Southern federal union. (Milledgeville, Ga.) 1861-1862, September 17, 1861, Image 2
United S*rnyrr for our Country.
Various plans have b cn proposed tor securing
concert of prayer for our country, and for those
who have gone to fight our battles. Its some
places daily prayer meetings are held. Of course,
nothing could lie more commendable than tins .
yet as a plan tor general adoption, it is insuffi
cient, because, owing 10 the sparseness ot our
population, there are comparatively few places
wliero it is practicable; and even in cities and
towns, but a small proportion ot the inhabitant*
can attend. In other places weekly prayer meet
ings are held. This plan is inadequate tor the
same reasons as the preceding, and is liable to the
additional objection, that in these times of peril,
when every hour is fraught with utmost danger
to our whole nation, once a week is not often
enough to unite our prayers to God for his pro
tection. If any plan for concert of action could
be secured, doubtless praying men and women of
all denominations and of no denomination, would
gladly forget their differences, ami unite their pray
er to our common Lord in behalf of our common
country. . .
To meet what is felt to be a public want, it is
proposed that at precisely at one o'clock every
day, until these calamities be overpast, a few min
utes be set apart for prayer by each individual in
the Confederate States, or in States which sympa
thize with the Southern Confederacy. There need
he no meeting for prayer at any particular place,
hut let each one for himself, wherever he may he,
at oue o'clock, spend a little while in devout sup
plication to the Almighty. Let the merchant re
tire for a moment from his counting-room, or if
this he not possible, let him lift up his heart to
God iu pious ejaculation; let the farmer stop Ins
plow in the furrow; let the mechanic stay h;s
hand from labor; let the physician pause for a
moment on his errand of mercy ; iet the lawyer
lay aside his brief; let the student vest from Ins
toii; let the mother lay her babe in llie crcalo.
let the busy housewife suspend her domestic cares,
let every man whatever his calling or pursuits,
suspend them; let ail business halt, and the whole
land he still. .. ,
In ihat moment of quiet, in very mid-day, when
stilluess is so unusal. when it will be therefore a.
A PROCLAMATION. favailable steamer here as well as several smaller
BY JOSEPH E. BROWN, sailing vessels have been employed. Nor is this
vo- I the end of these vexations delays and uncertain-
. Governor of Georgia. | ties. To a recent application for more guns, the
J he Constitution of the Confederate States con- . a , lsWer came that they could not be had. The
the following language in reference to the same mail that brought this answ er, brought a let-
ike more impressive. let every praying soul re- purposes of the Lincoln Government from tli
member his country and its delenders before God. , of the Northern press, and from its action i
tt would behest if possible, to retire for the mo- late affair at Hatteras, in North Carolina, w
• V WWW.W po , -
inent to some private place, and on bended knees
give oral utterance to the desires of the heart. But
if this cannot tic done, the silent prayer may he
sent up to God as we walk the street or pursue
our journey, or even in the midst ot all the whirl
and din ol"business life. Thus shall every heart
he engaged, and every soul come to the rescue ;
thus shall all the devout of the land be brought
nigh to each other, for
“Though sundered far, by faith they meet,
Around one common mercy seat!”
Thus shall all our praying energies be united,
all our petty differences and party feelings be
sifted out, ond the pure desires of our hearts go
up to God together. Thus let our whole nation
nrosirate itself'daily before the Almighty with
right of a State to conduct warlike operations:
“Nor shall any State keep troops or ships of
war in time of peace, enter into an agreement or
compact with another State or with a foreign pow
er, or engage in tear unless actually invaded, or in
such imminent danger as trill admit oj no delay. ’
Soon after the adoption of this Constitution I
was informed by the Secretary of War that the
President assumed the control of all military ope
rations in this State, which were to be conducted
against any foreign powers. The President then
appointed Gen. Lawton, and extended his com
mand from Savannah to the Florida line, and as
signed to Commodore Tattnall the coinuiaud of the
small naval force upon our coast.
Our own Convention, while in session at this
place, paSsed an ordinance turning over the forts
and arsenals of this State to the Confederacy.
Fort Pulaski was not at that time sufficiently
• quipped, and I have since expended about eighty
thousand dollars from the Mate Treasury for heavy
guns and other necessary equipments for the fort
Gen. Lawton and Commodore Tattnall have
been actively engaged in putting the coast in a
defensive condition, and I have co operated with
them to the extent of my ability, iu every case
when they have called upon me for assistance.
I have not felt, however, that I possessed the con
stitutional power to call into active service troops
other than those required by the Secretary ot
Vi ar, and to conduct military operations upon
the coast. Until the State is “actually invaded,”
or in such “imminent danger” of invasion “as will
not admit of delay,” the Constitution assigns that
duty to other persons, whose rightful authority I
have not wished to usurp. On account of the
protection which our climate naturally affords to
our coast against hostile attack during the sum
mer months. I have up to this period been unable
to say that the danger of invasion was so “im
mincnl' as to “admit of no delay.” The season
is now far advanced, and if we may judge of tim
purposes of the Lincoln Government from the tone
the
e may
reasonably conclude that the invasion of out own
const is intended at no very distant day.
While I desire to act in perfect harmony with
the Confederate authorities, 1 feel that the period
will very soon have arrived which action on mv
part, as the Executive of the Mate, by the use ot
the military force of the Stale, acting as State
troops, ‘or the defence of the coast, will be justi
fied noth by the language and spirit of the Cen
ter from the Hon. T. M. Foreman, which stated,
on the authority of the Secretary of War, that in
order to obtain them, it was only necessary to
make a requisition—all this—while the requisi
tion was already shelved in a pigeon hole ot the
Ordnance Bureau. The same special agent was
immediately sent to Richmond again. Where,
then, are our original pieces which were cast, or to
be cast at Richmond 7 It is not known. They
may have been sent to the lines of the Potomac as
pieces of position, or elsew here.
In July last, the exegicucies of the public ser
vice caused the War Department to order away
from this co rst, to Virginia, two Regiments—
Williams' and Semiues’ and the period of enlist
ment of our Savannah Volunteer Regiment ex
pired not long after. The returns on the 31st
July showed but a few hundred men composing
the entire force on the coast of Georgia. Gen.
Lawton protested, hut protests were unavailing.
The telescopes at Richmond were all directed to
wards the Potomac. They did not take the trou
ble to reverse them in looking this way, and thus
our claims appeared insignificent iu the far dis
tance. The removal of two comparatively dis
ciplined regiments seems at tho first blush to be an
immense wrong done to this Department. The
reply to such a charge might perchance suggest
that of the gentle Sidney to the wounded soldier
at the battle of Zutphen—“Thy necessities are
yet greater than mine ’’
In the month of August, just past, no less than
thirty-nine companies were received and mustered
into service, and new companies are coming in al
most daily. There is no man. not thoroughly in
itiated in the business, who can conceive the
amount of work there is in organizing and equip
ping. in drilling and disciplining—ill marching
and subsisting even a small column of 4,1100 or
5,000 men Of all possible things it is tiiat prob
ably, of which the general public forms the most,
incorrect idea. Were it otherwise, the art of war
would hardly occupy so high a place as it does
among human pursuits. The labor and the ener
gy required iu receiving and organizing raw lev ies
is much increased when they are to be posted and
maintained on remote insular situations where
they must still he taught their manifold duties,
and their health and comfort looked after. Gener
al Lawton has been called upon to educe order
out of chaos, and to create everything, with means
quite inadequate. This is easy work to the look
er on, hecause he cannot possibly appreciate the
difficulties—the obstacles and h ndrances, and the
stitution. It will then be my duly to act, and lo ] multiplied embarrassments that lio in the way
In order to secure a more general observance of
the plan proposed, and also as liras possible to
rotifv all classes and conditions ot people that the
hour of national prayer has arrived, it rs sugges
ted that at precisely one o'clock, P. M., every
church bell in the Confederate States, or iu States
wishing to join them, be rung. It would be well
also for city and town councils, and proprietors ot
schools and academics or other public institutions,
to ring the bells under their control at the same
hour.
Even in the family let the hell which summons
the inmates to their meals, summon each one, at
one o'clock, to the family altar or to tire closet.
Thus from Maryland to Texas, from Virginia to
Arizona, from Florida to Missouri, shall the air he
stirred with appeals to prayer: and thus from fire
side to fireside, from steeple toste^ple, from village
to village, from valley to mountain top and from
mountain top to valley’, shall fiy the echoes telling
to the winds and to ail the world, that there is
act with promptness and vigor
Preparatory to such action, I direct that the late
order issued by the Adjutant Geneial of this State,
for the more thorough organization and training of
the militia be promptly obeyed, and the law strict
ly entorced against all defaulters, except telegraph
operators, persons employed iu the actual service
persons employed in
' jpartinents connect-
hereby exempt
rder, on the produc-
Chief Officer in
charge of the affairs of such telegraph line, ex
press company, or Railroad company, (including
the State Road,) that the services of such persons
are necessary to its successful operations. All
clerks employed in any of the civil or military
departments of the State, or Confederate Govern
ment, are likewise exempt from military service,
so long as their services are necessary to their re
spective positions.
