoke. And thus it was, sir. that the necessities of a party in the pangs of dissolution, in the very hour aud article of death, demanding vigorous meas ures, which could result in nothing but civil war, renewed secession, absolute and eternal disunion, were preferred and hark cned to before the peace aud harmony and prosperity of the whole country. But there was another and yet stronger impelling cause without which this horrid calamity of civil war might have been posptoued, and, perhaps, finally averted. One of the last and worst acts of Congress. for a repeal of the pernicious and ruinous tar iff. Threatened thus with the loss of both political power and wealth ; or the repeal of the tariff, and at last of both. New England-and Pennsylvania, too, tha land of Penn, cradled in* 1 peace—demand ing now coercion and civil war, with all its horrors, as the price of preserving eith er from destruction. Ay, sir, Pennsylvania, the great key stone of the arch, of the Union, was wil ling to lay the weight of her iron upon that saert d arch and crush it beneath the load. The subjugation of the South— ay, sir, the subjugation of the South ] I am not talking to children or fools ; for there is not a man iu this house fit to be a repre sentative here who does not know that the South cannot be forced to yield obedience to your laws and authority until you have conquered aud subjugated her—the sub jugation of the South, and the closing up of her ports, first by force, iu war, and afterwards by tariff laws in peace, was de liberately resolved upon by the East. And, sir, when once this policy was begun, tbe self-same motives of waning commerce and threatened loss of trade impelled the great city of New York, and her merchants and her politicians and her press, with here and there an honorable exception, to place herself in the very front rank among the worshippers of Moloch. Much, indeed, of that outburst and uprising in the North, which followed the proclama tion ofthe 15th of April, as well, perhaps, as the proclamation itself,was called forth, not so much by the fall of Fort Sumter— an event long anticipated— as by the no tion that the “insurrection” might be crush ed out in a few weeks, if not by the dis play, certainly, at least by the presence of an overwhelming force. These, sir, were the chief causes which, along with others, led to a change in the policy of the Administration, and, instead of peace, forced us headlong into civil war, with all its accumulated horrors. But whatever may have been the cau ses or the motives of the,act. it is certain that there was a change in the policy which the Adininistration ment to adopt, or which at least they led the country to believe they intended to pursue. I will not venture now to assert what may yet some day be made to appear, that the sub sequent acts of the Administration, aud its enormous and persistent infractions of the Constitution, its high-handed usurpa tions of power formed any part of a delib erate conspiracy to overthrow the present form of the Federal Republican Govern ment, and to establish a strong consolida ted government in its stead. No, sir, whatever their purposes now, I rather think that, in the beginning, they rushed heedlessly and headlong into the gulf, be lieving that, as the seat of war was then far distant and difficult of access, the dis play of vigor in reinforcing Forts Sumter aud Pickens, and in calling out seventy- five thousand militia upon the firing of the first gun, and above all, in that exceeding ly happy and original conceit of command ing the insurgent States to “disperse in twenty days,” would not on the one hand, precipitate a crisis, while upon the other, it would satisfy its own violent partisans, ami thus revive and restore the falling for tunes ot the Republican party. I can hardly conceive, sir, that the President and his advisers could be guil ty of the exceeding folly of expecting to carry on a general civil war by a mere posse comitatus of three months militia. It may be, indeed, that, with wicked and most desperate cunning, the President meant all this as a mere entering wedge to that which was to rive the oak asunder, or possibly as a test, to learn the public sentiment of the North and West. But, however that may be, the rapid secession and movement of Virginia, North Caroli na, Arkansas, and Tennessee, taking with them, as I have said elsewhere, four millious and a half of people, immense wealth, inexhaustable resources, five hun dred thousand fighting men,- and the graves of Washington and Jackson, and bringing up too, in a single day, tbe fron tier from the Gulf to the Ohio, and the Potomac, together with the abandonment by tbe one side, and the occupation by tbe other, Harper’s Ferry and Norfolk Navy yard, and