Below is the OCR text representation for this newspapers page.

Correspondence* executive department, > Milledgeville, Ga, May 8, 1862. J Dear Sir: — I iiave the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your favor of the 28th ult., in reply to my letter to you upon the subject of the Con scription Act. 1 should not trouble you with a reply, wore it not that principles are involved of the most vital eharactor, upon the maintenance of w hich in my opinion, depend not only the rights and the sovereignty of the States, but the very existence of State Government. While 1 am ahvayS happy as an individual to render you any assistance in iny power, in the dis charge of the laborious and responsible duties as signed you. and while I am satiskeo you will bear testimony that I have never, as the Executive of this Stale, failed in a single instance to furnish all the men. and more than you have called for, and to assist you with all the other nieans at my command, I cannot consent to commit the State to a policy which is in my judgment subversive oi her sovereignty, and at war with all the princi pies for the support of which Georgia entered into this revolution. It may be said that it is no time to discuss con stitutional questions in the midst of revolution, and that State rights and Slate sovereignty must yield for a time lo tin* higher law ot necessity If this is a safe principle of action, it cannot cer tainly apply till the necessity is shown to c-xist; and 1 apprt hend it would be a dangerous policy to adopt, were we to admit that these who are to exercise the power of setting aside the Constitu tion, are to be the judges of the necessity for so doing. But did the necessity exist in this case? The Conscription Act cannot aid the Government in increasing its supply of arms or provisions, but can only enable it to call a larger number of men into the field The difficulty has never been lo be learned from its acts: and from the terms era- j visions of this law were effective in warding off ployed, it would seem that the policy ot election a pressing danger: but! prefer to answer vour ob- wiihin forty days to reorganize and elect their 1 i. ' officers. , But if I understand the act, judging from the * i0 " er : terms used, all vacancies whidh occur in the old thousand millions of debt and not bo more heavily taxed than they are. Mr. Kelly, (Rep.) of Pennsylvania. It seems to me that the remarks of the gentleman, Mr. Yoor- hi-es, demand some immediate suggestions in re ply. lie says we live in strange times, and in so far I agree with him. It seemed to me, as I lis- nun- I tened to him, that J could not be in the halls of an object of the States in reserving the power of ap pointing the.officers- is defeated, and that portion of the Constitution is not only a nullity, but the whole military power of the States and the entire control of the militia, with the appointments of judge whether j the officers is vested in the Confederate Govern w passed for the purpose ot executing that tnent, whenever it chooses to call l's own action .is “necessary and proper’** It is not ; -raising an army and not dolling forth the miff- . . enough to say that armies might be raised in other fit.” I American <_ ongress that I had been transla e , , wavs, and that therefore this particular way is not i I can only say, in reply to this, that the power of < some other place, or that the gentleman had mis regiments, are to be filied. not by ejection, but by ; •‘necessary.” The same argument might be used : Congress depends on the real natuie of tiie act it ken his forum, for I am quita sure that the speecu i e rtsi i n . y promotion, down to the lowest against every mode of raising armies. 'To each proposes to perform, not on the name given to it: he made, if made in the hails of the bo 11 till :n on . ,r 1 1 V,m° u er, whose vacancy alone is fill- successive mode suggested, the objection would ; and I have endeavored to show that its action is federacy, its well rounded periods vuu lax e , e y- n Ibis rule of promotion befhat other modes were practicable, and that really that of “raising an army.” and bears no drawn down vehement piauuits The corrup ions iiiiilf.r 8 ■ , ie President: at any time, : therefore the particular mode used was not “uec- j semblance to “calling forth the militia.’ - I think be n , 1 nuisances mentioned in the act, and essary.”—The true -and only test is to enquire I I may safely venture the assertion that there is . a -\ a Pbn i ’ ,t; any one be pi ease wo fill the- va- whelherthe law is intended and calculated to car- 1 not one man out of a thousand of those who will ed by the President. yuite a number of Georgia regiments are in for the Conscription Law is calci the war, whoso officers hold commissions from to “raise armies.” It is, theref the Executive of the State: but eveh in these reg- for the execution of t tin •’ I ‘ ,1S i°-M imon l , le P erson 'jhle.cted is dis- r y ou t t ],e object; whether it devises and creates in eiil* 6 i° r fi.i 01 va or ’ a . u< ^ the com mission an instrumentality for executing the specific pow- • ier an a the cases mentioned must be issu- er granted; and if the answer be ip the alfiimative the law is constiturionai. None can doubt that calculated and intended erefore, “necessary and - , . . re K‘ proper” for the execution of that power, and is meins, under the act, every person appointed to constitutional, unless it comes into conflict with tut any vacancy which may hereafter occur, it some other provisions of our Confederate Com mon Id seem, must hold his commission not from p a ,-t the Sitate, but from the President. . You express the opinion that this conflict exists, uut admit that Congress, by its acts, intended aiid eupport your aigument by the citation of J? Ve r'.l ! r ?