And I further require the Captains of all vol
unteer companies in this State not now in actual
Still less can such a person ascertain or estimate,
properly, all the relations and dependencies to be
considered, or the infinite variety of subordinate
details that must be encountered, even under the
most favorable circumstances. To contemplative
minds, it has appeared an easy task no doubt, for
our army on the I’otomac to have made a forward
movement towards Baltimore or Washington, at
almost any moment, since the battle of the 21st
July.
During the past month more than a thousand
laborers have been putting up intrenchments at
nine different insular posts. The transportation,
subsistence, etc., of these people, have increased
the gravity of the combination just adverted to,
and caused inevitable embarrassments. It is the
never-ending transition and change, the ever re
curring airivals and departures of troops that has
caused the administration of this district to be at
tended with so many complications and perplexi
ties—more perhaps than with the entire old U. tv
Army some years since Indeed the number ot
posts, (we have seventeen in all) is greater than
they will he expected to use, in case ot emergen
cy, rill better arms can be placed iu their hands,
which I trust I shall be able to do before much
active service will be required.
. , I Those who first report themselves armed, with
lieieagreat, mighty union of hearts, and a pro ,^ 00 j rifles or double barrel shot guns, will be first
digious putting forth of that faith to God, which j rece j ve( j j u j 0 service.
, ervice to inform me, immediately, of the number all those on the Atlantic and Gulf ot Mexico twen-
! of men in each company ready tor active service, j ty-five or thirty years ago. To command a divison
or, if not ready, within what time they can he j in the field of fitteen thousand men would proba-
| ready, and of the number of good country lilies ; h’y be easier to work. There has been a want,
or shot guns in possession of the company, w hich too. ot staff officers. Major W luting, assigned to
‘out of weakness makes strong, and puts to |
flight the armies of 'he aliens.” Especially in
down-trodden Maryland let our enemies hear on
every side the peal of our bell—bells of rejoicing
to us", but the death-knell of their wicked enter
prise—and let them thus be reminded that
though hy brute force they may restrain the phy
sical energies of that brave people, they have no
power to stop their prayers, nor to check the om
nipotent energies of a Christian faith.
Even in the camp the same observance might
be regarded by our soldiers: and in lieu ot a bell,
a signal gun might be fired at one o'clock to call
to prayer; and the report of that dreadful gun
would strike more terror into the hearts of our
enemies than if it were loaded with grapeshot
and aimed at their midst.
As long as the prophet stretched out his hands
in supplication, the armies of Israel prevailed
against Am-riek, but when his band*, fell, the tide
of battle turned. Lit us profit hy the example,
and we shall not fail to secure an ally in Israel's
God—in “the Lord of Hosts, mighty in battle”’
II. II." TUCKER
Mercer University, June 20, 1801.
N. B Will all papers in the Southern States,
favorable to the above suggestion, be kind enough
to cony the article? Wili ministers of religion
publish it from their pulpits, and if agreeable to
their people, cause their church bells to be rung?
The writer, himself a minister of the Gospel, has
proposed it to several of his congregations, and
having requested those who would pledge them
selves to observe the hour set apart tor prayer, to
manifest their intention to do so, by rising, he has
had the satisfaction of seeing whole congre
gations of praying men and women, ho:h black
and tcliite, rise simultaneously to their feet. One
instance has come to the writer’s knowledge
where all the servants on a plantation assembled
of their ow n accord at the ringing of a bell hy one
of their own number, and united their prayers to
God for his blessing on their country and its de
fenders; requesting their master to allow them
them the privilege of assembling for the same
purpose, every day. H. II. T.
All volunteer companies hereafter formed for
coast defense will also report their condition as
soon as formed, with the number and quality of
guns collected by each.
It is expected that volunteer companies entering
the seivice as State troops, for the defense of the
coast, will bo mustered into service so soon as
needed, after they can be armed and formed into
regiments, to serve for six or twelve months, as
the exigencies may require. The regiments will
also be formed into one or more brigades, under
the provisions of the act of tiie last Legislature.
Given under my hand and seal, at Savannah,
this 9th day ol September, 1861.
JOSEPH E. BROWN.
[From the Franklin (N. Y ) Gazette.]
New I!ngI;!I:<1 IM-osci’iplion.
“Publishing Secession”—anti-war—“papers in
the New England -St3tes is becoming rather a dan
gerous and unprofitable business.”—Palladium
Ay«—and it was once “dangerous” for Baptists
to be found in the same part of the world w here
these things are happening. It was once “dan
gerous” for peaceful and inoffensive Quakers to
Jive in this same b'asted New England. “Free
dom of conscience” was then no more respected
there than “Freedom of speech” and “Freedom ol
the press” are now. It was once “dangerous”
in this same New England for a citizen to sustain
the Government in a war with a formidable foreign
power As it was this same New England which
in that war. [opposed the Government, sided w ith
the enemy, burnt blue light* upon liie coast to com
municate with the enemy’s ships and pilot them in
their dej r ’dations. and plotted and practiced trea
son against the Government as long as the war las
ted. In this same New England, too, a few years
since. Catholic Convents were destroyed by mob
violence, and Irishmen were not allowed to bear
arms and keep up a military organization as uni
formed militia ot the State: but now, when they
are wanted to do the fighting in this abolition
war. originated by New England, they are urged
to form Irish regiments, and all sorts of compli
ments are heaped upon them. And it is this same
wonderfully patriotic New England which de
clared the Union dissolved when Texas was an
nexed, and has been ever since openly and defi
antly resisting the enlorcement of material pro-
visionsof the Constitution, and industriously sink
ing the mine which lias at length blown up the
Union A great place tor freedom and toleration
—to all who think, speak, eat, drink, act and
dress according to the orthodox standard, the pre
vailing cant, and the puritanical notions of its
pharisee pulpits—and always was.
The “Civil Was-” in Connerlinn.
A correspondent of the New York Times (Abo
lition) gives the following account of a recent
scrimmage at New Fairfield, Connecticut:
On Saturday afternoon, an even more fearful
riot than those at Stepney and Bridgeport was un
der way. It seems that a number of tcries at New
Fairfield had a white flag up, which certain Union
men in Danbury determined to take down. Some
thirty or forty of them, therefore, repaired to the
location of the obnoxious rag, taking an American
flag with them to putin its place. They surroun
ded the poll for this purpose, when they were at
From the Savannah Republican
(Irnrgia Slm-coasl Ocfcncc.
Mr. Editor:—The deliberate judgements of
the citizens of this community, have almost al
ways been discriminating and just. Departures
from their h ibitual reserve, should be attributed,
j no doubt, to exceptional causes—such as the un
paralleled excitements and the passions of the
hour, or to ignorance of facts. The state of for-
J u ardness in which llie coast defences are at pres
ent, may excuse some references to the illiberal
; strictures that have been leveled against tho mili
tary administration of this department.
It is to many a subject of surprise, that over
one hundred miles of sea-coast were not long
since in a complete state of defence—that forts
bristling with cannon, and garrisoned by well
trained soldiers, do not guard all its entrances.—
It is licit otherwise in England after a thousand
years of history—where to this city, the cry is
raised, on every threatened invasion by the
French, that the coast is not properly protected
Such defences, to be thorough, require years of
time, and millions of money. There are risks and
adverse chances that must be accepted iu the
great game of war, and ho would be rash and
blamable who should undertake to assure the peo
ple of this low country that they may fold their
arms, secure against invasion from without. Last
winter there was not a single gun in battery
from Savannah to Fernandia, tiie twenty guns at
Fort Pulaski, [of which the proper complement
is one hundred and thirty-nine) were dismounted
That fort is now in an adequate siate of defence
True, if an enemy were in possession of Tybee. it
could be shelled from thence by vertical fires, but
its arches are bomb pi oof, its magazines, etc., are
protected by traverses, and the fort is made to re
sist sheils. but it cannot be battered iu breach from
Tybee. Breaching batteries are never erected at
that distance. Fort Jackson has received an
armament
It is not proposed to advert here to the accessi
ble points which have been occupied and in
trenched. It may suffice to say that there are
eleven such points, to which one or two may he
added. Some of these constitute a second or in
terior line of defend’. Tiie guns are the best
that could, by any possibility, be procured, many
of them of long range, and more have been order
ed. One of tliese redoubts guards an important
entrance to Savannah, because an enemy making
a descent in force, would rest upon a city as a
base of operations, rather than upon a remote
plantation or island. Whiie most of these works
may not respond to the concentrated tire of a num
ber i f heavily armed men-of war, they are gen
erally so situated that they could hardly be ex
posed to such odds. It is expected that they can
prevent blockading vessels tiom mailing in to in
sult or annoy us—that they will aid to keep open
our internal navigation, give confidence to plan
ters along the coast, and afford timely notice of a
large invading force, w bile their garrisons will be
provided with the means of escape or of concen
tration, if need be. But it should never he forgot
ten that the defence of this coast is mainly en
trusted to brave hearts and strong arms, and
that on this, or any other seaboaid whatever, an
enemy may always land in suit boats, the weath
er permitting if the shore lie not too precipitous.