the sudden gust and whirlwind of passion in the North, com pelled either a sudden waking up the Presi dent and advisers to the frightful signli cance of the act which they had commit- ed in heedlessly breaking the vase which imprisoned the slumbering demon of civil war, or else a premature , but most rapid developeinent of the daring plot to foster and promote secession, and then to set up a new and strong form of government in the States which might remain in the Un ion. Congress was not assembled at once, ns Congress should have been, and tbe great question of civil war submitted to their deliberations. The representatives of the of the States and of the people were not all owed the slightest voice in this the most momentous questions ever presented to any Government. The entire respon sibility of the whole work was boldly as sumed by tbe Executive, and all tbe pow ers required for tbe purposes in band were boldly usurped from either tbe States or tbe people, or from tbe legisla tive department ; while the voice of the judiciary, that last lefuge and hope of liberty, was turned away from with con tempt. Sir, the right of the blockade—and l begin with it—is a belligerent right, in cident to a state of war, and it cannot be exercised until war has been declared or recognised ; and Congress alone can de clare or recognise war. But'Congress has not declared or recognised war. Ou the contrary, it had but a little while before expressly refused to declare it, or to arm tbe President with the power to make it. And thus the President, in declaring which, born in bitterness and nurtured iu 1 blockade of certain ports in the Slates convulsions, literally did those things which it ought not to have done, and left undone those things which it ought to ositions, for which Mr. Davis, now Presi- have done, was the passage of an obscure, dent of the Confederate States, and Mr. ill-considered, ill-digested, and uustates Toombs, bis Secretary of State, both de clared in the Senate that they would be satisfied, and for which every Southern Senator and Representative voted, never, on any one occassion, received one solitary vote from the Republican party in either House. The Adams or Corwin amendment, so called reported from the committee of thirty-three, and the only substantive amendment proposed from the Republican side, was but a bare promise that Congress should never be authorized to do what no one man ever believed Congress would un dertake to do—abolish slavery in the States where it exists; and yet even this proposition, moderate as it was, and for which every Southern member present vo ted, except ods, was carried through this House by but one majority, after long and manlike high protective tariff.” Just about the ssme time too, the Confederate Cougress at Montgomery adopted our old tariff - of 1857, which we had ju3t rejected to make ivay for the Morrill act, fixing their rate of duties at five, fifteen and twenty per cent, lower than ours. The result was as inevitable as the laws of trade are inexorable. Trade and com merce—and especially the trade and com merce of the We3t—began to look to the South. Turned out of their natural course years ago, by the canals and railroads of Pennsylvania and New York, and diverted eastward at a heavy lost to the West, they threatened now to resume their ancient and accustomed channels—the water-cour ses—the Ohio and the Mississippi. And political association aud union, it was well known, must soon follow the directions ot the South, and in applying to it the rules governing blockades as between in dependent Powers, violated the Constiu- tion. But if, on the other hand, he meant to deal with these States as still ill the Un ion, and subject to Federal authority, then he usurped a power which belongs to Con gress alone—the power to abolish aud close up ports of entry; a power too, which Congress had also refused a few weeks before to exercise. And yet, with out the repeal or abolition of ports of en try, any attempt by either Congress or the President to blockade these ports, is a violation, of the spirit if not of the letter, of that clause of the Constitution which declares that “no preference shall be giv en by auy regulation of commerce or reve nue to tbe ports of one State over those of another.” Upon this point, I do not speak without the highest authority. In the very midst of the South Carolina nulification contro versy, it was suggested that in tbe recess of Congress, and without a law to govern him, the President, Andrew’ Jackson, ment to rend down a fleet to Charleston and blockade the port. But the bare sug gestion calk-d forth the indignant protest of Daniel Webster, himself the arch ene my of nulification, and whose brightest laurels wete won in three years