°, pS 1,1 ever > - case the right to elect those clauses which refer to the militia. There are U1 tllc ^ UIlal o**rei» inch has not been the established prac- certain provi^oris not cited by von, which art? not ! vides that when the militia of the States aie do service under the conscription act that would describe himself, while in the Confederate ser vice, as being a militiaman; and if lam right m this asumption, the popular understanding con curs entirely’with my own deductions from the Constitution as to the meaning of the word “mi litia ” My answer has grown to such a length that I must confine myself to one more quotation from your letter. You proceed : '•Congress shall have power to raise armies. How shall it be done ? The answer iaclear. In conformity to the pro visions of the Const tution, wbic.i expressly pro- tice, as you have, commissioned many persons to without'influence on my judgment, and to which I 5?™."!.““ i- “ cthcers without election ) this call your attention.—They will aid in dtfining relieve the acts of Congress from the j what is meant by “militia.” 2nd in determining of violation of the Constitution. The the respective powers of the States and the Con federacy over them. ea charge of violation of question is not as to the mode of selecting tli person who is to have the commission, hut as to the Government which lias, underflie Constitu tion, the light to issue the commission. The •States, in the exercise of their reserved power to appoint the officers, may select them by election get men. 'The .States have already furnisbrd fhe or may permit the Executive to select them; but Government more than it can arm. and have from j the appointment rests upon the commission, as their own nieans armed and equipped very i .rge i there is no complete appointment till the com mis - numhers for it. Georgia has not only furnished | sion is issued ; and therefore the G mere than you have asked, -and armed and t quip ped, from her own treasury, a large proportion of those she has sent to the field, but sue stood ready to furnish promptly her quota (organized as the Constitution provides) of any additional number called for by iiie 1’resident. I beg leave again to invite your attention to the constitutional question involved. You say in vour letter, that the constitutionality of the act is The several States agree “not to k. ep troops or ships of war in time of peace.” Art. 1 sec. 10. par. 8. They lurtlier stipulate, that “a well regulated . militia being necessary to the security of a free State the right of the people to keep ami Lear arms ! shall not be infringed.” See 9, par 13. j That “no person shallTre held to answer for a | Government that j capital or otherwise infamous, crime, unless on a ■ issues the commission exercises fhe appointing power, and controls the appointment I am not, however, discussing the intention of j militia when in actur. presentment or indictment of grand jury except in cases arising in tiro land or naval forces, or in the led forth to repel invasion, and employed in tin- service of tiie Confederate States-, which is now the case, the State shall appoint the ofii- cers.'^w I you to observe that the answer which you say is cleat\ is not an answer to the question put. The question is : how ate armies to be raised ? The answer given is, that when miiiiia are called forth to Td^el invasion, the State shall appoint the officers.” ’I here seents to me to he a conclusive test on this whole subject. By oar Constitution G'pn- gress may declare war, offensive as well as ck-ien- sive. It may acquire territory. N >w, suppose that for good cause and to right unprovoked inju ries, Congress should declare war against Mexico service in time of war or and invade Sonora. The militia could not be cal- of the administration ot Abraham Lincoln, lie says, are saddling the laborers of the country with burdens they cannot bear, aad destroying the val ue of the property of the country. Was John B. Floyd, 1 would ask him, a member of Abraham Lincoln's Cabinet? And it was he "ho stole the arms of the government to stock Southern arsenals, that they might be put into the hands of rebels to carry on this war. *» as Howell Cobb a member of Abraham Liucoln s Cabinet! And it was lie who purposely brought down the credit of the country, so that at twelve percent, per annum, we could not borrow in our own market, the half of a loan of .