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IK# T tfmqirinaliott MenH* | the contrary, it is covert and insidious. It I profess to Lave some knowledge of the
If. Llliroin * Ema> , ! is not becomiDg the position of the Presi-1 institution of slavery, and I quote the fact
Sharp Discussion of the Measure in the
Sort hern Congress.
The message of President Lincoln, re
commending the co-operation of the Rump
Government, (by means ot pecuniaiy
compensation) with the rebellious or semi-
rebellious States, in measures of. general
emancipation, called up a sim p discussion
in the Northern Congress.— J he whining
remonstrances of Crittenden and the Hol
der State submissionists were met by the
scornful and triumphant jeers of their abo
lition masters, who on this occasion, threw
off the masks with which they have liereto-
f ire disguised their brutal aims. IVe give
below the most interesting and significant
portions of the debate:—Telegraph.
Mr. Wickliffe. of Kentucky, opposed
the pending resolutions as unwise and un
constitutional. No doubt the mover of
the resolution could tell what was meant
by it. lie (Wickliffe) desired light on
this subject. With all respect to the.
House, he did not believe thirty men here
would vote for a tax to purchase negroes.
He denied the constitutional power first to
interfere, and then to ap propriate money
to buy slaves - He might be accused of a
want of loyalty for expressing his old
fashioned sentiments. It seemed to him
the resolution proposed, in effect, to give
up the cotton States, provided the. border
slave States would continue with the
. North.
Mr. Crittenden (Union), of Kentucky:
I had hoped that the discussion of this
question would have been postponed, so
that some time would have been given to
the members from the border slave States
to consult as to their course of action. W e
had met and were in consultation up to the
deni of the United States. It is not such . 1. have put forward with regard to the fecl-
a one as a lull grown man should publish : ing of the border slave States, that Mr.
to the. nation in such a crisis as the present. Lincoln himself did
The President is not permitted to he igno- the opinion 1 have
rant of the fact, which is fully evident to
the party that elected him to the oilice,
that lie has disappointed this party in the
progress of this tear. I do not say that
the party anticipated that the President
would enter upon a scheme of abolition.
But it expected, when elevated to office,
that the President would not, in such an
emergency as the present, fail to assume
the responsibilities necessary to the pecu
liar circumstances under which he acted.
The President desires to keep the peace
with the border States, and would seem-
ingiy give to them more aid and comfort
than he would extend to other States ot
the Union. No man who carefully reads
the message can fail to understand just
wbat it was the President had in his nnnd
at the time he penned his message. He
intended to say to the Republican party,
‘‘Gentlemen, I am not such a defender of
the interests of slavery as you would make
the country believe I am. I am willing,
under certain circumstai ces, that the in
stitution of slavery should be weakened,
and especially in the border States ; and
I wiil, as far as my olficial influence ex
tends, endeavour to affiliate the border
States with the States of the North.” To
the border States men he says, “Gentle
men, I give you warning in time, that a
policy may eventually be necessary on the
part of the administration which will lead
to the destruction of the slave interests in
your State.” Now let us sec whether this
is not the case. The Presideut, in his
message said : “The Union must be pre
served, and hence jtll indispensable means
must be employed to that end. I speak
openingof the House this moruing.^U is j ^ ^ ^ deHberatdy War
•.range that the most exciting topic
he mentioned here or discussed without
gentlemen indulging in extreme remarks
and much excitement and passion.—T his
exhibition of feeling promotes no gbod pur
pose. and promotes no interests ot. the
country. Among the many things said on
this subject, the gentleman has recommen
ded to us a conciliatory policy, and that
gentleman seems to think that the resolu
tion before us is offered in that spirit, and
is characterized by that spirit and that
we, who represent the border States, ought
to accept it. I will say nothing about the
loyalty of Kentucky. I have no disposi
tion to boast of her. What she has done,
is known to j'ou all.
you expect of'Kcntueky more than she has
already done to establish her loyalty? lias
she not parted with all her ancient allies,
with all her natural kindred in other
States? When her nearest neighbors of
Virginia, from whom she is descended, fell
info rebellion—-Virginia, where our kins
men were by thousands-—Kentucky stood
for the Union, and has stood so ever since.
Is it understood that the slave States
as, one after another, they may he mindful
of their duty and return to the standard of
the Union, are expected togive the same
sort of pledge—the abandonment of their
domestic institutions? Is this light? Is it
good faith? The argument is that Ken
tucky ought to surrender her slave institu
tions by way of showing to the North and
particularly to the South that she never
will, in any event ally herself with the
South, or abandon this government. You
say, destroy that hope in the South and
the South will not wage this war with the
same spirit; that it is that hope which sus
tains her; and you demand this of us-
None at all. If the South entertained
such a hope it must be too feeble to urge
heron to any desperation in this contest.
The way to conciliate Kentucky is to let
her alone. But when you demand of her
a revolution in her domestic policy, I atn
apprehensive it may not have the good
effect you anticipate. I do not appear
here as a suppliant in her behalf, I am the
advocate merely of her political rights.
I would ask why should you, we, who are
contending for the Constitution, insist that
this or that State shall give up part of her
constitutional rights as an assurance of her
devotion to the Constitution? The cardi
nal principle upon which our whole sys
tem of government is founded is that mat
ters of local and domestic character shall
he under the exclusive contiol of the State
government and national and external
matters under the control of the general
government. If you begin now' to trench
upon that paternal and patriarchial juris
diction which belongs exclusively to tbe
State, by taking one domestic subject from
under its control what will be the result
in the future?
Mr. Lovejoy, (Rep.) of Illinois—Would
it be unconstitutional for Kentucky to
emancipate her slaves on condition of ru-
muneration by the Federal Govern
ment.