conflict in the Senate Chamber with its, ablest champions. In an address, in October, 1S32. at Worcester, Massachusetts, before a National Republican Convention—it was before the birth, or christening at least, of the Whig party—the great ex pounder of the Constitution saidi “We arc told, sir, that tin? President will immediately employ the military force, and at once blockade Charleston. A military remedy, a remedy by di reel belligerent operation, has thus been suggested, aud nothing else has been sug gested, as the intended means of preserv ing the U nion. Sir, there is no little rea son to think that this suggestion is ture. YVe cannot he altogether unmindful of the past, and therefore wc cannot be altogeth er unapprehensive of the future. For one, sir, I raise my voice teforeliand against the unauthorized employment ol military power, and against superseding the authority of the laws, by au armed force tinder pretence of putting down nul lification The President has no authority to hloekade Charleston.” Jackson ! Jackson, sir 1 the great Jack- son did not dare to do it without authori ty of Congress ; but our Jackson of to-day, tbe little Jackson at the other end of the avenue,and the minuie Jacksons around him, do blockade, not only Charleston harbor, but tbe whole Southern coast, three thousand miles in extent, by a sin gle stroke of the pen. “The President lias no authority tn employ military force till he shall be du ly required”— Mark the word : “required, so to do by law and the civil au thorities. His duty is to cause the laws to be executed. His duty is to support the civil authority.” As iu the Merry man case, forsooth ; but I shall recur to that hereafter: “His duty is, if the laws be resisted, to employ the military force of the country, if necessary, for their support and execu tion ; but to do all this in compliance only with law and with decisions of the tribunals. If, by any ingenious devices, those who resist the laws escape from tiie reach of judicial authority, as it is now provided to be exercised, it-is entirely competent to Congress to make such new provisions as the exigency of the case may demand.” Treason, sir, rank treason, all this to day. And yet, thirty years ago, it was true Union patriotism and souud constitu tional law'! Sir, I prefer the wisdom and stern fidelity to principal of the fathers. Next after the blockade, sir, in the cata logue of daring Executive usurpation, comes the proclamation of tbe 3d of May, and the orders of the War and Navy De partments in pursuance of it—a proclama tion and usurpation which would have cost any English sovereign his head at any time within the last two hundred years. Sir, the Constitution not only confines to Congrss the right to declare war, but expressly provides that “Con gress (not the President) shall have pow er to raise aud support armies;” and to pro vide and maiuta : n a navy.” In pursuance of this authority Congress, years ago, had fixed the number of officers, and of the regiments, of the different kinds of service ; and also the of ships, officers, maiiues and seamen which should compose the Navy. Not only that, but Congress repeatedly, within the last five years, re fused to increase the regular Army. More thau that still ; in February and March last, the House, upon several test votes, repeatedly and expressly refused to au thorize the President to accept the ser vices of volunteers for the \cry purpose of protecting the public property, enforc ing the laws aud collecting tbe revenue. And yet the President, of his own mere will and authority, and in violation of the Constitution, has proceeded to increase, and has increased, the standing army bv 25,000 men ; the navy by eighteen thou sand, and lias called for and accepted the tbe services of forty regiments of volun teers for three years, numbering forty- two thousand men, and making thus a grand army or military force, raised by executive proclamation alone, without sanction of Congress, without warrant of law, and in direct violation of the Con stitution and of his oath of office, of eighty- five thousand soldiers enlisted for three and five years, and already in the field. And yet the President now asks us to sup port the Army which he has thus raised ; to ratify bis usurpations by a law ex post facto, and thus to make ourselves parties to our otvn degradation, and to his infrac tions of the Constitution. Meanwhile however, he has taken good care, not on ly to enlist the men, organize the regi ments, and muster them into service, but to provide in advance fora lot of forlorn, wornout, and broken down politicians of bis own party, by^ippointing.eitlier by him self, or through the Governors of States, Major Generals, Brigadier Generals, Col onels, Lieutenant