^o.000,0(10, and which caused France to turn up, we may say, her nose at the id- a of American security and American credit. Was Jacob 'Thompson a menu Br Bingham—As soon as we turned the Dew- nar'y out °f power. M r yfallory wished to know whether the gen tleman was willing that. tLe blacks should com pete with free labor. When the blacks swarm that State like locusts the gentleman would close the door by legislation. Mr. Bingham had no idea that any man born on our soil should be excluded from the limits otany '"'jllr. Colfax. (Rep ). of Indiana, said the senti ment of the gentleman (Mr. Bingham) was not the sentiment of the people of Ohio. As soon as the Democrats regain power they will close the door. A Yankee I.ctlrr. A friend in the army has sent us a letter found in the enemy’s camp at Chiekahominy. from which we make the following extract. The language is not very genteel, bnt the sentiments exhibit some patriotic.feeling in the writer:—Exchange, . Brooklyn, April 9, 1802. Friend Bob : We heard to-day of the great bat tle of Pittsburg, and also the taking of “Island No 10.” I suppose you are getting ready for a fight pretty soon. I wish with all my heart that this accursed war was over, and that every man who instigated it, whether North or South, be sent Congress in the assumption of this power, but mere public danger,” &c. 8ec 9, par IS. I only the question of its POWER-.Hmd whatever I Whrit then are militia' They can Only be crea- may Lave been i’s intention, I maintain that it j ted by law. The in ms-bearing inhabitants . t a, lias transcended its constitutional powers, and has j State are liable to become its militia, if the law ! placed in tiie hands ot the Executive of the Con- so order; bnt in the absence of a law to that effect I federacy that which the States have expressly' the men of a State capable of bearing arms are no 1 clearly not derivable from the power to call out j and carefully denied to Congress and reserved to miiiiia than they are seamen, the militia, bn. from that to raise armies.. Let us | themselves. The Constitution .-.Iso tells us that militia arc i examine this fora moment. The 8th section of the j But you may ask, why hold the Executive re- not troops, nor are they any pirt of the land or na- I l-t article of the Constitution defines the powers 1 sponsible for. the unconstitutional action of Con- val force: for militia exist in time of peace, and j of Congress. JThe 12th paragraph ot that section j gress? I would not of course insist on this any the Constitution forbid- the States to keep troops, j have been establish declares, that Congi ss “shall have power to raise ; further than tiie action of Congress has been sanc- and support armies.” Paragraph 15 gives Con- tioned by the Executive, and acted upon by him. gress power to provide for calling forth the militia | Feeling satisfied that the Conscription Act, and to exeente the laws of the Cot.federate States, j-such other acts of Congress as authorize the Pres- suppress insurrections, and repel invasions. Par- j ident to appoint or commission the officers of the agraph lii gives (’ongress power to provide for j militia of the State, when employed in the ser- organizing, arming nndjdisciriiiuing _the militia, i vice of the Confederate Stales “to repel invasion,” and tor governing such part ot them as may be I are in palpable violation of the Constitution, 1 employed in the service of the Confederate States, | can consent to do no act which commits Georgia reserving to the States respectively the appoint- : to willing acquiescence in tiieir binding force upon ment of the officers, and the authority of training her people. I cannot therefore consent to have the militia, according to the discipline prescribed j anything to do with the enrollment of the con- by Congress. j scripts in this State: nor can I permit any com- Tlicse grants of power all relate to the same sub- J missioned officer of tiie militia to be enrolled, who ject matter, and are all contained in the same sec- j is necessary to enable the State toexe^cise her re- led forth in such a case, the right to call it bring limited “to repel invasions,” Is it not plain that the law now under discussion, if passed under such circumstances, could by no possibility be, aught else than a law to “raise an army ?” Can one and the same law be construed iuto a “cal ling forth the militia,"’if tliwar be defensive, “and ((raising of armies,” if * the war he offen sive .’ At some future day. after our independence shall , it is no improbable stippo- t.c-rof the Lincoln Cabinet? And >n it was he i t ,, Vieli by the shortest and most expeditious route who stole our Indian bonds. Was Toucy a mem- j jj ea 0 f a civil war in a land so blessed, so ber of the Lincoln Cabinet ? And yet it was he | f re ^, a s this is, is perfectly atrocious, and I little that dismantled the only two ships he permitted j thought that the passions of men could carry to remain in our wa'ers, while he sent all the them to such extremes. Who.the chief devils ol others beyond fhe reach of the voice of the Presi- j the war are, there are curses from widows and dent or of any of his ministers. Were these men, .orphans, made so by this unholy strife, rising and the other scoundrels associated with them, j n jght and day to the Throne of Grace for ven- meinbers of fhe present administration, or of that j geance on them, and it is my opinion that such administration the overthrow of which the gen- j men „ s Greeley, Beecher and men of their opin- tleman mounts ? I have henrJ of Satan reproving ; ions and mind, will ho destined the hottest part sin, or darkeys calling each other black, but j 0 f that burning hell, to dwell in torture for ever never witnessed an illustration of it on so grand a more. • 8Ctflo as this