Mr. Crittenden—--I atn not prepared to
sav that it would be unconstitutional for
her to do so; but I must say that I would
be very thaukful to any body who would
pay my constituents if they should be re
quired to emancipate their slave or if they
should do it willingly. I take no excep
tion in the offer made. But, as to the con
stitutional power to carry that promise into
execution, by appropriating money by act
of Congress to pay for tbe liberation of
the slave, on that condition I don t desire
togive anyopiniou; but I look upon an in
vitation of this kind as a demand; and as
*wc have not yet heard our constituents
on the subject, we are apprehensive of en
tering upon the agitation of a subject we
and our people arc most anxious to avoid.
We have given you assurances enough-
all that ought tobe asked.—There is not
a State in the Union that has given more;
and I think I may say, in no boastful
spirit, that no other State has given as
strong assurance of fidelity to the Govern
ment and the constitution.
The proposition would introduce agita
tion at a time when it would produce no
good, but evil. Wlrat, he asked, are we
fighting for? Was it not to uphold the
government/ Yet gentlemen have run on
in their logic, doing the greatest possible
harm by advocating the performance of
every enormity in order to weaken the
enemy. They were called upon to violate
the laics of God and man in ordtr to put
down the rebellion.
Mr. Hickmen ('Rep.) of Pennsylvania,
said: I do not consider the passage of
this resolution of any great practicr.* im
portance. It is simply, in my judgment
a declaration of opinion as to a certain pol
icy, and no more. As I look at it, it is
rather a compensation for disappointed
hopes, than anything else, and a warning
to the people of the border States, w ho
are most interested at the present moment
in the subject to which it makes special
reference. The President cannot be ig
norant of the fact that he has failed to
meet the just expectations of the party who
elected him to the office he now holds, and the
people of the border States will not fail to
observe that the message conveys to them
an awful warning. It is somewhat of an
assurance—slight. I admit that the Pres
ident has some conviction on the question
of freedom and slavery, and an intimation
that in a certain event the interests of
slavery might he impaired and he declares
that the border States ought to begin to
put themselves in a position to meet a
great crisis. It is rather a palliative, than
an open avowed policy.
I speak frankly on this point, because I
do not hang upon power. I am as open to
denounce anything objectionable in this
administration. In no respect is the mes
sage or the resolution manly or open. On
has been made, and continues to be indis-
i pensable to that end. It is impossible to
| foresee all the incidents that may attend
! and all the ruin that may follow tbe prose-
j cation of the war for the preservation of
j the Union. Such measures as may seem
indispensable, or which may promise most
efficiency in ending the struggle, must and
will come. 1 say, that in view of the plain
language of the message, no gentleman can
fail to observe that the President has di-
reettefeience to the employment of meas
ures, in certain emergencies, which may
tend to the direct weakening, or even to
the total subletsion of the slave power. I
And why, 1 ask, do | suppose no gentleman doubts that the war
will be more vigorously prosecuted in tbe
Southern than in the border States,
and
where slavery is the strongest there shall
be the last place which the war will be
waged. This is, of course, the Gulf
States.
We look, and you, gentlemen of the bor
der States look, to a continuance of the
war in which such extreme measures as
are foreshadowed may become necessary.
If the Constitution and Union are worthy
of preservation, and if they are worth
more to you than the pecuniary interests
involved in any local or domestic institu.
tion, and if you are possessed of patriot
ism, you must regard the preservation of
the Constitution and the Union as superior
and paramount to the pecuniary interests
involved in any mere domestic institution,
not excepting slavery itself. If the Pres
ident had left his message to a distant
dav, when tbe time anticipated by him
should come round, when the slave interest
in the extreme South would become un
derminded in the progress of the war, and
when, for the interest of his border friends
it would be everlastingly too late to make
the proposition, he plays the part of a
friend and couuseller to them. He says.to
them, in as plain language as the times
permit of, gentlemen, the time is now at
hand wl en your slave interest may be com
pletely under minded, and I, therefore, at
this time, advise Congress to pass this res
olution, to assure you, by an act of Con
gress, that, against the contingencies of the
future, your interests in slavery may be
protected and saved.
I say that that man who is not willing
to save the Constitution and the Union by
the sacrifice of private interests, or pri
vate property is already a rebel. I care
not upon what ears this declaration may
fall w ith harshness 1 repeat that the man
who is not willing, in order to preserve
the Union, to sacrifice every material in
terest, is already a rebel at heart. And
when, a fetv weeks ago, the question was
propounded to a gentleman from the bor
der States w hether they would sustain the
Constitution and the Union, though it
should be necessary to sacrifice slavery in
tbe effort to sustain it, but one solitary
and feeble voice came up to the question.
And now I proclaim here the fact, which
bas been too studiously concealed, that tbe
border States are not for the Union in pre
ference to slavery, and that, but for fear
of the war, they w’ould have given their
w'holc adhesion to the seceded States.
Mr. Wadsworth, of Kentucky ; I give
to the assertion of the gentleman my un
qualified contradiction.
Mr. Hickman ; I don’t care for the con-
tration. 1 declared it before the rebellion
broke out, as 1 declare it now-, that, but for
not differ much from
opinion I have expressed. I speak
now with good authority, and I say that
Mr. Lincoln thought just as I think, and
with that authority my words should be
received with great respect. (Laughter.)
The President remembered that the Leg
islature of Maryland, when about to as-
sember, chose Frederick in preference to ■
Annapolis, then occupied by the United
States troops, and the Tea^on why they
declined to meet, as usual, in the town oc
cupied by their friends, he could not see.
(Laughter.) He thought they had a reso
lution of secession in their pockets, and
that, if left unmolested, the ordinance of
secession might actually be passed. As a
matter of extreme caution, he had the
members arrested.