Mnce the affair of Hatteras Inlet, criticism has
taken a new tendency. In July and August, it
w as warmly urged thateartliwoiks should be com
pleted for the reception of cannon at the earliest
possible moment. The creation of such works
does not demand much time, and it pre supposes
the possession of guns for the armament, and ot
men to work them. Up to this day, probably
without one exception, the intrenchments have
been completed before they cou'.d be armed. The
guns, on their arrival here, have been sent down
without delay, nor do those which were lying on
the lower wharf constitute any exception to this
remark. Not only weie their carriages not ready.
engineer duty here, was ordered off after but
tw elve hours service. Thai indispensible officer,
the Acting Assistant Adjutant General, has been
changed no less than seven times since the end of
May. It is intolerable—this change of staff’ offi
cers, ere some of them have acquired a knowl
edge of their duties—this endless circle of organi
zation ever renewing and repeating itself. It is
the rolling stone of Sisyphus with the cop of Tan
talus superadded—two infernal punishments com
bined—when one was deemed by the ' Dii Mas
jars."' enough for any mortal.
This communication Is already too long to jus
tify more than a passing allusion to the relative
condition of this and the South Carolina coast—a
theme often adverted to. We have about one
hundred and ten miles of coast, and twice as many
entrances to defend as Carolina has, while that
State has had the advantage of having been on a
partial war footing since last November. There,
Governor Pickens has given his constant atten
tion to defence of the coast, while he maintains
camps of several thousand men at convenient
points in the interior, from whence they can be
precipitated upon the coast in ten to twenty hours.
Carolina has had in her own pay, independently of
Confederate officers, an organized corps of both
Engineer and Ordinance officers.
Still, we are making progress. The call for
troops is answ ered in a prompt and patriotic man
ner, and they are arriving rapidly and being em
bodied. and our own volunteer regiment is again
on loot in increased numbers. Horses are to be
purchased, and the Chatham Artillery converted
at once into a light battery, fully equipped. Such
a battery may, in certain contingencies, prove
equal Hj a thousand men Anoiher battery is to
be formed of six excellent 18 pounders, which
will accompany our colmuns, and can be used
either in lioe-of-battle, with immense etleet. or as
seige pieces. Another full battery of short Navy
32 s sometimes styled sea coast howitzers, will be
organized and equipped. If we should be driven
from our external coast defences, and lose the con
trol of our internal navigation, Commodore Tatt
nall stands ready, with his naval force, to man
batteries on the main and give efficient co opera
tion to our army. It is time to dismiss apprehen
sions about those outer batteries, and gird our
selves up for the contest. While no possible bat
teries can be defended against attack, without
danger to those occupying them, it is proper to
remark, that none of the stations on this coast
bear any but a remote analogy to those near Cape
Hatteras. It is our duty to resolve that tio in
vader shall plant his footsteps on these shores
with impunity. To this end, ail prepartions in
their power have been, or will be made, by those
charged with our defences, and every citizen ca
pable of bearing arms should rally to their snp
pert. Let this be done with hearty good will, and
we need not fear for the result.
JUSTICE.
. lit, „ . ueywereat- but in the great uncertainty and perplexity wbicl
tacked by a parly of tones, some two hundred* ,i._ .... .: r i.„_ ro
strong, and a general fight ensued, the weapons
being spades, axes and clubs. Being soon over
powered. though not until alter a ba,d tight, tiie
Union men fled, carrying away with them Andrew
Ku ii, John Allen and Thomas Kinney, of their
party, all very badly cut about the bead with
spades. The fl-st blow struck was by a “peace”
man. who inflicted a learful blow upon one of the
above. Of the tories two wero probably fatally
wounded, (one report, and apparently authentica
ted, states that tbe first one named is dead, and
tlm other beyond recovery.) named Abialiam
Wildman and Gorham. The Union men of
course returned home to Danburry, and tho
“peace” flag still waves.
It may be mentioned as of interest, in connec
tion witii the trouble iu Fairfipld county, that a
“peace” flag was taken down in Easton on Thurs
day ot last week, and brought into Bridgeport;
and that preparations were making in Bridgeport
on Sunday to proceed to Hatterstown (in Monroe)
to day ( Monday) to take down another.
. Reporter was informed that a body of a
hundred men was being rapidly organized
in Bridgeport, to take charge of the putting down
of th“ public display of any flag 8ave the Nation
al ensign.
THE RUSSIAN ARMY.—The passage ot tbe
Prutii by tl:e Russians on the id of July, amt tin- ,««•„-
pat on of Jassy, together with the large sale of‘Jacob’s
Coolers, Dysentery, and Diarrhoea Cordial,” and
the thousan is of consequent ern es, and confirmed by
authentic a lvices.—Daily Palladium.
For Sale in Milledgeville by GRIEVE & CLARK
and HERTY & HALL. 16 It.
Message- of ftoTrniai' .tlnsafiiu to the Legis
lature of KentueUy.
Vt r e extract from the late message of Governor
Magoffin to the Legislature of Kentucky now in
session, as much as relates to
FEDERAL RELATIONS.
Looking to the Constitution of the United
States, tiie nature of our institutions, the philoso
phy of their construction, and the causes of this
war, I think Kentucky has a right to assume a
neutral position. Kentucky had r.o agency in the
oiganization and fostering of that sectional party
in the free States which has proven so disastrous to
the Union, nor did she approve the separate action
and secession of the Southern States at the time.
We are noi responsible for the war, and ought not
to be invoked by either section to involve her
people or the State ill the struggle. Moreover,
cur relations are such as to leave to the State no
other position. The Presidents of the United
States and ol the Confederate Stales are her chil
dren, both natives of Kentucky. Many of the
chief actors on both sides are Kentuckians. Our
people have time and again manifested and proven
their loveforand loyalty to the Union; but it
cannot be controverted that their sympathies and
and trade, their association-, and ties of blood and
friendship, their institutions and interests, are
mainly identified with the South, Northwestern
and Southern States are peopled with our kin
dred. Neither party ought to expect Kentucky at
this time to abandon her chosen position of neu
trality,and engage in the war against her breth
ren and friends, and in violence to the sympathies
feelings and convictions of her people. Especial
ly ought not this to be asked or expected when
it is manifest that, owing to the division among
ourpeople, Kentucky, while benefittiiig neither
party, would herself become a prey to civil war,
the very acme of all social or political calamities.
Let us, then, labor to avert the impending ruin.
Let us preserve our position of neutrality as the
only anchor of peace, of hope, and of safety.—
Thus may w e avert civil war, and save onr soil
from the desolation of tiie conflict of hostile arm
ies
Until recently, the neutrality of Kentucky has
not been seriously aggressed upon by either of the
belligerent powers. Lawless taids upon onr soil
have been suffered from both sides, private prop
erty has been seized, our commerce interrupted
and onr trade destroyed. These wrongs have
been borne by our citizens with great patience,
and reparation obtained in all cases where it was
possible. But recently a military force has been
organized,equipped and encamped iu the central
portion of the Mate, the officers are commissioned
by an act under, the authority of the President of
the United States, and the soldiers of which are
arose from the non-reception of heavy oidnnnce
expected from Richmond, it became necessary to
| detain them with reference to their distribution.
| The transportation and placing of a Columbiad is
slow, cumbrous and expensive, and.ouce inbat-
| tery, it should remain there. It is proper here to
j show how far the Commanding General of this
District is responsible lor the non-arrival of the
cannon, long since ordered, and not long since re
ceived.
Early in May last, Gen. Lawton was notified
that his command extended over the entire coast
of Georgia. Requisitions were made by him lor
heavy guns, and on the 25th ofMay, drawings were
sent down from Montgomery to the Ordnance
Officer here, with orders to construct gun earri-' are sworn into the Federal service. The authori-
ages for particular guns therein described, which ! ties of the State were not consulted iu tiii-. lnove-
w ere to be forwarded, as soon as possible, from the inent. It was done but a short time before the
Tredegar works in Richmond. The services of! assembling of a Legislature fiesh from the peo-
the best, workmen in tho city were at once called pie, and into whose hands and keeping lias been
imo requisition, and on the 20th June, the Ord- ] committed the policy and destinies of the Corn-
nance Department and the Department of War inonwealth. Under what provision of the Con-
were advised that the gun-cartiages were nearly
finished, but no guns came. Alter repeated un
successful applications, a special agent was sent to
Richmond about the middle of July, with instruc
tions to remain there until he had succeeded in
Iris mission. Arriving there in the midst of the
excitement growing out of the battle of Manassas,
this agent persevered until he saw the guns on
board the cars at Norfolk. Most of these pieces
are uow in position on the coast, but, as might
have been expected, there was more delay, since
the carriages made after another modd had to be
altered somewhat. For this, and other transpor
tation connected with the coast batteries, every
•slitution, by w’lint laws of Congress or this Slate,
the Federal Government has proceeded to raise
volunteers in Kentucky, and quarter an army in
our midst, I do not know. For what purpose
their army is encamped in our State, what, good is
expected to result from its presence, and what the
plea of policy or necessity which has induced tho
President and his advisers to disregard the thrice
chosen position of neutrality on the part of our
people, I am not advised. Is any protection need
ed in Kentucky which the representatives of the
people can not afford ? Do a majority of the citi
zens of the State desire the presence of a Federal
army in the State T I think not Is there a lar.
ger force needed? Increase it. Is the piesent
law defective ? Alter it—auic-nd it—give it effi
ciency. Place a sufficient army in the field, if
need be to make our position respected; but let it
be done under tbe laws and Constitution of Ken
tucky. I recommend that the law of last spring
be so amended ns to enable the Military Board to
borrow a sufficient sum of mouey to purchase
the arms and munitions of war for defence.