before. Here is Greeley, day after day, making not only Mr. Voorhees—I lise. general but personal attacks on our young “Na- The Speaker—Does the gentleman yield ? ; poleon” (McClellan), and yet thousands ot men Mr. Kelly—I do not yield. i take his paper and coincide with him. But I can 'M r. Voorhees—You shall yield ? (Cries of or- ‘ t e u Mr. Greeley that when once popular fury <W) breaks forth, his body-will be the iir>t to be hung and between heaven .and earth. Perhaps I speak warmer on this subject because I have friends, and watm ones, too, in the Southern as well as in the Northern army^and though those in the Con federate army are termed “traitors,’’ yet still they ate my fr’euds. “Once atriertJ, altvay&a friend,” is my motto. But I will tire y-.n with such along in time of peace: and they are expressly distin guished and placed in a separate category from land or naval forces, in the Kith paragraph, above quoted: and the words land and naval forces are shown, by paragraphs 12 (('and 14, to mean the army and navy of the Confederate States. Now if militia are not the citizens taken sin gly, bnt a body created by law; tliav are not troops it they are no part of the army and navy of the Confederacy—we are led directly to the definition quoted by the Attorney General', that miiitia are a “body of soldiers in a State enrolled for discip line ” In otherwise words, the term “militia’ is a collective term meaning a body of men or ganized and cannot be applied to the separate in- tlon of the Constitution, and by a well known | served right ot training her militia, according to dividuals who compose the organization. rule of omstrtiction, must be taken as a whole l the discipline prescribed by Congress, at a time and construed together. - when to prevent troubles with her slaves a sfric' It would seem quite clear, that by the grant of military police is absolutely necessary to the safe power to Codgress to raise and support armies, without qualification, the framers of tiie Constitu tion intended the regular armies of the Ccnfed.-ra cy, and not armies composed of the w hole miiitia of all the States. If all the power given in the three paragraphs abore quoted, is in fact embraced in the first, m the general words to raise unities, then the other two paragraphs are mere surplus ages. and the framers of the Constitution were guilty of the folly of incorporating Into the in strument unmeaning phrases. Winn the States, by the Itith paragrapih. expressly and carefully re served to themselves the right to appoint the offi cers of the militia, when employed in the service of the Confederate States, it was certainly never contemplated that Congress had power, should it become necessary to call the w hole militia of the States into the service of the Confederacy, to di rect that the President should appoint (commis sion) all the officers of the militia thus called iuto service, under the general language contained in the previous grant of power to raise armtes. If this can be done, the very object of the State in reserving the power of appointing the officers, is if her people. Korean 1 permit any other of ficer, civil or military who is necessary to the maintenance of the State Government, to be car ried out of the State as a conscript. The Constitution divides the whole military strength ol the States into only two classes of or ganized bodies—one the armies of the Confedera cy; the other, the militia of the States. , In the delegation of power to the Confederacy, afier exhausting the subject of declaring war, rai- ) sing, nod supporting armies, and providing a iiu- •Should you at any time need additional troops from Georgia to fill up her just quota, in propor tionto the number furnished by the other States, you have only to call on the Executive fur the num ber required to be organized and officered as the Constitution directs, and your call will, as it ever has done, meet a prompt response>-from her noble and patriotic people who, w hile they will watch with a jealous eye, even in tho midst of revolu tion, every attempt to undermine their constitu- j p ress insurrections and repel tional rights, will never be content to be behind j , )ar _ 55 > y in relation to ail w hich the grant of authority J to Congress is exclusive, the Constitution pro- | ceeds to deal with the other organized body, the ! militia, and instead of delegating power to Con gress alone or reserving it to the States alone, the power is divided as follows, viz: Congress is to • have power— j “To provide for calling forth the militia to execute the laws of the Confederate States, sup invasions.”