Unfortunately! then, the position of
Maryland must have been sadly misunder
stood ; for it was certainly the opinion en
tertained in high places that it was neces
sary to arrest and incarcerate the Legisla
ture of that State to prevent them from
passing a secession ordinance. I have al
so the opinion of another great man, the
President of tho so-called Confederate
States, Jeff Davis, to the loyalty or disloy
alty of Maryland. He declared that it
Maryland had not been intimidated and
held bj force she would at once have link
ed her destiny with the South. But I
say again there is not a slave State in the
Union that has not the welfare of slavery
as much at heart, and in tho composition
of whose heart slavery does not enter to
an extent that tho love of the people lor
slavery is as great as their love for God.
Why, sir, I fail to meet with any excep
tion* In the case of gentlemen, when the
nation is in the hour of her direst peril,
who is willing to come out and declare
that he would save the b nion. even should
slavery perish - I have not been able to
discovft- a difference in tbe. views or leel-
mgs of a man Irom Maryland and one from
South Carolina or Alabama. W herever
the negro is, there is an undivided loyalty
to slavery, and every day’s proceedings
here shows that conclusively. Every
true minded man cannot help but see it,
and admit it ; Mr. Lincoln knws it, his
Cabinet knows it, and therefore, a differ
ent policy is expected from him after the
rebellion broke out, and the sword was in
the hands of the border States, while he
insisted all the time that the war should
be prosecuted in sneb a way as to save
their peculiar, sacred, divine and human
izing institution. And tbe President, if
be has any recollectiou ; and I don’t know
whether be lias any or not; (laughter) ;
must remember that he was taken up by
a party, sustained and cairied him into
his high position by a party whose proper
ty and fortunes and lives were consecrated
and dedicated to the maintenance of the
Constitution and the Union, and that they
had a right to expect that all the time,
and every minute of time, such measures
would be adopted for the suppression of
the rebellion, as were consistent with the
laws of war to crush treason at the earliest
possible moment. In this respect the
House and the nation has been disap
pointed in their reasonable expecta
tions.
I say further, that the nation has felt a
great lack of confidence, not only in the
President himself, but in tbe military lead
ers placed in high position by liim. I
know - , further, that tbe people of the
North, at least, desired this government as
it was, to be sustained, no matter who
might fall in the track of the chariot
wheels of war, no matter what interests
might perish, no matter what lives might
be sacrificed, that the war should be pros
ecuted with the greatest vigor, and peace
permanently established in the shortest
period of time.
The question was submitted to the
House which sustained the resolution—-
eighty-four against thirty-one.
President's Message.
The following is President Davis’ Mes
sage upon tbe matter of the conscription.—
As staled yesterday, the House raised at
once a committee of thirteen to embody
tho recommendations of the President in
the form of a statute:
To the Senatcand House of Representatives
of the Confederate. States:
The operation of the various laws now
in force for raising armies, has exhibited
the necessity for reform. The. frequent
changes and amendments which have been
made, have rendered the system so com
plicated as-to make it often quite difficult
to determine what the law really is, and to
what extent prior amendments are modifie 1
by more recent legislation.
Theie is also embarrassment irom con
flict between State aud Confederate legis
lation am happy to assure you of the entire
harmony of purpose and cordiality oi feel
ing which has continued to exist between
myself and the Executives of the several
States; and it is to this cause that our suc
cess iu keeping adequate forces in the field
is to be attributed.
These reasons would suffice for inviting
our earnest attention to the necessity of
some simple and general system for exer
cising the power of raising armies, which
is vested in the Congress by the Constitu
tion. But there is another and more im
portant consideration. The vast prepara
tions made by the enemy for a combined
assult at numerous points on our frontier
and seaboard have produced the result that
might have been expected. They have
animated the people with a spirit of resis
tance so general, so resolute and so self
sacrificing that it requires rather to be
regulated than to be stimulated. The
right of. the State to demand, and the duty
of each citizen to render, military service,
need oi ly to be stated to be admitted. It
is not, however, a wise or judicious policy
to place in active service that portion of
the force of a people which experience has
Thctfetal ot which CuM# are Blade.
Tho appeal of Gen. Beauregard to the
people of Tennessee to furnish metal to
be cast into cannon for the Confederacy,
having elicited the volunt ary contributions
of the patriotic men and women of the
South, the following letter from Adjutant
General Wayne, containing valuable in
formation on the subject of the composi
tion of gun metal and will be read with
profit aud interest:[«SV?e. Morning News.
March 25. 1861.
Mrs. Dr Blackburn, Bariiesvilc, Ga :
My Dear Madam.—I received this
morning veur note ot the 24th inst., assur-
|capture of an earthwork on the Tennes
see river, even if it be followed by the cap
ture of the strongest neighboring fort up
on the river Constantine,* is only one of
the first ot a long series of military prepa
rations in Kentucky and Tennessee. If
the invaders should obtain this success,
its use will only be to enable them to feed
the army which has advanced through
Kentucky, and to keep it in working or
der for operating on a theatre 500 miles
distant from the opposing armies on the
Potemac. A year of success would only
give them military possession of two
States which were never among the most
zealous in the Southern cause. As to the
ting the old brSss and copper in
of your citizens, and asking me to statq
whether such articles arc needed and where
they should be sent.
I fear that some of our patriotic
citizens, with more zeal-than knowledge
arc about to inconveniem
housewives in Georgia wil
ponding advantage to
is a composition of coppi
no use in making guns, w
are made of copper and tin. *
If Gen. Beauregard in hiwfcppeal to the
planters of Mississippi, meant anything
more than to arouse their slumbering pa
triotism to .active exertion, he wanted the
tin of which tlieir bells were composed.