Soon after the organization and encampment of
this force in the State. I commissioned two gen
tlemen of Lexington Messrs W. A. Dudley and
F. H. Hunt, to proceed to Washington City to
urge upon the President either the disbanding of
this toree, or its removal beyond tbe limits of the
State. I also commissioned Mr. George W . John
son, of Scott county, to proceed to Richmond, \ a ,
and urge upon the President of the Confederate
States, a continued observance of our position.
The report of the commissioners, with the entire
correspondence upon the subject, is herewith sub
mitted. In this connection. I submit a corres
pondence between the Governor of Tennessee and
myself on tho same subject.
Iu his response to my communication, the Pres
ident .of the United States says lie has “acted
upon the urgent, solicitation of many Kentuckians,
and in accordance with what” he “believed to be
the wishes of a majority” of our people, and that
lie does “not believe it is the popular wish ot
Kentucky that the force shall be removed.” Thus
impressed as to the wish of the people of Ken
tucky, he respectfully declined to comply with my
request. The inference seems to be fair, that it ad
vised of the wish of the people of Kentucky lor
(In’ removal, of this force, the President would
comply with it.
Believing that a large majority of the people of
Kentucky, including a majority of the I nion men,
never desired the establishment of these camps,
and now desire their removal, that the presence
of this military force iu our midst is without the
sanction of the people or the authority of the Con
stitution and that unless removed, our people
will sooner or later be embroiled in tbe war, I re
commend that you pass resolutions requesting tbe
disbanding or removal from this Mate, of any and
all military bodies not under tbe authority of the
State. The tone ot the letter of the President in
dicates that lie will respect your will in shaping
the policy of the State ; and if duly advised by
you through resolutions, I cannot doubt that this
most alarming cause of the excitement and dan
ger to the peace of the Commonwealth will be re
moved. Kentucky is I believe, at this time the
only State in the Union where the Constitution
and laws of the country both State and National,
are respected. W T e yet enjoy the freedom ot
of speech and the press Our Stale is yet a safe
retreat from the oppressions of hoth sections.
Let us cling to onr position and policy as the only
hope of peace and safety.
The continued introduction of Federal guns in
to the State, and the distribution to private citizens,
unwarranted by law, is another source of constant
irritation, and a fruitful cause of violence and
trouble. You could in no way more effectually con
tribute to the maintenance of peace within the
State by arresting this prolific source of excite
ment, irritation and violence.
Numerous cases of aggression upon private rights
by hoth the belligerent governments have been
reported io me. but in many eases I have had no
right or power to afford the redress claimed. The
seizure of the steamers “\Y. B. Terry” by a Fed
eral gun boat from Cairo, the “Orr” by private
parties, who have carried her into Tennessee, and
of the “Pocahontas” by Confederate soldiers, are
referred to as eases of recent occurrence, l'o cm
body the reports in reference to all those cases of
wrong, would swell this paper beyond its proper
dimensions. In reference to the twocasesof seiz
ure of the steamers “Terry” and “Orr” I submit
the ri port of Dr. John M. Johnson, and a letter
troin Gov. Isham G Harris, of Tennessee, to both
of which your attention is invited. In this con
nection I mention also a case of recent violence in
Harrison county, involving the killing of one
mail and the wounding ot another. My orderto
Gen. Crittenden, and his prompt and ready exe
cution of it, as shown by his report, are submitted
to you. I would recommend this whole subject
to your attention, and do not doubt that in your
wisdom will take some action to secure to the
person and property of our citizens the much
needed protection.
In regard to our national difficulties, my action
from first to last lias been dictated by an earnest
wish to preserve the neutrality and peace of Ken
tucky. I am not conscious of any lack of vigi
lance or effort on my part, in maintaining the
peaceful attitude of neutrality’ which the people
of the State have determined to occupy. The
very corner stone of the theory of the States
Rights party, to which I have always adhered, is
tiie right of the p ople of a State, by a lawful ex
pression of a majority theieof, to determine the
policy and the relations of tiie Commonwealth.—
My (unctions are purely executive, and I am
bound by my oath of office to carry out the law
ful will of tiie people, whether the policy they’ pre
ter accords with my own views or not. The Con
stitution is the only barrier between the people
and the Executive which I recognize. I was
elected Governor by a majority of the people,
who well knew my political sentiments. Since
my election great questions have arisen, which, if
contemplated in the canvass, it was hoped would
be settled by adjustment in the councils of the
Federal Coverninent; and these questions unhap
pily involve the external relations, the peace and
prosperity of Kentucky. I deprecate the intro
duction of these questions, and did all I could to
avert the issues. No man lives, or ever did live,
who more honestly and earnestly desired to up
hold and perpetuate the Union, by a faithful exe
cution of the Federal Constitution. In the can
vass which led to my election as Chief Executive
Magistrate of the State, I contended for the prin
ciple, to which I had ever been faithful, that the
people of a State, of a distiuet aggregate sove
reignty, had the rightful authority to regulate
their internal policy, and to define their external
relations, according to their own pleasure. Since
then the peo; le of this State have thrice been
summoned to the polls, and. according to my in
terpretation of their votes, have expressed them
selves in favor of preserving the neutrality and
peace of the State. I have construed these ex
pressions as signifying that the people were not
yet prepared to dissolve their relation to the old
Union, and were not to be employed in
any way. directly or indirectly, as partisans
for or against either of tho he! igerents in
the unhappy fraetieida! war between the Federal
and Confederate States. 1 have also construed
them as emphatic refusals to Le made Hie instru
ments of coercing the people of the seceded States
by force of arms. I have never been able to con
strue the votes of the people of Kentucky as
meaning that unconstitutional aggressions could
he sanctified by any display of numercial or mili
tary power. The Constitution would be a snare,
a fraud, a mockery,if the rights which it under
takes to protect may he violated by any majority,
however large.
When a sectional party was enthroned in power,
pledged not. only not to cease the dangerous agi
tation, but to continue it regardh-ss of the Consti
tution and the judiciary—when the sectional party
had, through its representative official leaders, an
nounced ils purpose to wage an irrepressible con
flict till all the States should be free or all slave
States, meaning thereby that all should be free—
even then, the statesmen of Kentucky, earnestly
anxious to preserve and perpetuate the Union and
the Government established by onr fathers, pre
sented tbe olive branch to their Northern breth
ren in the form of proposed amendments to the
Constitution. These amendments, presented by
a distinguished Senator from Kentucky, proposed
no aggression upon any Northern rights. They
asked no new rights lor the South. They simply
required fresh guarantees for existing rights; and
they demanded less for the South iliau the Su
preme Court had solemnly decided the South to
be constitutionally entitled to enjoy. These amend
ments, accepted hy the North, would have been
satisfactory to the South. The now President
and the lale Secretary of State of the Confederate
Siates, then Senators of the United States avowed
their willingness to accept the Crittenden amend
ments as satisfactory to the South. Their accept
ance by the dominant party in Congress would
have diminished no earthly right or enjoyment of
the North, nor added one earthly right to the
South, except a pledge of future tranquility in the
enjoyment of existing constitutional rights. The
olive branch thus tendered was rudely repelled by
the North. All other proposals of compromise,
adjustment and peace were arrogantly rejected
and the insolent menace of coercion was insult
ingly held iu terrorem over a free people!
Now, I have glanced at these facts as pertinent
to a coireet interpretation ot the will of the peo
ple of Kentucky, signified by their late votes.—
Undoubtedly, the people of Keutucky are ardently
attached to the Union established hy tlu-ir fathers,
and operated according to the rule of the Consti
tution. Undoubtedly, they have meant that all
civil remedies shall he exhausted before they will
relinquish the fond hope of its restoration and
perpetuation. Undoubtedly they have meant to
wait the exhastion ol all civil remedies before they
will even consider the question ol assuming new
external relations.