Colonels, Majors, Cap tains. Lieutenants, Adjutants, (Quartermas ters, and Surgeons, without any limit as to numbers, and without so much as once say ing to Congress—“By your leave, gentle men.” Beginning with this wide breacli of the Constitution, this enormous usurpation of the most dangerous of all powers—the purse and the sword—other infractions and assumptions were easy ; and after pub lie liberty, private right soon fell. Tbe privacy of tiie telegraph was invaded in the search after treason and traitors ; al though it turns out significantly enough, that the only victim, so far is one of the appointees and especial pets of the Admin istration. The telegraphic d»*patches, preserved under every pledge ofsecresy for the protection and safety of telegraph companies, were seized and carried away without search warrant, withou t probable cause, without oath, and without descrip tion of the places to be searched or of the things to be seized, and in plain violation of tbe right of tbe people to be secure in their houses, persons, papers, and affects, against unreasonable searches and seizures. One step more, sir, will bring upon us search and seizure of the public mails ; and final ly, as in the worst days of English op pression—as in the times of the Russells and the Sydnies of English martyrdom— of the drawers and secretaries of tbe pri vate citizen; though even then tyrantB had the grace to look to the forms of tbe law, and tbe execution was judicial mur der, not military slaughter. Bnt who shall say that the future Tiberius of America shall have the modesty of his Roman predecessors, in extenuation of whose character it is written by the great historian avertit occulos, juttitique tcrlera tpectavit. Thus it is sir, that here, in America, jn the seventy ihird year of the Repnblic, that great writ and security of personal freedom which it co?t the patriots and freemen of England six hundred years of labor and toil and blood to extort and to hold fast from venal judges and tyrant kings, written in the great Charter at Runnymede by the iron Barons, who made the simple Latin and uncouth words ofthe time, nu/lus liber homo, iu the language of C hatham, worth all the classics ; recovered and confirmed a hundred times afterwards, as often violated and stolen away, and final ly and firmly secured at last by the great act of Charles II, and transferred thence to our own Constitution and laws, lias been wantonly and ruthlessly trampled in tbe dust. Ay, sir, that great wiit, bearing, by special command of Parliament, those other uncouth but magic words, per stratu- turn ti icessimo primo Caroli ttcundi regis which no English judge, no English minis ter, no king or queen of England, dare dis obey ; that writ brought over by our fath ers and cherished by them as a priceless in heritance oflibcrty. an American President has contemptuously set at defiance. Nay, more, lie lias ordered his subordinate mili tary chiefs to suspend it at their discretion ! And yet, after all this, he coolly comes before this House and the Senate aud the country, and pleads that he is only pre serving and protecting the Constitution ; and demands and expects of this House and of the Senate and the country, their thanks for his usurpations of power , while outside of this capitol. his myrmidons are clamoring for impeachment of the Chief Justice, as engaged in a conspiracy to break down the Federal Government ? Sir, I am obliged to pass by, for want of time, other grave and dangerous infrac tions and usurpations of the President since the first of April. I only allude cas ually to the quartering of soldiers in pri vate houses without the consent of tha owners, and without any manner having been prescribed by law; to the censorship over the telegraph, and the iufringemet repeatedly, iu one or more of the States, of the right the people to keep and bear arms for their defence. But if all these things, I ask, have been done in the first two months after the commencement of. this war, and by inen not military chieftnius, and unused to arbitrary power, what may we not expect to see done in three years, and by the successful heroes of the fight ? Sir, the power and rights of the States and the people, and of their Representatives, have been usurped ; the sanctity of the private house and of private property has been invaded ; and the liberty of the per son wantonly and wickedly stricken down ; free speech, too, has been repeated ly denied; and all this under the plea of necessity. Sir, the right of petition will follow next—nay, it has already been shaken ; and the freedom ofthe. press will soon fall after it, and let me whisper in your ear, there will be few' to mourn over its loss, unless indeed, its ancient high and honor able character shall bo