We have the copper, but for the abiieation
of bronze, (commonly," but erroneously call
ed brass guus,) we want tin. That you may
understand this, I will tell you that
science has determined for guns, as best,
the proportions of nine parts of copper to
three parts of tin. By having a large
number of bells therefore we can add
two or three times the weight of copper
as analysis may determine their composi
tion, .and bring them to the standard of
gun metal. The lightest field piece in our
batteries a six pounner, weighs on an
average, eight hundred and eighty-four
pounds. For the casting of a six poun-
pro-
was
me that you had commenced collec-^ descents upon the coast, they are annoy-
the bauds ances rather thau wounds They
like the burning
are but
darts which the Spaniard
shown to be necessary as a reserve- Youths {j er t j, ei . fc f ore) at i east 0 ,r e thousand pounds
A Yankee Account of John Morgan.—
In following sketch of Capt. John Mor
gan, the well known Confederate scout, we
take from a letter of a Nashville correspon
dent of the New York Times:
The name of this mysterious marauder
is on the lips of every one, for his daring
coolness and disregard of fear has become
a by-word even among our own army.
This Col. John Morgan—for so he styles
himself—is said to be a native of Lexitig-
on, Ky., whose father was a respectable
manufacturer of jeans. From his youth
this Morgan has won the admiration of
all w ho knew him for his dare-devil
recklessness, which even now does not
seem to have diminished in the least. W e
first heard of him when our brigade (the
Sth) was, a portion of them, encamped at
Pilot Knob, Mo., in September last. Our
pickets were shot by some mysterious
agency, and report stated, in camp, that
a tall, heavy man, with flowing heard,
mounted on an immense black stallion
fleet as the wind, was several times detec
ted in the act of retreating. Shot after
shot was fired after him, hut he seemed
to bear a charmed life. We lost sight of
, e r T -, , n i . . lnm until just before we left Cano when
fear of force, Delaware would have absoi- J
‘ . iii-i . a i lie appeared one night suddenly and shot
ved the bonds which connected her with H • l
the Union. What meant tho action of
Kentucky; maintaining a neutrality in the
hour when her friendship for the Union
was to he tested ? Kentucky, proud,
magnanimous Kentucky, as she had been
designated here this morning, in that hour
of national peril and danger, stood ttpoD
the grotyid of perfect neutrality. But when
at last the road was opened for the pas
sage of the national troops for the defence
of the. capital, and when the integrity of
the Union had been placed out of danger,
and w’lien the safety of herself was imper-
rilled, then Kentucky was proud and mag
nanimous enough to declare herself on the
side of the Union. The same with Mary
land precisely, and I by no means make
exception in favor of any of the border
slave States.
Mr. Webster, (Union) of Maryland ;
The gentleman is mistaken when he says
that Maryland was held in the Union by
fear of war. From the moment the peo
pie there had an opportunity of expresing
themselves, they had declared, by an over
whelming majority, for the Union and the
prosecution of the war.
Mr. Hickman; What public action of
that State docs the gentleman refer to /
I beg him to enumerate some of the most
public acts of Maryland in connection with
this rebellion.
Mr. Crisfield , In the first place, to the
Governor of Maryland are you indebted
for the safety of the capital, secondly,
the election by which representatives
unanimous in the support of the Union,
were se.it to Congress, and by the elec
tion held since then, when citizens show
ed themselves two to one devoted to the
Union.
Mr. Covode, (Rep.) of Pennsylvania;
With respect to the action of the late Gov
ernor of Maryland, I deem it my duty to
say that I heard that gentleman make a
speech, standing under a secession flag,
(laughter) on the evening of the riots in
Baltimore, at a meeting where it was de
termined that no more troops should be al
lowed to go through that city to the de
fence of the National Capital-
Mr. Hickman; I again reiterate the
great naked truth, that every border slave
State would have separated itself from the
Union if it had not been from fear ; and I
say, further, that those men who are in
any way identified with slavery think
more of slavery than they do of the Union.
two of our pickets. Again he appeared
at Bacon creek, Ky., and burnt the rail
road bridge under M’Cook’s nose, shot one
of his pickets, and rode off before the ar
my had recovered from its surprise-
Y 7 ou remember his bold attack upon our
lines on Saturday, the Sth «f March, in
Mitchell’s division, and again on Sunday
morning at daylight, upon McCook’s damp
on the Franklin Pike. The very same
Sunday, this Morgan disguised as a coun
tryman, and dressed in butternut colored
clothes, obtained a pass from Gen. Mitchill
who did not know him, and had the audac
ity to dine at the City Hotel in company
with our own officers, making good his es
cape with perfect nonchalence- Ho came
very near capturing Gen. Nelson one day
last week. The plot was discovered in time
to be frustrated but not to catch the rogue.
He has since captured the railroad train
running between Louisville and , Nashville
at Gallatin, taking thirty bridge builders
prisoners, but releasing them as he seeks
higher game. He has boasted that lie
will catch one of our Generals as an offset
to Buckner, he being Buckner’s especial
favorite - He has oficred a reward of 81,-
000 to any citizen or officer, who
will catch him and his steed, and strange
to say, disguised, has made these bets
openly before our officers, who at the time
did not know him. Such is Col. John
Morgan, the famous rebel scout, who,
though he deserves hanging yet wins ad
miring opinions from enemies as well as
friends for his daring.