All this I peifectly understand as the sense of
the people, and I have cordially respected their
meaning. But I have never understood the proud
and brave and just minded freemen of Kentucky
to mean that they will tamely submit to unconsti
tutional aggressions upon their sacred rights. I
have never understood them to renounce the s-mli
inent and feeling of sympathy with the people of
aggrieved sister States. Nor can I interpret any
of their expressions to mean an approval of the
war to subjugate the South. Still less can 1 con
strue any ot their votes as meaning that they will
submit themselves as joint instruments iu prose
cuting a coercive war against tlreir Southern
brethren. They have only meant to say that they
still have some hope of the restoration and perpet
uation of the Union ; and until that hope is utter
ly blasted, they will not alter their existing rela
tions. It was in this view that they have strug
gled to preserve the neutrality and peace of the
State, and hold her in position to exercise a niedi-
torial office between tli2 belligerents. Should ail
such hopes and offices fail they will then assume
such attitude as their own judgment may sanc
tion, and they will maintain it with tl o valor and
fortitude characteristic of Kentuckians.
Their final decision will be law to me. Every
constitutional act of thoir lawlul representatives
will be executed by me with as much vigilance
and fidelity as if it originated in my own brain." -
No true States Rights man can tver set luinselt iu
factions opposition to tiie will of the people of his
.■state, however honestly he may be opposed to her
policy. I have no consciousness that, in auy
thought, word or act of mine, I have thwarted the
lawful purposes of the people of Kentucky. On
the contrary, I have used unceasing vigilance and
efforts to preserve the neutrality and peace of the
State. In proof of this, I refer to every act of
mine, public or private, since the day of my in
auguration. Some of the acts were reported to
the former sessions of the Legislature. Others
have gone to the public in other forms ; and others
still are herewith reported. And no word or act of
mine can be cited inconsistent with those uow and
heretofore reported. Whatever the rancour of dis
tempered partisans may suggest, the judgment ot
my ucimpassionod fellow citizens and impartial
history will render him justice and vindicate
my motives, acts, and good name against all un
favorable criticism.
It is scaicelv necessary, bat n brief reference will
establish the averments above made. I cite the de
clarations of my inaugural; the reports and exhibits of
a!! my messages;my correspondence with Commiss
ioners of Kentucky from Southern States my effort
to procure a National Convention; then to procure a
Convention of the Slave States; then of the Bolder
Slave.States; then my Correspondence with the Cov
entors of Ohio and Indiana to keep peace on our bor
ders, then my endeavour, associated with Gen. Tlios
L. Crittenden to interpose the meditorial offices of Ken
tacky between tiie belligerents; the missions of Gen
Buckner and Senator Johnson to Cairo. Columbus,
and Tennessee; the arrangement between Gen. Buck
ner and Gen. McClellan; the assurances I have reei
eved, nnd which have never been violated, from the
Governor ofTenne-see, of his purpose not to violate
the neutrality of Kentucky; the conference between
Gen. Ruekuer and the President of the United
States; and lastly, though I might cite many other
nets, all inspired by the same purpose of preser
ving our neutrality and pence, the missions
herewith reported to the Federal and Confederate
States. The honest people of Kentucky will correctly
interpret the spirit and purpose of all these acts; nor
can calumny deny nor malice successfully distort them
Neither can any act public or private, inconsistent
with the spirit and purpose of these efforts to preserve
the peace and neutrality of the State, ever he brought
home to my door. But mv earnest endeavors to save
the State from the horrors of civil war are established
hy evidences which will remain a perfect historic re
cord: and which I owe it to my own good name, t«
my fellow citizens of Kentucky, and to my children
to leave among the archievesof the Stale.
The President’s war proclamation, of April 15, in
which he culled for 75,000 militia, was in my opinion
il'egal. even in view of the professed objects of the
call, and I did not then doubt the real object of it was
the prosecution of an unconstitutional wir of coercion
against the South. I did net and cold 1 not hesitate,
therefore in returning a peremptory refusal to the de
mand upon me for Kentucky troops Constitution of
the United States mast be construed rationally. The
powers given to Congress were not intended to be exer
cised hy the President without the intervention of
Congress. For instance, the power to declare war is
given to Congress. This implies that the President
constitutional!V cannot doctor, erni without the consent
of Congress. Tin- act of 17115 was passed hy Con
gressto provide for calling forth the militia to execute
the laws of the Union, to suppress insurrection nnd to
r.-pel invasions. Upon a careful consideration of this
act. it is manifest that tire calling forth of the inditia
contemplated was where there lmd been a iudicinlin-
vestigntiou, a decission of the court and execution
swarded, and the power of the courts and the mar
shal's power not being sufficient, the President being
officially informed, should call out the militia. This
act, therefore, did not authorize the President to call
out 75,Ot 0 men,for two reasons : first, there had been
by the courts no judgement or decision, or efforts on
the part of the marshals to execute the law; second,
the alleged insurrection consisted of a number of States
of tho Confederacy withdrawing from the Union, and
could not lie coerced baek without milking war on them;
and Congress alone having the war making power, and
having declined a short time before, after full consid
eration of the proposition, the President’s call was the
initiatory step to the war which he had not the con
stitutional power to make. If parts of the States have
no other than a revolutionary right to separate from
the others,it was not provided in the Constitution
that the remaining States should have the right and the
power to eoerce them baek, unless it be under the
power to declare nnd make war, which, it is fair to be
lieve, was intended for foreign nations, and not
partofonr own as it is a part of the history of the
Constitution, that tbe convention which formed it re
fused to grant the power to coerce hack a seceding
State.
This act of 1795 was on the statute book when Mr
Websterdenied to President Jackson the power to
cull on the military forces of the country to coerce tbe
collection of the revenues iu 1833. The history of that
case shows that the President awaited the action of
Congress, nnd did not take any step towards calling
out tiie militia until specially authorized by Congress.
I refused troops therefore because in my judgment, the
President’s call was unconstitutional, and without the
sanction of law. The President admits in his message
to Congress, that necessity lmd compelled him to act
without the authorit y of law, and asks that his acts
shall be sanctioned. I conld easily shelter myself un-
dera similar plea of necessity. If the necessity of
which he speaks was great in his case, it was far grea
ter in mine, because no other policy, in mv humble
judgment, could have been pursued by Kentucky,
which would have prevented civil war among our
own people, and that I regarded as the worst of all ca
lamities. The cull for additional forces for the land
and naval service: the blockade of the Southern sea
ports; the blockades and embargoes established on
rivers nnd roads; the suspension of the writ of habeas
corpus, the imprisonment of men without warrant,
hearing or trial by jury,- the suppression of civil au
thority and the establishment of martial law in various
cities; tho unreasonable seizure nnd searches of per
sons, houses, and papers; the arrest, searches and im
prisonment even of women; the suppression of newspa
pers; the withdrawal of mail facility in Kentucky west
ofthe Tennessee; the establishment of martial law in
Missouri: tbe confiscation ofthe property, emancipa
tion ofthe slaves, and the subversion of the State gov
ernment of that people by Major General Fremont,
and the total obliteration of all State lines and authori-
ies: these, an I tha‘ demoralizing, monstrous, and uii-
onstituliomil confiscation bill recently passed by Con
gress,make up a record well calculated to alarm and
startle a free people justly jealous of their rights. I
have been, and am still, unable to give to these nets
any sort of sanction. They are acts which give to the
government, intended to be conducted according to the
Constitution, the character, in substance, at once of a
usurpation and despotism.
In conseientously taking such a view of the Presi
dent's rule, 1 have not intended to bedisloval to our
State or Federal Government. I have refused obedi-
anee to only one demand made on me by the Federal
authorities, and in it have been sustained by the
people of Kentucky and by the Constitution of lrry
country. The people have sustained me in mv recom
mendation against coercion, in my recoinendation of
Senator Crittenden’s amendments to the Constitution as
a settlement of onr national difficulties, against the oc
cupation ofimi soil by a Federal military force, in favor
of peace and neutrality, and for voting men and money
to arm the State. And now, addressing myself to the
Representatives of the peopleof Keutucky I protest,
in their name and presence, in II
B Y AUTHORITY.
ACTS AND RESOLUTIONS
of the Second Session of the
PRO VISIONAL CONGRESS
of the
CONFEDERATE STATES.
1861.
(No. 223.)
AN ACT to authorize the issue of Treasury notes, and
to provide n war tux for their redemption.
Section 1. The Congress of the Confederate States
of America do enact, That the Secretary of the Treas
ury be and he is hereby authorized, from time to time,
as the public necessities may require, to issue Treas
ury Notes, payable to bearer at the'expiration of
six months after the ratification of a treaty of peace
between tlio Confederate States und the United States,
tiie said notes to be of any denomination not less than
five dollars, and to he re-issuable at pleasure, until the
same are payable; but the whole issue, outstanding
at one time, including the amount issued under former
acts, shall not exceed one hundred millions of dollars:
the said notes shall be receivable in payment of the
War Tax hereinafter provided, and of all other public
dues except the export duty on cotton, and shall also
be received in payment of the subscriptions of the net
proceeds ot sales of law produce ami manufactured
articles.