rescued and re deemed from its present reckless mendac ity and degradation. Freedom of religion will yield, too, at last, amid the exulant shouts of millions, who have seen its holy temples defied and its white robes of a for mer innocence trampled now under the polluting hoofs of an ambitious and faith less or fanatical clergy. Meantime na tional banks, bankrupt laws, a vast and permanent public debt, high tariffs, heavy direct taxation, enormous expenditure, gigantic and stupenduous speculation, an archy first and a strong government af terwards, no more State lines, no more State governments, and a consolidate monarchy or vast centralized military despotism, must all follow in the history ofthe future, as iu the history of the past they have, centuries ago, been written. Sir, I have said nothing, and have time to say nothing now, of the immense indebtedness and the vast expen ditures which have already accrued, nor of the folly and mismanagement of the war so far, nor of the atrocious and shame less peculations and frauds which have disgraced it in the State Government and the Federal Government from the begin ning. The avenging hour for all these will come hereafter, and I pass them by now. ****** The Cougress of the United States meets here again to-day; but how chang ed the scene. Instead of thirty-four States, twenty three only, one less thau the number forty years ago, are in tiie oth er wing of the Capitol. Forty-six Sena tors and one hundred and seventy-three Representatives constitute the Congress of the now United States. And of these, eight Senators and twenty four Represen tatives, from four States only? linger here yet as deputies from that great South which from tiie beginning of tbe Govern ment, contributed so much to mould its pol icy. to build up its greatness, and to con trol its destinies. All the other States of that South are gone. Twenty-two Sen ators and sixty-five Representatives no longer answer to their names. Tbe va cant scats are indeed, still here ; and the escutcheons of their respective States look down now solemnly and sadly from these vaulted ceilings. But the Virginia of Washington, and Henry, and Madison, of Marshall and Jefferson, of Randolph and Monroe, the birthplace of Clay, the moth er of States and of presidents ; the Caroli- nas of Pinckney and Sumter, and Marion, of Calhoun, and Macon ; and Tennessee, the home and burial place of Jackson ; and other States, too, once most loyal and true, are no longer here. The voices and the footsteps of the great dead of the two ages of the Republic, singer still, it may be in echo, along the stately corridors of this Capitol ; but their decendants from nearly one-half of the States of the Repub lic will meet with us no more within these marble halls. But in the parks and lawns, and upon the broad avenues of this spa cious city, seventy thousand.soldiers have supplied their places; and the morning drum-beat from a score of encampments within sight of this beleagured capital, give melancholy warning to the Represen tatives of the States and of the people, that amid arms luxes are silent. Sir, some years hence, I would fain hope some mouths hence, if I dare, the present generation will demand to know the cause of all this and some ages hereafter, the grand and impartial tribunal of history will make solemn md diligent inquest of the authors of this terrible revolution. Tomatoes far Children.—There is no better remedy for the derangement of the bowels in children while teething than stewed tomatoes, fed to them plentifully ; care being taken to keep the child’s ex tremities warm. Be careful to cover its neck and arms, especially of an evening; give it crushed ice to assuage thirst if pos sible, rather than give it water ; avoid cor dials as they only produce fever. The to matoes ought to be ripe and fresh, though the vegetables preserved in cans have been used with great success. Deadly Implement of War.—The Raleigh State Journal thus describes the model of a com pound revolver, invented by Mr. T. F. Christman, of Wilton, N. C.: It consists of twelve rows of guns, twelve in each, to each of which a revolver containing seven balls is attached, and revolving on an axis in one minute. At each revolution 144 ballets are fired, and, in seven revolutions, occu pying the space of one minute, 1,008 bullets are fired ; all ofwbich can be performed by a swasi- ble lad of ten or twelve years, and one intelligent man to point the guns, which he is wabled to do with unerring certainty, by means of a contrivance which need not here be explained. Mr. Christman brought nis invention to Raleigh to submit it to the Governor for examination, mad to make a present of it to hie native State, yto- vided it* utility be established by competent judges.