The Netv Troops.—Gentlemen who
have spent some days with the troops at
Camp Stephens, tell us thaf in their judg
ment they are the finest body of volunteers
the State has yet turned out. Physically
they are a noble looking body of men—
generally large and in the very prime of
health, strength and manly activity.—
Their faces beam with intelligence and
character, evidently nearly all men of good
social position respecting themselves and
entitled to respect. During three days of so
journ in the camp onr informant says no
case of drunkness or disorder, notwithstan
ding all the confusion and laxity of a camp
of 4000 raw recruits, yet unorganized.—
These men will make their mark—Macon
Telegraph. m
under the age oflSyears require further in
struction; men of matured experience are
needed for maintaining order and good
government at home, and in supervising
preparations for rendering efficient the
armies in the field. These two classes con
stitute the proper reserve for home defence
ready to be called out in ease of emergen
cy, and to be kept iu the field only while
the emergency exists. But in order to
maintain this reserve intact, it is necessary
that in a great war like that in which we
are now engaged, all persons of intermedi
ate ages not legally exempt for good cause,
should pay their debt of military service
to tho country; that the burthens should
not fall exclusively on the, most ardent
and patriotic.
1 therefore recommend the passage of a
law declaring that all persons residing
within the Confederate States, between
the ages of eighteen and thirty five
years, and rightfully subject to mili
tary duty, shall be held to be in the
military service of the Confederate States,
and that some plain and simple method
be adopted for their prompt enrollment
and organization, repealing all of the leg
islation heretofore' enacted which would
conflict with the system proposed.
JEFFERSON DAVIS.
Speculators and Extortioners.
The Atlanta Intelligencer is doing good
service in arousing tbe indignation of the
patriotic masses against tbe heartless
cormorants who infest that city as well as
every other commercial part of the Con
federacy, and who are doing more to dis
hearten and paralyze the energies of our
people than the Yankee armies who infest
our coast. We might show the extremes
to which the prices of the necessaries oi
life have been carried in this city, and the
evil effects which this spirit of heartless
extortion is exerting upon these who are
encountering all the hardships and provis
ions of war, cheerfully making every per
sonal sacrifice for the cause of their coun
try, but it is unnecessary now to del so
All know the sliding scale by which
every article rises from day to day, until
the necessaries of life have reached prices
which place most of them out of the reach,
not of only the families of those who are
giving their services to their country in the
ranks of her defenders, but all w ho are not
gambling in the same unpatriotic game,
and who cannot offset extortion with ex
tortion. This evil has we think, almost
reached its climax—gone to a point beyond
which endurance ceases to be a virtue,
and which calls for a remedy of some
kind.
The last, worst movement of the soulless
vampires who would sacrifice their coun
try for the acquisition of wealth, is the
attempt to depreciate the currency and
injure the credit of the Confederacy. The
infamous wretch who would enter Uf on
such a field of speculation, at a time like
the present, when the women and children
of the country are contributing their pin
money and depriving themselves of the
luxuries and even comforts of life to the
support of our cause, is more to be detest
ed than an open enemy, and should be
denounced and punished as a traitor. On
this subject the Intelligencer says.
We learn from a reliable source, that on
Thursday last, two individuals were offer
ing in this city, .Confederate Notes at. a
discount for Bank Notes of any descrip
tion. Again we warn our people not to
encourage such transactions in this comm
unity. The enemy, himself, cannot devise
a plan Letter calculated to do the South
injury, than to depreciate Confederate
currency. We invoke all good and patri
otic citizens to put down all such attempts;
to frown upon the speculator in Confeder
ate currency; else the day* will soon come
when the loyal and patriotic will rue the
hour it was tolerated in their midst. Blind
indeed must the man be, who, true to the
South, will indulge or tolerate the depreci
ation of the currency of the Government—
It will work more evil to the South than
Lincon’s armies. “Neither a buyer or
sellcr”be, of Confederate Notes. Let
those who come from the victory of Lin
coln’s army, with Confederate currency to
be < xclianged for Bank Notes, no matter
what plea they put up in justification of
their course, be made to understand that,
in this community, such conducet will not
be tolerated!
The following extract will show how
the trade in Confederate Notes is viewed
at other points:
“ The Trqde in Gold and Silver.—The
New Orleans Vigilance and Safety Com
mittee have passed a resolution denoun
cing all traders in money to the injury
of the Confederate Notes as traitors, and
such a course is urged on the Mobile Safe
ty Committee to adopt also. Since the
Mobile Safety Committee adopted this
course, coin is not in demand, and the last
sale was at 20 per cent less than a week
ago.”
The Simmer Nashville Safe.
The Releig'u Standard of the 27th, says,
we had the pleasure on Sunday afternoon
of seeing the gallant officer who on the
previous Monday night extricated the
steamer Nashville safely from the toils of
the blockading squadron at Beaufort, al
though tw'enty-two shots were fired at her.
Like the Sumter, the Nashville seems to
bear a charmed life. She is now the prop
erty of private individuals, and snugly an
chored in a Southern port.
Run the Blockade —We ar glad to leam that
three steamers ran the blockade from New Orleans
and arrived safely in Mobile on Monday. It is
said that they brought large cargoes of New Or
leans produce.—Columbus Enquirer, 2d inst.
of metal would be necessary. Bronze
guns are used in field batteries, only for
their lighter weight, by which the battery
is more readily moved. They are not so
durable as iron guns. Science, within the
past live years, has opened the way for
casting iron guns of sufiicient lightness for
field uses, and there is not a foundary in
the Confederacy that is not now working
to its utmost ability. If there is I should
like to know it, and it should not be idle
long.
The tin referred to is block tin, not
sheet tin, which is only sheet iron washed
with a solution of tin. I mention this, that
we may not have our roofs stripped to no
purpose.
Very respetfully,
Y~our obedient serv’t.
Henry Wayne,
Adjutant and Inspector General.