Sec. 2. Thut, for the purpose of funding the said
notes, and of making exctmnge for the proceedsof the
sale of raw produce and manufactured articles, or for
the purehaseof specie or military stores, the Secretary
of the Treasury, with tiie assent of the President, is
authorized to issue bonds, payable not more than tweu
ty years ufter date, and bearing a rate of interest not
exceeding eight per centum per annum, until they be
coine payable the interest to be paid semi-annually;
the said bonds not to exceed, in the whole,one hundred
millions of dollars, and to lie deemed a substitute for
thirty millions of the bonds authorized to be issued by
the act approved May sixteenth, eigtiteen hundred aud
sixty-one; and this act is to be deemed a revocation ot
the authority to issue tbe said thirty millions. The said
Bonds shall not be issued in less sums than one hundred
dollars, nor in fractional parts of a hundred, except
when the subscription is less than one hundred dollars
the said Bonds may be issued in sums of fifty dollars.
They may be sold for specie, military and naval stores
or for the proceeds of raw produce and manufactured
articles,in the same maimer as is provided by the aci
aforesaid; and, whenever subscriptions of the same
havebaen or shall be made, payable at a pnrtieiilai
date, the Secretary of the Treasury shall have powei
to extend the time of sales until such dates as he shah
see fit, to indicate.
See. 3. The holders of the said Treasury notes may
at any time demand in exchange for them, bonds til
the Confederate States, according to such regulations
as may’be made by the Secretary of the Treasury.—
But whenever the Secretary of the Treasury shall ad
vertise that he will pay off any portion of the said
Treasury notes, then the privilege of landing, as to
such notes, shall cease, unless there shall be a failure to
pay the same iu specie on presentation.
See. 1. That, for the special purposes of paying the
principal and interest of the public debt, und of sup
porting the government, a War Tax shall be assessed
and levied, of fifty cents upon each one hundred dollars
in value, of the following property, in the Confederate
States, namely : Real estate of all kinds; slaves; met
chan disc; bank storks; railroad and other corporation
stocks; money at interest, or invested by individuals ii.
the purchase of bills, notes, and other securities fo:
money, except the bonds of the Confederate States ol
America, and cash on band or on deposit in banks ot
elsewhere; cuttle, horses and mules: gold watches, gold
and silver plate, pianos and pleasure carriages; Provi
ded, however, that when the taxable property herein
above enumerated, of any bead of a family,is of value
less tliau five hundred dollars, such taxable property
shall be exempt from taxation under this act; And pro
vided further, that the property of colleges and schools
and of charitable or religious corporations or associa
tions, actually used for the purposes for which such
colleges, schools, corporations or associations were
cieated, shall bo exempt from taxation under this act ,-
And provided further, That all public lands, and ah
property owned by a State for public purposes, be ex
empt from taxution.
See. 5. That for the purpose of ascertaining ill
property included in the above classes, and the value
thereof, and the person chargeable with the tax, each
State shall constitute a tax division, over which shall
be appointed one Chief Collector, who shall be charged
with the duty of dividing the State into a convenient
number of collection districts, subject to the revisa! ol
le Secretary of the Treasury. The said Collector
tional liberty and in presence of Heaven mid earth,
against all and everyone of the President’s usurpa
tions, and unconstitutional and illegal nets, and I pro
test, furthermore, against the further prosecution of a
war professedly for the object of restoring the Gov
ernment, an object utterly impossible of attainment
by such insane means ns a war of coercion; and I
protest, moreover, against Kentucky being made a
camping ground, or the pathway for the movement of
forces by either belligerents, and I recommend ear
nestly to the General Assembly the prompt passage
of resolutions requiring both belligerents to keep off
our soil, and respect in good faith the neutrality which
the people of Kentucky, with unexampled unanimity,
in good faith desire to preserve. The valor mid forti
tude of the Southern people and underrated by those
who imagine that tiieycan be subjected to terms of
humiliating submission by auy military force which
the North can possibly find means to innititaiu in the
field. It is mv opinion, therefore, that the General
Assembly of Ken ucky ought to declare, by solemn reso
lution, that this war ought to be instantly stopped. If
it is not. our people, already oppressed hy taxation
will be bankrupted, our markets destroyed, our trade
mined, our fields ravaged,every home made desolate
and in mourning; and after the expenditure of all our
treasure and the loss of n million of lives in the vain
effort to subjugate the South, the belligerents at last
will be compelled to negotiate a peace, the people
and our children having been made barbarians, and
tin- last hope of liberty extinguished. Bis the policy
of Kentucky to take no part in it. She should keep
firmly lu-r present position of neutrality, and when
opportunity offers, as a mediator, present term
peace and of settlement alike honorable to both ofthe
contending parties.
I submit the whole matter to tha wisdom of
your counsels. The peace, position, character
and honor of the State are in your keeping. Tbe
people of the whole Commonwealth are looking to
you for protection. The minority have a light to
tiie enjoyment ot their poliiical opinions as well as
the-majority. You are aware of the responsibili
ties that devolve upon you. I have confidence
the expectations of the people will bo realized. I
have confidence there will be unity of purpose and
unanimity of action on your part I implore you
in tiie attainment of this all important end, to con
fide in each other—to cultivate relations of a closer
friendship—to counsel each other affectionately—
to interchange your views cooly, respectfully,
and frankly, as becomes brothers who have the
sain? great interests and patriotic purposes in view
lading aside all party associations iu this dread
and trying hour of our history.
It is my duty to execute all constitutional laws
of the commonwealth, and no matter yvbat may
my Opinion in regard to their wisdom, my respect
for States rights, States sovereignty, and the will
of a majority of tbe people, is such as to make me
acquiesce in their decision, and how in respectful
submission to that will as long as I am a citizen of
Kentucky. I expect to follow her fortunes
through weal or woe, whether my counsels prevails or
not—counselling moderation, forbearance, ami the
cultivation of friendly relations among those of
opposite opinions. To the accomplishment of thi
end, nnd to keep the pence among ourpeople all iny
efforts, which have heretofore been successful, will be
directed.
Preparations are being made to prosecute the wai
on the most gigantic scale. If it continues, it will he
the most frightful of nil civil wars that has ever black
ened the history of flit world, and must end in bank
ruptcy, anarchy nnd ruin. Already onr once prosperous
and happy pc pole are beginning to feel severely the
burdens of taxation, and realize ils demoralizing effect
upon themselves. The laws are being disregarded—a
fiendish spirit is being engendered even between
brothers and members of the same family—all, every
thing, indicating that it must end, even ii the present
purposes of the Government arc finally accomplished,
m the destruction of all the material interests of the
country, in the total demoralization of our people,
and in the overthrow of onr present system of govern
ment.
To preserve peace at home, and to avert this sad
calamity, I will co-operate with you most earnestly
and cheerfully in any just measure your wisdom may
suggest. B. MAGOFFIN.
New Y'ork, Sept. 13—The New York Commer
cial Advertiser says that Gen. Fremont is to be
succeeded by Gen. Meigs.
tl
shall be appointed by the President, und shall hold hi
office for one year, ond receive a salary of two thou
sand dollars. He shall give bond with sureties to dis
charge the duties of his office in such amount as may
be prescribed by the Secretary of the Treasury, and
shall take oath faithfully to discharge the duties of hit
office,and to support and defend the Constitution.—
The said Chief Collector shall, with the approbation
of the Secretary of- the Treasury, appoint a tax coffee
tor for each collection district, whose duty it shall be
to cause an assessment to be made on or before the
first day of November next, of all the taxable proper
ty in his district, included in each of the above men
tioned classes of property, and the persons then own
ing or iu possession thereof; and in order thereto, the
said Tax Collectors may appoint assessors, who shah
proceed through every part of their respective dis
tricts, and, after public notice, shall require all person!
owning, possessing, or having the care and manage
ment of any property liable to the tax aforesaid, ti
deliver written lists of the same, which shall be made
in such manner as may be required by the Chief Col
lector, and as far as practicable, conformable to those
which may be required for the same purpose under the
authority of the respective States; und the said as
sessors are authorizc-d to enter into and upon, all and
singular, the premises for the purposes required by this
Act.
Sec. 6. If any person shall not be prepared to ex
hibit a written list when required, and shall consent to
diselose the particulars of taxable property owned oi
possessed by him, or under his care and management,
then it shall be the duly of the officer to make the list,
which, being distinctly rend and consented to, shall bt
received as tliclist of such pereoD.
See. 7. That, if any person shall deliver or disclose
to any collector or assessor appointed in pursuance ol
this act nnd requiring a list as aforesaid, any false oi
fraudulent list, with intent to defeat or evade the valu
ation or cunmeratioii hereby intended to bemade.snch
person, so offending, shall be fined in a sum not exceed
ing five hundred dollars, to be recovered iu any couri
of competent jurisdiction.