—Sec. 8 par I S Mr. Kelly—No sir, I shall not yield to you Mr Voorhees—I say it is false, all false ; 1 denounce the gentleman as a calumniator. Mr. Speaker—Order order. Mr. Voorhees—I will allow no man The Speaker interrupted the member from In diana, who he declared was out of order. Order being restored, Mr. Kelly proceeded- I am dissertation on matters probably of no interest to f _„. t , , ’opposed to all swindling, sir, either in fact or ! y 0U _ ) have ever spoken my mind since the tit present enemy may be tempted to j thought and to all covert attempts to delude and breaking out of this war, and have bepn threaten- val power, by depredation on our : stduce the people from their patriotism and hon- e d with Fort Lafayette, but that could not daunt est convictions. I believe in honesty and verac- me, for “free speech” is the foundation of our Re- ity, and 1 say that the present condition of the public. So I will close mj’ long letter with the country is the natural lVsult of the training its -. v isli that wherevel you may go. you may be pro- people received at tiie hands of the Democratic tectrd, and return in safety "to those who are wait- part} - . Cries of Good It made our country a j n g for you at home; and that the 3ffth may act plunderer of nations, provided they were feeble. as “freemen” in the tight May the ball that is Ender it filibustering became synonymes with to take your life he not yet moulded, is the earnest Democracy during the two last administrations, wish of your friend. Write as soon as convenient, There was no principle of honesty or of veracity aI1( j until then I remain vours trulv, that the Democratic party, as represented in the * ~ Pierce and Buchanan administrations, left to the, ^ tsj . people of the country. And if this war be an ex- Vo BeacA'oe 1 ?ry If me, 1 o every pensive and a corrupt one, I pray you bear in three pints of berries add one quart of wa- miml, and the country will, that Abraham Lincoln ter su ff e r it to stand twenty-four hours, found well trained pupils in all the departments . . fl , ./ , and bureaus. This administration had left skill- strain through a cullender, then through a ed scholars in the army of contractors to make the jelly hag, and to every gallon of the juice most of their inexperienced successors, and it does add three pounds of good brown sugar, not lie in the mouth of any adherct of either of t he white of two eggs beaten to a froth. In conclusion, I take great pleasure in recog- these administrations—of one who seeks to resus- i • *1 . *.i nizing that the history of the past year affords the citato the party which sustained them—to rebuke aI 'd Stlired in the juice, a little spice, With amplest justification for your assertion, that if the I the Republican party, or Abraham Lincoln, on two dozen cloves beaten together, and one question had hcen, whether the Conscription Law j these points. Will anybody who reads the re- nutmeg grated should be put in a small Jin- " ” s necessary in order to raise men in Georgia, j marks of the gentleman (Mr.'Voorhees) be able to eQ | /. uu l dropped in. After all are mixed the answer must nave been rnffhe negative. Yonr say whether lie approves of the rebellion, whether i . ,x . , l l * noble State has promptly responded to every, call j he thinks the war should not have commenced, put it in a Stone jog. nilecl up ana Kept that it has been my duty to make on her: and to 1 whether he wishes to make an inglorious peace lull with some ot the same juice rescrvec. you personally, as her Executive, 1 acknowledge ! to-day. and to stipulate a peace on condition of f or that purpose until it is done working, my indebtedness for the prompt, cordial and ef- paying tho expense* of the rebels if they gnaram w J,i c h will be in two or three weeks. Cork teed us a peace in tye future ? Vliat are Ins . . . , . . , r views upon some leading points 7 Did Abraham it tightly and keep ill a cold place tor sition that abuse his i. commerce, and that we may be comnelled toas- sert ottr lights by offensive war. How is it to be carried on ? Of what is the army to be compo sed ? It the Government cannot eali on its arms beaming population otherwise than as milifia, and if the miiitia can only be called forth to repel in vasion we should be utterly helpless to vin dicate our honor or protect our rights. War has been well styled “the terrible litigation of na tions ” Have we so formed our Government, that in this litigation we must never he plaintiff ? —Surely this cannot have been the intention ol the framers of our compact. In no aspect in which I can view this law, can I find just reason, to distrust the propriety of my action in approving and signing it; and the ques tion presented involves consequences, both im mediate and remote, too mOtr.entous to permit me to leave your objections unanswered. the foremost in the discharge of their whole duty, j ..-p 0 prov ;de for organizing, arming and die ciplining the militia, and for governing such part of ! them as may be employed in the service of the i Confederate States; reserving to the States respec- I tively the appointment of officers and the authori- i ty of training the militia according to the discip- ! line prescribed by Congress.” Bar Iff. Congress, then, has the power to provide for or- I am, with great respect Your obedient servant, JOSEPH E. BROWN. His Excellency Jefferson Davis. Executive Dt.partm-:nr, Richmond, 29ih May; 1862. j ... ... Dear Sir:—I received your letter of the 8th inst ! ganizihg the arras-bearing’people of the States in defeated, and that portion of tho Constitution is j in due course, but the importance of the subject i to militia. Each State has the power to officer aud r.ot only a nullity, but the whole military power of | embraced in it required careful consideration' | train them when organized. fective co-operation you have afforded me in the effort to defend our common country against the common enemy. I am very respectfully Your obedient servant, JEFFERSON DAVIS. His Excellency Jos. E. Brown. Governor