Congress and the Crisis—The most dis
graceful spectacle which the country has
witnessed during this war is presented in
the conduct of the Confederate Congres in
reference to the pay and mileage of its
members. At the most critical crisis of
our affairs—when wisdom, patriotism, and
self-sacrifice, should shine out as the
most brilliant virtues of our rulers and
people—our representatives in Congress
have prostituted their positions and insul
ted every sentiment of our people by
wasting precious hours and days in legis
lating money into their own pockets! On
the very day upon which was fought tbe
late battle of Newborn—at the hour, per
haps, in which our volunteers were in the
death struggle for liberty, and their bloody
flag trailing in the dust before an insolent
foe, these rep r esentatives in the Capitol
at Richmond were debating what mileage
they should vote themselves, and whether
they should be paid two thousands five
hundred or three thousand dollars for a
few weeks services! Does history record
in the revoluiions of nations a more dis
graceful exhibition of representatives tri
fling and infidelity? Is it not enough to
cause the blush of shame to mantle the
checks of every well wisher of his country?
And ought not such to be diiven out of
the temple of our infant liberties as the
Saviour of the world drove out the money
changers from tlie temple of the living
God? It is like fiddling while Rome is
burning, or debating the question of patri
mony over the dead body of a fond par
ent.
In times like these when the battering
rames of tlie enemy are thundering at our
our very gates, we think and the country
thinks with us, that eight dollars per day
is enough pay for members of Congress
to receive. It is almost as much as they
have voted our gallant volunteers per month-
for imperilling comfort, health and life it
self. —Lynchburg Repub licon.
The War must he Ended.
The London Times of March 1st says :
“This war rnffst be settled somehow.”’
The world has been waiting to hear these
words. Tbe present moment is, perhaps,
rather earlier than any one expected, but
already we catch the expected phrase,
borne in confidential whispers across the
Atlantic. It has found birth in Wall
street, it stirs gently in its cradle, and it
is swarthed in] unconvertible rags. No
one yet .dares to own it openly. The
thousands of vulturers who are living up
on their prey would scream horribly and
attack with beaks and claws any one who
should, without adequate power, interfere
with their banquet; but still the phrase is
heard, and it is growing into more potent
voice—“In some way or other this war
must be settled.”
“Wait a while, wait just ninety days,
and the rebellion will be crushed,” is still
the cry; as it has been for thrice ninety-
days, the cry of the contractors, the Gov
ernment officials, the fanatics, and all who
find profit or distinction in this civil war.
The merchants and bankers and trading
classes have waited, and what do they seel
They see the Atlantic cities withering
from hour to hour; they see the ware-hous
es empty, the larger dwelling houses un—
tenanted, property valueless, and trade
dying. They see a wasteful and corrupt
expenditure of half a million sterling ev
ery day, and no results except an accele
rated pace towards national insolvency
and genei^J ruin. Still they are told to
wait another ninety days, and all will be
well. It may be well for those smart indi
viduals, who by that time will have gath
ered all they can hope to gain, have reali
zed their plunder, and 1 >dged it wl • e
waste paper is not a legal tender. But
will it be well with the owners of house
property in the East, who are now letting
their stores rent-free to-any one who will
pay the rates ? Will it be well with the
poor and thrifty producers of the West, -
who are now condemned by the terms of
the Constitution to be taxed in a ratio pro
portioned to population and not to proper
ty ? Will i: be well with the holders of
State bonds, which were hitherto holding
a respectable position in securities, but
must now be overlaid by the mountain of
National debt ? Will it be well, either,
wit h tbe holders of the Federal States se
curities and the possessors of paper money,
who will look around in vain for souio
sources whence their claims may be met,
and will ajwake to the reality that their
property is but a delusion and a dream 1
That is all that those who wait will ever
see. The very joy and exultation which
the “successes,” of the last few weeks
have caused in the North show bow little
the promoters of this war expect that ab
solute conquest which they promise. Tho
,nto the flank of a sluggish bull to
from his defensive posture. A
such victories and such inroads
tell nothing agaijist the conquest
ntry half as large as Europe, it that
be real y earnest iu its own defence
e Southern States before they' revolted
must have expected all this and much
more. We have always in Europe given
the North credit for first successes very
greatly superior to these, and have reck
oned that their real difficulties would only
commence when they bad mastered the
great strategic points throughout the
South. At the rate at which tbe war is
now proceeding it will take, not ninety
day8, but ninety years) to “crush this re
bellion;” and the tespective grandsons of
General McClellan and General Beaure
gard may at lest fight out the battle for
Manassas.
“Wall street” begins to see all this more
plainly. It was worth a costly experi
ment to retain that rich Southern busiuess.
and New Y 7 ork will be bard put to it eith
er to win it back or to do without it. But
tbe capitalists have now come to tbe con
clusion that the game is up, and that the
experiment is passing out of their hands.
The suggestion to raise 8150,000,000
yearly, does not deceive them. They
know very well that, even if the sovereign
people would submit to endure a taxation,
as heavy as that of England, America
could not continuously raise more than
<£10,000,000 sterling annually. The
rough calculation has always been that in
capacity of taxation the proportion be
tween the two countries is that American
dollars are equal to English pounds ster
ling. If we raise <£50,000,000 exclusive
of our ' customs, America probably
could, ii she pleased, raise 850,000,000 or
<£10,000,000. Such a possible revenue,
even if it were based upon the wild impos
sibility that the Western States will con
sent to pay any such taxes, would be a
very poor security for half the debt which
bas already accrued. In this state of
things the commercial adage, “the first loss
is the best,” comes into play and the cap
itliasts of New York are now watching for
the first opportunity when it may be safe
to say openly, “This war must be settled
somehow.”
“Tbis “first loss” is indeed bad enough.
There are all the profits of the Southern
agencies gone. The coffers are all drain
ed by a disastrous loan of mxny millions
Having suspended specie payments, of
course they cannot borrow any money
from abroad, and they have a government,
so reckless manufacturing paper money
that there is no hope of keeping up for any
length of time the delusion that it is of val
ue. Still there would be some hope if
they could stop where they now are.