Sec. 8. Any person who shall fail to deliver to tht-
collector or assessor a list of his taxable property, at
the time prescribed by him, shall be liable to a double
tax upon all his taxable property; the same to be as
sesseil by the collector or assessor, and to be collected
m the same maimer and b v the same process as is here
in provided ns to the single tax.
Sec. 9. The lists shall be made in reference to the
value und situation of the property, on the first day ot
October next, and shall be made out,completed and be
delivered into the hands of cacti of the tax collectors on
the 1st day of Dec. next; and upon the receipt thereof,
each tax collector may for twenty one days next en
suing the said first December, hear and determine ah
appeals from the said assessments, as well ns applica
tions for the reduction of a double tax, when such tux
. - . may have been incurred, to a single tax, which deter-
iianie of CVnstitu- urination shall be final.
See. 10. The several tax collectors shall, on or be
fore the ti ret day of February ensuing, furnish to the
chief collector of the State in which nis district is sit
uated, a correct and accurate list of all the assessments
made upon each person in his district, and of the
amount of tux to be paid by such person, specifying
each object ot taxation; anil the said chief collector
shall collate the same in proper form and forward the
collated list to the Secretary ot the Treasury.
Sec. It. The said several collectors shall, on the first
day of May next, proceed to collect from every per
son liable tor the said tax, the amounts severally due
and owing; and he shall previously give notice for
twenty days in oue newspaper, if uny be published in
his district, and by notifications in at least four public
plaeesin each township, ward or precinct within his
di; trict, of the time and place at which he will receive
the said tax ; and on failure to pay the same, it shall be
the duty of the collector, within twenty days after the
first day ot May aforesaid, by himself or his deputies,
to proceed to collect the said taxes by distress and sale
of the goods, chattels, or effects of the persons delin
quent. And in case of such distress it shall be the duty
of the officer charged with the collection to make, or
cause to be made, an account of the goods and chattels
which may be distrained, a copy of which, signed by
the officer making such d-stress, shall be left with the
owner or possessor of such goods, chattels or effects,
or at his or her dwelling, with a note of tlie sum de
manded. ami the time and place of sale; and the said
officer shall forthwith cause a notification to be public
ly a ivertised or posted up at two public places neaiest
to the residence of the person whose property shall
be distrained, oral the court house of the same coun
ty, if not more than ten milts distant, which notice
shall speciiy the articles distrained, nnd the time and
place proposed for the sale thereof, which time shall
not be less than ten days from the date of such notifi
cation, nnd the place proposed for the sale not more
than five miles distant from the place ot making such
distress: Provided, That in any case of distress for the
payment of the taxes aforesaid, the goods, chattels or
effects so ilistruiued, shall and may be restored to tile
owner or possessor, if, prior to the sale thereof, pay
ment or tender thereof shall be made to the proper
officer charged with ti e collection of the full amount
demanded, together with such fee for levying ami such
sum for the necessary and reasonable expense of re
moving and keeping the goods, chattels i r effects so
distrained as tnay be allowed in like cuScs by the laws
or practiceof the State wherein the distress shall have
been made; but incase of non-payment or tender as
aforesaid, the suid officers shall proceed to sell the said
greats, chattels or effects at public auction, nnd shall
ami may retain from the proceeds of such sale the
amount demandable for the use of the Confederate
States, with the necessary and reasonable expenses of
distress and sale, and a commission of five per cen
tum thereon for his own use, rendering the overplus, if
aitv there be, to the person whose gre»ds, chattels or
effects shall have been distrained; Provided, That it
shall not be lawful to make distress of the tcols or im
plements of a trade or profession; beast of the plough,
and fanning utensils necessary for the cultivation of
improved lauds, arms, or such household furniture or
apparel us may be necessary for a family.
Sec. 1’2 That if the tax nssessed on any real estate
shall remain unpaid on the first day of June next, the
tax collector of the district wherein the same is situa
ted, shall, on thefirst Monday of July thereafter, pro
ceed to sell the same, or a sufficiency there
of. at public outcry, to the highest bidder, to pay
said taxes, together with twenty per centum on the
amount of said taxes, and costs of sale, said sale to
be attlie court-house door of the county, or parish,
wherein said real estate is situated ; and, if there shall
be more than cue county or parish in the district, the
said tax collector is authorized to appoint deputies to
make such sales in his name, as he cannot attend to
himself; and, for nil lands so sold by said deputies, the
deeds, as hereinafter provided for, shall be executed
by said collector, and such sales so made shall be valid,
whether the real estate so sold shall be assessed in the
name of the true owner or cot. But in all cases where
the properly shall not be divi?nble,so as to enable the
collector by a sale of part thereof to raise tbe whole
amount of the tax, with all costs, charges and com
missions, the whole of such property shall be sold, and
the surplus of the proceeds of the sale, after satisfying
the tux, costs, charges and commissions, shall be paid
to the owner of the property or his legal reptsenta-
tives, or, if he or they cannot be fotmd, or refuse to
receive the same, then such surplus shall be deposited
in the Treasury of the Confederate States, to be there
held for the use of the owner or his legal representa
tives; until he or they shall make application therefor
to the Secretary ofthe Treasnry, who,upon such applica
tion shall by warranton the Treasury, cause tbe same to
be paid to the applicant. And ifthe property offered for
sale as aforesaid , cannot be sold for the amount ofthe t.-
due thereon, with the said additional twenty D -r '
turn thereto the collector shall purchase the Same inl'l
half of the Confederate States for the amount
said : I rovided, That the owner or superintendent „f
toe property aforesaid before the same shall have h.
actually sold, shall be allowed to pay the »mnn ?
of the tax thereon, with an addition of ten Der °® nt
turn on the same; on the poy.e-ntof which the sale^
the said property shall not tab , ..ce ; Provided '
That the owners, their heirs, executors or admin'isi
tors, ..r any person on thoir behalf, shall have lihV«
to redeem any lands and other real property sold ?
aforesaid, within two years from the time of sale nn , as
payment to the collector for the nse of the purchas
his heirs or assignees,of the amount paid by snch n.7’
chaser, with inte.cst for the same at the rated' twin
per centum perunnum, and no heed shall!,,. m\- e ,r
pursuance of such sale until ihe time of redenm.;
shall have expired; Provided, further. That whenth"
owner of any land or real property sold for taxis uml
the provisions of this act shall be in the military ' ^
vice of the Confederate States, before and at tlretfr*
said sale shall have been made, the said owner »< "'n
have the privilege of redeeming the said property «a
any time within two years after the close of his ti
of service. And the' collector shall render a distura
account of the charges incurred in offering and a Iv '
rising for sale such property, and shall pay i„t 0 the
Treasury the surplus, if any there be, of tL aforesaid
addition of twenty per centum, or ten per centum U
the case may be, 'after defraying the charges. Anil **
every case of the sale of real estate, which shall h"
made under the authority of this act for the asset-ment
mil collection of direct taxes by the collectors or ms
shals. respectively, or their lawlul deputies, respective
Iv, or by any other person or persons, the deeds for the”
estate so sold shall be prepared, made, executed and
proved or acknowledged, at the time and times pre
scribed in this act by the collectors respectively \nth-
in whose collection district snch real estate shall be
situated, or. in ease of their death or removal from
office, by their successors, on payment ofthe purchase
■nonet, or producing the receipt therefor, ifalreadv
paid, in such form of law, as shall be authorized and
required hy the laws ofthe Confederate Stale, or bv
the law of the State in which such real estate lies f 0 ' r
making, executing, proving anil acknowledging deeds
of bargain and sale or other conveyance for the trans
fer and conveyance of real estate; 'and for every dtt,|
so prepared, made, executed, proved nnd aefcnuwh
edged, tiie purchaser or grantee shall pay the collector
the sum of five dollars for the use of the collector
marshal or other person effecting the sale of the real
estate thereby conveyed. The commissions hereinaf
ter ulluwcd to each collector shall be in full sati-tuo-
tion of all services rendered by them. The assessor,
ippointed under them shall be entitled to three dollars
for every day employed in making lists and assess,
nents under this act, the number of days being certi
fied by the collector and approved by the chief collec
tor of the State, and also five dollars for every hundred
taxable persons contained in the list as completed bv
aim and delivered to the collector; Proviued, That
when the owner of any real estate is unknown, or is a
lou-resident of the State, or tax district wherein the
■iuir.e is situated, und lias no agent resident in said tis
’net the assessor shall himself make out a list of such
real estate for assessment.
Sec. 13. Separate accounts shall he kept at the
Treasury of all moneys received from each of the r
peetive States, and the chief collector slmil procure
from each tax collector snch details as to the t ,x. and
'hail classify the same in such manner as the Secretary
if the Treasury shall direct, and so us to provide f u j|
information as to each subject of taxation.