of Georgia, • . • Milledgeville. the States, and the entire control of the militia with tlip appointment of the officers, is vested in the Confederate Government, whenever it chooses to cal) its own action “raising an army,” arid not “calling forth the ini.itia ” Is it fair to conclude that tiie States intended that tiiese reserved pow ers should be defeated in a matter so vital to con- stitutionsi iiberfy, by a mere change in the use of terms to designate the act? Congress shall have and this together with other pressing duties has caused delay in my reply. The constitutional question discussed by you in relation to the Conscription Law had been duly weighed betore I recommended to Congress the passage of such a law, it wis fully debated in bo’ii houses, aud yonr letter has not only been submit ted to my Cabinet, but a written opinion has been required front tiie Attorney General. The consti- power to raise armies. How shall it b“ done? The tutionalty of the law was sustained by very laige answer is clear. In conformity to the provisions majorities in both houses. This, decision ef the of the Constitution, which expressly provides, | Congress meets the concurrence not only of my that wlisn the milit-a of the States arc called forth j own j Augment, bnt of every member of the Cab- to repel invasion, and employed in the service of | iuel, and a copy cf the opinion of the Attorney the Confederate States (which is now the case.) i General, herewith entiosed, develops tho reasons the States shall appoint the officers. If this is j on which his conclusions are based, done, the army is raised as directed by the Consti- j I propose, however, from my Jiigli respect for tution, and the reserved rights of the States are j yourseif, and for other eminent eitiz-ns, who eu- re c pected; but if the officers of the militia, when i tertain opinions similar to years, Jo set forth, some called forth, are appointed by the President, the | what at length, iny own views on the power of the army composed ot the militia is not raised as di- j Confederate Government over ittfown armies and rect< d by the Constitution, and :he reserved rights | the miiitia, and will endeavor nofto leave without oi the States are disregarded. The fathers of the ; answer any of the positions maintained in your Republic in 1787 showed the utmost solicitude on | lettir. this very point. In the discussion in the Convert- The main, if not the only purpose for which in- tion on the adoption cf this paragraph in the Con- | dependent States form Uni«m stitution of the United States which we have cop- j is to combine the power of th ied and adopted without alteration, Mr Ellsworth j in such manner as to form one united force in all said. “The whole authority over the militia ought j relations with fereigh powers, whether in peace by no means to be taken away from the States, j or in war. Each State, amply competent to ad- wliose conapqtie-jce would pine away to nothiug . minister and control its own domestic government after such a sacrifice of power.” lu explanation | yet too feeble successfully to resist powerful ra nt the power which the committee, who reported | tions, seeKs safety by uniting with other .States this paragraph to the Convention, intended by it I in like condition, and by delegating to iwine eom- to delegate to the General Government, when the I moil agent the combined strength of ali, in order militia should be employed in the service of that . to secure advantageous commercial relations in government, Mr. King, a member of the com peace, and to carry on hostilities with effect in Congress may call forth the militia to execute Confederate laws. The State has not surren dered the power to call them iorlh to execute State laws. Congi ess may call them forth to repel invasion: sc. may the States, for it has expressly reserved this right. Congress may call them forth to suppress in surrection; and so may the Slate, for :he power is impliedly reserved ot governing ad the miiitia except the part in actual service of the Confeder acy. I confess myself at a loss to perceivj in what manner these careful and well dt lined provisions j id g.: :o e ot of the Constitution regulating the organization and government of ti e militia, can be understood ■ as applying in the remotest degree to the armie* I The Yankee C'angrcu. Exciting Debate, on the Profligacy and Coemption of the Lincoln Administration—The. Northern Press on the. Radical Legislation of Congress. We get from our late Northern papers a sketch of a most extraordinary and exciting debate in the Yankee Congress of the fraud ami profligacy of tho Lincoln Administration. The discussion was provoked by some remarks on the financial condition of the North, when Mr. Voorhees, of In diana, a bold and fearless thinker, pitched into the Lincoln Administration, and charged upon it the most plating fraud and profligacy that ever dis graced a government. The debate led to the greatest excitement, and the remarks tired the the House. The searching ex pose made Mr. Keliy, of Pennsylvania, feel as mittec, said. “By OR«.