Peace might restore to them some trade re
lations with the South,and while the more
indolent Southerners have wealth, the
sharp Northerner may always hope that
he will get some of it. ■ How the frightful
current expenditure can be stopped, or
how the war can be settled, jt is, perhaps,
premature to speculate. Nor do we ven
ture to calculate that the power of capi
tal is immediately felt as decisive on such
a question. America has such imperish
able advantages in her great unbroken
wastes of fertile soil that no mere finan
cial difficulties can strangle her. She may
borrow and repudiate over again, and ru
in every capitalist she has and yet rise
again and thrive. But at such a crisis as
this the interests of monied men are like
ly to be of great influence upon events.
We are muih misinformed if the opinion
of the commercial body in the great cities
of Federal America has not recently veer
ed round, and if there be not, all up and
down Wall street, a general disgust and
antipathy to that ninety days’ bill, and
a unanimous resolution to protest it when
it next comes to maturity.
Cumberland is the river to which the Thun
derer alludes.
major Hardeman's Battalion.
Among the troops which passed through
here within a few days past, was the
above named battallion from Georgia,
wbicli we notice on accrunt of its admira
tion discipline and pe:feet drill, which was
witenssed with exhilerating effect by the
citizens and soldiers generally.
We learn that there have been twenty
odd promotions from this battalion, to
various offices, including several Colonels.
—Maj. Hardeman left here, himself to
take charge of a regiment waiting his com
mand in Macon, Ga., and all we could de
sire is. that he may do with them as he has
done with these under notice, and make
them also perfect soldiers. W T e under
stand that Major L. T. Doyal is at present
in command of tho Battalion. He is a
Baptist divine, an eminent lawyer, and a
noble and chivalrous gentleman. The
term of service of his command will expire
on the 19th of April, after which he will
return to Georgia and take the command
of a regiment.
The time of enlistment of this battalion
being about to expire, they have deter
mined to reinlist to a man. Noble fellows
indeed!
One.fact is worthy of record. There is
not a dissipated man in the battalion.
They are all young men of the first order
of character and talent.— Goldsboro,’ N. C.
Tribune.
I From tbe Atlanta ratelligencir.)
A Pxrwtic Act.
Col Gatilding:-The enclosed letter from
found Winker andchrmim patriot, WM
never intended to see the light, for in acts of gen-
ereeity and benevolence, hw “l ett LaI>d knoweth
not what tLe|rigl,t Land doeth" Bn, S rart from
tins truly liberal donation to the wives and fami-
lies of our uobio soldiers, which is not a third of
ins previous donations, I an. anxious to see the
just and clear views of the writer thrown befo-4
the country; and after some doubts and misgiv
ings as to tl, e propriety ot the act. have conclu
ded to ask its publication, and take the consn
queuces.
Yokre respectfully,
GEO. D. PHILIPS.
Howland Springs, Bartow, Co )
March 29, 1661. ’’ \
Dr. George D. Philips i ’
Dear Sir—You will please find herewith *i
000 iu the form of a certificate of deposit vrith
the Georgia Railroad and Banking Company, f or
the use and benefit of the wives and childreu of
the soldiers now in the service of their countiy
and the'widows of deceased soldiers ot the t<-n
mountain counties of Hall. Habersham. Kibun
Lumpkin, Union, Gilmer, Towns, White Pickens
and Banks—.$100 for each county. For the coun
ty of Hall, please pay over to my old friend, Minor
W. Brown, the amount for that county; for the re
maining nine counties pay to the inferior (Jou-t
for distribution
I am proud of the noble stand which Georgia
lias assumed, and thus far houorably maintained
in our stmggle for disenthrailment from Northern
contract and connection. I am especially proud
of the mountain region of the State in that there
is but little slave labor in that region to cultivate
their fields, and its people have made great sacri-
ticein leaving their farms, their wives and little
ones. May God be with them, and send those
who are left at home, fruitful dew and rain to wg.
ter the little fields which they may be able to
plant.
Doctor, whoever of us may live through ;he
year 1862, will have lived an ordinary age....
Events will transpire in rapid succession during
this year, which will run down in their conse.
quences through dissant ages. We are now li v .
ing for tin weal or woe K of nnborn generations.
All we have, all we are, all we may ever hope to
be, is e'aked in the great contest now pen in<r
between the dBservered Noithern and Southern
States.
Let us come up to this contest as men, as men
who can dare, and if need be, die 7 There is no
dallying, no time now for close calculations about
loss and gain: no time now for pondering over
safe investments The truth about all this, lies in
the apace of a nut-shell. If we win, we win all;
if we lose, lose all. With all our means, with ail
onr physical and mental powers, let us come up to
the help of our suffering and persecuted country,
and with the help of God, work out her redemption,
or like sons of worthy sires, who passed through
darker days, perish in the attempt.
The money I leave tor distribution because I
shall be absent and cannot attend to it in person.
1 know you will do it cheertnlly and faithfully -
With affectionate respect, Iara.&c,
JOHNW. LEWIS.
From the Richmond Dispatch, April 1st.
To the Patriotic—The Valor of Church
Bella.
The Ordnance Bureaus of the Confederate
States solicits the use of such bells as can be
spared dnringpthe war for the purpose of providing
light artiilery for the public defence. While cop
per is abuudant the supply of tin is deficient :o
convert the copper into bronze. Bells contain so
much tin that two thousand four hundred weight
bell metal, mixed with the proper quantity of cop
per, will suffice for a field battery of six piecei.
Those who are willing to devote their bells to tbis
patriotic, purpose will receive receipts fur them,
and the bells will be replaced, if required, at the
close of the war, or they will be purchased at
fair prices.
Bells may be directed as follows:
Richmond Arsenal, Richmond, Va., Captain B.