Sec. 14. Each collector shall be charged withjan in
terest of five per cent per mouth for ai! nionevs re-
uined in his possession beyond the time at whiebjia is
equired to pay over the same by law, or b_v the re-e u
ations established by the Secretary of the Treasury.
Sec. 15. Each collector, before entering upon the
luties of his office, shall give bond in sui h mini us hull
be prescribed by the Secretary of the Treasury’, with
■sufficient sureties,and shall take an oath fuithlullv to
execute the duties of his office, and that lie will snn-
uort and defend the Constitution ofthe Uonfedeiate
States.
Sec. 16. Upon receiving the tax due by each per
son the collector shall sign receipts in duplicate im.-
whereof shall be delivered to the person paying the
same, and the other shall be forwarded to the t hief
•ollector of that State. The money collected during
•noli month, or during any shorter period which mar
ie designated hy the Secretary of the Treasury, shall
be also immediately forwarded to the said cliiet collec
tor, and. hy him be disposed of according to the ili-
cction of the Secretary of the Treasury; and the said
chief collector shall report the same immediately to the
Secretary of tiie Treasury, and shall furnish him with
i list specifying the names aud amounts of each ofthe
eceipts which shall have been forwarded to him as
iforcsuid by the district collectors.
Sec. 17. The taxes assessed on each person shall be
i statutory lien for oue yeur upon all the property of
hat person in preference to any other lien; the said
ieu to take date from the first day of October, to which
he valuation has relation, and the lands and other
property of any collector shall he hound hy statutory
ien for five years tor all moneys received by him for
axes: the date of such lien to commence Irom the
rime of Iris receiving the money’.
See. 18. The compensation of the tax collectors
shall be five per cent on the first ten thousand dollars
received, ami two and a half per cent on uu sums he
vend that amount, until the compensation shall reach
right hnndred dollars, beyond which no farther com
pensation shall be paid.
Sec. 19. The Secretary of the Treasury .is author-
zed to establish regulations suitable and proper to car-
•y this act into effect; which regulations slim! be hinti
ng on all officers ,- the said Secretary may also frame
-nstructions as to all details w! h shall be obligatory
upon all parties embraced within the provisions of this
ict. He may also correct all errors iu assessment.-,
valuations and tax lists, or in the eolleetion thereof, in
otch form ar.d upon snch evidence us the Secretary
nay approve.
Sec. 20. Corporations are intended to be embraced
mder the wold of “persons” used in this act; and
whenever the capital stock of any corporation is re
turned by the corporation itself and the tax paid, the
stock in the hands of individuals shall be exempt fr>m
ax-. aud also all the real estate owned by the o r;n-
ration and used for carrying on its business; and the
capital stock of all corporations shall be returned, and
the tax paid by tiie corporations themsclvts. and n> r
by individual stockholders. The term “lncrehanertt
is designed to embrace ull goods, wares aud merehar
lize held for sale, except the agricultural produels of
the country. Money at interest is intended to include
. he principal sum of ail money belonging to any person
otherthau a hank upon which Interest is paid or to he
paid by the debtor, as tbe same stands on the first day
if October. The term “cuttle, horses and mules” is
intended to include all such niumuls as are- raised for
■ale, and not such as are raised merely for food anu
work on the plantation or farm where they an- held.
The term “realestate”is intended to iuclude ail lands
and estates therein, and all interests growing thereout,
nelnding ferries, bridges, mines and the like, and in
ill casus the actual marketable value of property to
he assessed.
See. 21. If uny person shall, at any time during the
existence of the present war between the Confederate
states aud the United States, or within one year after
the ratification of a treaty of peace between them,
falsely make, forge or counterfeit, or cause or procure
to be falsely made, forged or « unterfeited, or willing
y aid or nstist in falsely making, forging or coumer
feiting any note in imitation of, or purporting to he »
ireasury note of the Confederate StuteB; or aha:, 1
alsely niter, or cause or procure to be fnl-ely altere :.
ir willingly aid or assist in falsely altering any treasury
uite (,f the Confederate States; or shall liass, utter if
publish, or attempt to puss, utter- or ; publish as true,
any false, forged or counterfeited note pm porting to I-
itreasury note of the-Confederate States, knowing ll
<nine to be falsely forged ore nnteifeited; or shall ps--.
litter or publish, of attempt to pass, utter or publish, a*
true, any falsely altered treasuiy note of the Confede
rate States, knotting tho same to bt falsely altered
or shall conspire or attempt to conspire with anotliet to
pass, utter or publish, or attempt to pass, utterorpid 1
lish, ns true, any falsely forged or counterfeited, r
any falsely altered treasury note of the Confederate
States, knowing the same to be falsely forged oreoun-
terfeited, or falsely altered; every such person shall
deemed and adjudged guilty of felony, and beu 1 -
thereof convicted by due course of law, shall suits:
death. . .
Sec. 22. If any person shall at any time fat"' '
make, forge or eoiinteifeit, or cause or procure to ns
falsely made, forged or counterfeited, or willingly a" 1
assist in falsely making forging or counterfeiting
bond or coupon iu imitation of, or purporting to ij 1 ! 1
bond or coupon, of the Confederate 8:«re*s; or sl'*t
falselv alter, or cause, or procure to be falsely altere 1 -
or willingly aid or assist in falsely altering auy bone 1!
coupon, of the Confederate States; or shall pass, r’
or publish, or attempt to pass, utter or pnbh’j
as true, auy fult-e, forged or counterfeit'd bnu“
purporting to be a bond or coupon of the l™ 1 ’
federate States, knowing tbe same to he falsely furpy
or counterfeited; or shall pass, utter or publish, or*:
tempt to pass, utteror publish ns true, any fake’v
tered laird, or coupon, of the Confederate
knowing the same to be falsely altered; or shall
spire, or attempt to conspire’, with another, to |»^- ut '
ter, or publish, or attempt to pass, utter or publish-
true, any false, forged, nr counterfeited bond, or e?”'
poll purporting to be a bond or coup< nof tbe t'oaM’
erate States, or any falsely nitered bond or coupon of '
Confederate States, knowing the same to be forgedre
counterfeited, or fulsely altered; every such person'
be deemed and adjudged guilty of felony, and ‘'
thereof convicted by due course of law, shall be c-
fenced to be imprisoned und kept at hard labor I ■’
term not less than five years, nor more then ten )"« ■
and be fined in a sum uot exceeding five thousand re
lars. a
See."23. If any person shall make, or engrav^.
cause, or procure to be made or engraved, or *
have in his custody or possession any metaiic pla*' ,
graved after the similitude of any plate ,* r, !U V, rt
any notes or bonds issued as aforesaid shall ba'e^
printed, with intent to use snch plate, or cause, or tn |
the same to be used in forging or coitnti rft'tmg *”•
the notes or bonds issued as aforesaid; or sliai. n ?
his custody, or possession, any blank note ^
bond, or bonds, engraved and printed an ,
similitude of any note, or bond, issued as ate
with intent to use sueli blanks, or cause, or so® (nr
same to be used in forging or counterfeiting any ' .
notes or bonds issued ns aforesaid; or shall . r
his custody or possession any paper adapted
makingof notes or bonds, and similar t» „ j,
upon which any such notesor bonds shall have ^
sued, with intent to use such paper, or cause a ^ ,
the same to be used, in forging or counterfeit^*, ■ ,
the notes or bonds issued as aforesaid; every *
sou beingtliereof lawfully convicted by T*’ ' j 0 r
law, shall be imprisoned and kept to hard la
term uot less than five, nor mere than ten ye •
fined in a sum not exceeding five thcus.ua ^
See. 24. If any State shall, on or be foie
day of April next, pay in the Treasury t**
Confederate States, or in specie, the taxt’s' ,
against the citizens of such States, less e *v ftfe
turn thereon, it shall be the duly of tire- becrc .
Treasury to notify the same to tiie several • ■•
tors in such State, und thereupon, their nu
dutv under this act shall cease. after >’ cr
See. 25. If any person shall, at any tun i y-
r from the ratification of a treaty' < I jiaire-
on tliofAnfellernh* Stftlttl AVHt tilt t * (?!?■
2
vear ...» _ ■
tween the Confederate States and ! Le s u j“ D tv
commit any of the acts described m tu a?'
section of this act. such person shall f eoa'ic
adjudged guilty of felony, and being (0 be ior
ted by due course of law, shall be scnteD o(
prisoned and kept at hard labor, for a P SB ,| Is
les* than five years, nor more than te do|Ur8
fined iu a sum not exceeding tn e tliousan ^
Approved Augunt 19,18iil
. pgfgivirp
McLea.s’s Stkkngthes.xg CoMtiirt „r|t
the unanimous recornmendation otthe P.
Hi fit Louis- but all over the country. *
is evidently the result of close
Wherever it has been used it has been pep<pn , <»»
with the highest encomiurnsofprare-e .^1 ( giviog -J
have no conception ofit» efficiency, w .. rt .Rf
K Outemore we warmly recommend th.«
dyasa superior Toxic and Altihatm*