\NIZ1N(1. the committee meant proportioning the officers and men; by ARMING, the kind, size and calibre of arms; by disciplining, prescribing the manuel exercise, evolutions, &c.” Mr Gerry objected to the delegation of the pow er, even with this explanation, and said, “This power in the United States, as explained, is ma king the State drill sergeants, lie had as lief let the citizensof Massachusetts be disarmed, as to take the command lrom the States, and subject them to the Genera! Legislature ” Mr. Madison observed that “arming, as explain- i ed. did not ex’eml to furnishing arms, lior the ! term disciplining, to penalties and courts mar tial for enforcing them ” After the adoption by the Convention of the I first pait of the clause, Mr. Madison moved to j amend the next part of it. so as to read “reaerv- | ing to the States respectively the appointment of the officers, under the rank of GENERAL OFFI- ; rr.RS.” Mr. Sherman considered this as absolute- j lv inadmissible. He said,.that if the people should be so far asleep as to allow the most in fluential cflicers of tiie niililia to he appointed by the General Government, every man of discern ment would rouse them by sounding the alarm to them.” Upon Mr. Madison's proposition Mr. Gerry said ; ‘ Let us *t once destroy the State Governments, iiave an Executive for life, or hered itary. and a proper Senate, and then there would be some consistency in giving full powers to the General Government; hut as the tates are not to be abolished, ho wondered at the attempts that were made to give powers inconsistent with their existence. He warned the Convention against pushing the experiment too far.” Mr. Madison’s amendment tc add to the clause the words “under rank of general officers,'’ was voted down by a majority ol eight States against three, according to tho “Madison Papers,” from which the above extracts aie taken; and by nine States against two. according to the printed journ als of the Convention. The reservation in the form in which it now stands in the Constitution, “reserving to the States the appointment of the officers,” when the miiitia are employed in the service of the Confederacy, as well the General officers as those under that grsde, was adopted unanimously by the Convention. At the expense of wearying your pa'ienee. I have been thu« careful in tracing the history of this clause of the Constitution, to show that it was the clear understanding of those v. ho originated this part of the fundamental law, that ti e States should retain tiu ir power over their miiitia even while in tiie service of the Confederacy, bv retain ing the appointment of all the officers In practice, the Government of the United States, among other numerous encroachments of power, had usurped to itself the power, which the Convention, alter mature deliberation, had ex pressly denied in it. to-wjt: tiie power of appoint ing the GENERAL OFFICERS of the militia, when employed in the service of the General Govern ment But even that Government had never attempted to go to the extent of usurping lbs power to ap point the field and company officers If the fra mers of the Constitution were staitled at the idea of giving the appointment ot the general oflirets to the General Government, and promj.ily reject- ed it. how would they have met a preposition to give the appointment of ALL THE OFFICERS, down to the low est lieutenant, to it? Bui you say. “with rpgaid to the mode of offi- cenug the troops n..w called into the service of the Confederacy, the intention of Congress is to Now, the powers delegated by the several State, to the Con federate Government, which is their com moil agent, are enumerated in the 8th section of tiie Constitution, each power being distinct, spe citio, and enumerated in paragraphs separately of tiie Confederacy; nor can I conceive how the i grant of exclusive power to declare and carry on j war by armies raised and supported by the Con- j federacy, is lo be restricted or diminished by the ; clauses which grant a divided power over the mi- ; litia. On the contrary, the delegation of author.- j ty over the militia, so far as granted, appears to | me to be plainly an additional enumerated power, j or Confederations i intended to strengthen tin* hands of the Confeder- j several members i a te Government tu the discharge of its paramount j ditty, the common defence cf the States. You state, after quoting the 12th, 15th and IGtli j grants of power to Congress, that, “These grants | of powc-r all relate to the same subject matter, and j are all contained in the same section of the Con- I stitution. and by a well known rule of construe- j tion, must be taken as a whole and construed to gether.” Tills argument appears to me unsound. All the powers of Congress are enumerated in one s clioit; and the three paragraphs quoted can no more control each other, by reason of their loca tion in the same section, than they can control any of I he other paragraphs preceding, in tervening or succeeding. So far as the subject atter is concerned, I iiave already endeavored though ho “w as not in the halls of an American Congress”—as if “he had been translated”—as if“iie was seated in the halls of the Southern Con federacy.” It is evident lrom this debate, and we also give below, that there is a limit even in the Northern mind in its passive forbearance with the profligacy and corruption of tho Adininstration of Abraham Lincoln : Mr. Vcoritees, (Oopp ) of Indiana, reviewed the financial policy which has governed the qdminis- . v una numbered- I he only exception ts the 1 —tli