G. Baldwin.
Fayettsville Arsenal, Fayettesvil'.e,N. C., Capt.
J. C. Booth.
Charleston Arsenal, Charleston, S. C., Captain
F. L. Childs.
Augusta Arsenal, Angnsta, Ga , Lieut. Colonel
W. G Gill.
Mount Vernon, Arsenal, Mount Vernon, Ala.,
Captain J. L. White.
Columbus Depot, Columbus, Miss , Major W.
R. Hunt.
Atlanta Depot, Atlanta, Ga., Lieutenant M. H.
Wright.
Savannah Depot, Savannah, Ga.. Captain R. M.
Cuyler.
Knoxville Depot. Knoxville, Tenn., Lieutenant
P. M. McClung.
Baton Rouge Arsenal, Baton Rouge, La., F. C.
Humphreys, military storekeeper.
Montgomery Depot, Montgomery, Aia , C. G.
Wagner, military storekeeper.
The Government will pay all charges to these
places, and receipts will be properly returned to
the proper parties.
Persons and congregations placing their bells at
the service of the Government are requested to
send a statement of the fact, with, a description
and weight of the ball, to the Chief of the Bureau
of Ordnance at Richmond, for the record in the
War Department.
From North Carolina.
We are permitted to publish the folowing
extract of a letter, from the Surgeon of
the Third Louisiana Batillion of Artillery,
to his father in this city dated Golsboro’,
N. C - , March 27th:
I quite despair of gojng home for an in
definite period. I known I will not have
a chance before the fight now pending be
tween our forces and Burnside, is over;
perhaps not then for a very long time, as
my services will be more needed then ever -
Where the fight will be, whether here or
at Kingston, or at Weldon, or at Suffolk,
or at Wilmington,'none of us can tell, but
commit must, and that scon.
* * I feel certain that General
Burnside has run his course, and that his
departure is at hand. I feel almost as
exulant over it as did the Apostle Paul
when age and infirmities caused him to
apostrophise so beautifully at the near
approach of his end. We have about- -
troops iu aud around this place and Kings
ton. We will have no more 5,000 men
pitted against 40,000. YV e will whip the
next fight. God grant it 1
6 B. N. C.
Gen. Shields—Prophecy Fulfiled.—
The Columbia Guardian says General
Shields commanded the Palmetto regimen
in Mexico. After the campaign he paid
a visit to Columbia, and was feted and
feasted. In the course of a speech be
made from the portico of one of our hotels,
after applauding the daring and heroic
deeds of the regiment, he said in substance
that he hoped that if ever be drew his
sword against South Carolina, his w®
might be served from his body.
The prophecy of self malediction has
been literally fulfilled. Recreaut, as be
has proved himself to be to his most solemn
assevreations, the only regret felt here >*
the shell ouly fulfilled the malediction be
invoked upon his body .— Charleston t uUr
ier.
Sp.U—A Serious Business.
Conversing with a friend yesterdny about the
probable amount of Salt consumed in Georgia,
we thought, at first, that two or three hnudred
thousand bushels would cover it—Then upon
further consideration, we raised our figures, to
400,(100- But by an examination of Congression-
all documents for 1859, (having none of a later
date) it is touud that the importations of salt for
that year into Georgia could not have been less
than six hundred thousand bushels, aud wo are
led to believe that that is about the amount of or
dinary annual consumption. Tbe figures are be
low:
Import of salt for the year.
1859, was 12,476,139 bushels .
J838 10,091,635
Tu Charleston, 1859 453,282 - ‘
To Savannah,. <547, 646 - ‘
To Apalachicola, 99,898 “
Sea then, Georgians, wbat has got to be done to
supply our own wants. Make every possible al
lowance for retrenchment in tho consumption of
salt, and still, what a vast amount we must pro
duce. or suffer great inconveuience and dis
tress.
We warn every man in time to look out for him
self—not by bidding against others for the little
remnant of foreign- salt which is left in the conn-
try, but by interesting himself personally in fit
ting out expeditions to make the article from salt
water.— Telegraph.
Governor Brown to the Resene.
We learn that the last number of the Southern
Federal Union (we have not received the paper)
contains an annoncem nt, by authority, that
Governor Brown will recommend to the next Leg
islature to levy a tax of $25 per bale on all cotton
raised in Georgia the present year and if tbe cot
ton does not pay the tax that other property of tbe
planier be sold for that purpose. This hits the
nail on the head and drives it home to the bottom
of every man’s interest.—Times.
Extortion.—The Richmond Di»p» tc
says the present high prices ought to 6
recorded in some enduring form, with
thentic testimonials, and filed among
archives of the State, in order that fut«»
generations may be enabled to belie
what would otherwise appear incredi •
That such a deluge of greed and extor w
should sweep over any community
that community a Southern commonij*
in the midst of a life and death ftrogg
like this war, is absolutely astounding _ ^
appaling. If our country falls, it w
through the accursed principle of s -
ness, manifesting itself in so many torn
ambition, jeabusy. and love of 1 “ cr ®; r0 „ 8
making victims of the noble and g .
masses, who have joyfully given up ‘
all to .the cause. The heart sickep
it tnrns from a pure and disinteres e . F ^
pie whether on their farmers or -n
ranks, of the greedy birds of P re y. b t j, e ir
ken the whole air, and drown J
discordant screams for prey, tbe f . bt t-
the suffering and^even the roar o
tie. Ml , —
From Above.—An arrival from the' tM
last evening reported all qmet bgt priM *j*
enemy having entirely ceased. o^ k a||d tb»
in condition to again 0 f life, *
troops confident. No add _ ^
disabled men had been enstained, _ nr d«» -
age inflicted upon the attadk.ng f ^ l3 |,
stood to be considerable.—Wrwi*** *rr-
ji sssssMBsaS?
master's department.