para- |t 0 ghojv that the armies mentioned in the I2tii graph, which, by its own terms, is made depen- paragraph are a subject matter as distinct front dent on these previously enumerated as .lol- t he militia mentioned in the 15ih and Kith, as lows: they are from the navy mentoned in tho ’13th. “18. To make ali laws which shall be necessa- ! Nothing can mislead as to construe together and ry and proper for carrying into execution the forfi- j as one w hole, the carefully separated clauses going powers,” &c. which define the different powers to be exercised Now, the war powers granted to the Con- ■ over distinct subjects by the Congress. But you gress ate conferred in the following para- I t.hxt “by the grant of power to Congress to raise and support armies without qualification. ‘ ‘ ' ’ nded the They asked that the gov- , . . . . ... , eminent should be administered as Washington is iept tor twelvo months, it Will be still and Jefferson administered it. That is what the better, and it will continue to improve party wished to have done, and what they desired with a w e. to do when they came into power. And shall ° » those who encouraged the rebeis to strike, and From the Jackson Mississippian. who have had no condemnation for them to this . . , . . _ day, say that the Republican party is responsible . « no,r to ° la,c reUrc from ,he Co "' for the costs of this war ? trsl—There i» no reircnlbnt in chniu* ami Mr. Voorhees again sought the floor. Mlnrer; !” The Speaker—Does the gentleman yield ? , Mr. Kelly—Not except there is some rule of Such were tne thrilling words that burst honor which gives him the right to the floor—I : from the lips of Patrick Henry in the dark- d° not. • est hour of the American Revolution. It Mr. Voorhees—A sense or fairness demands , , - , . , , . , . j t was the echo winch was sent back to him Mr. Kelly—The gentleman himself declined to welling up from the great popular heart yield to a gentleman who simply wanted to cor- which had been stirred to its inmost reel his figures. It is true the burdens of this depths, and every cord of which thrilled war will tali heavily upon the labor of the conn- *. ' , iry: but how much heavier wiir it fall if we fail to ; under the sped of those other magic tax the property of the South—if we fail to make words which fell from the same lip.—“Give the South pay a just proportion of the expenses of me liberty, or give me death.” the war-if w- fail to listen to the voice of the, Ringing along the corridors of time, gentleman from Missouri, (Mr. Noell.) wno, yes- , ° ” c c ^ ■ o , terday. urged us to pass a confiscation bill to take wherever a votary of freedom is found, it the property of the rebels in Missouri, and of the j whispers to him in the blandest tones of rebels of the other States, and appropriate it To ; encouragement that the hour of aeliver- tho expenses of the war 7 Wliat does tho gentle- i,„ n .l it is hoard in the from an editorial article trotn the Philadelphia Reg- man (Mr. Voorhees) propose to do ? Whv, not ance 4 ,lt and ' ‘ ,. n ’ U ’ ea n 10 istcr oil tht* radical legislation of Congress, which j one single practical suggestion does his sppeeeb thunder,8 roar, stmtliug tlic tyreint iiom embody; not one word o"f encouragement to the llis fancied security , and pointing him to soldiers in the field, or to the soldier’s wife at , the doom which awaits him. home has ho spoken. And yet how does his | Whatever hopes may have been iiidul- the rights of rebels and their counsellors ? Look ln the eaihei period of the stiuggle of at the credit of the country. Let the world say a restoration of the Union upon conces- tration since it camo iuto power, characterizing I what it thffiks or the honesty and fairness of the sion to the just demands of the South, it as unsound, unwise and ruinous. The crimi- •*— - J - n ils Wi ? hare been plundering the treasury hare not been brought to justice nor has honesty per ended the. States. Congress assembled to receive his first message. We are shut up inevitable the irre Then yonr treasury was bankrupt, your paper versable issue of life or death, freedom or bad been hawked about the streets at twelv per I s j avery . There is 110 retreat. A£itll such cent, per annum, your'bonds were coming home . * ... , n- to be sold at any sacrifice from every land where an lssue before him, lie ^TTF^ daffies people had invested in your credit, your own peo- '■ is a dastard, and Jie who doubts is dam- pie had confidence, but it became apparent that : ned.” the Democratic party was dead, with all its dis- . The most fervid imagination cannot ex- nonesty ot purpose ami its barbarism—dead, sir, I . ,, . 0 . , . , beyond all hope of resurrection, and that in its j Rggarate the niomesiltous issues.which are The Prop*wH tl**nrcby for .Tlcxieo Interesting I.ctlrr from Urn. Priia. Gen. Prim, of the Spanish forces in Mexico, arrived in New York on Saturday by the Spanish sloop of war Don Antonio Ulloa, en route for Europe. The occasion of the return of General Prim will be seen by the following letter writen Ly- him showing the designs of the French Emperor against Mexico. Orizaba, April 14. Inflexible destiny is stronger than the will of man. Could 1 have doubted it what has just occurred here would have convinced me. Theitriplelaliiancejno longer exists The soldiers of the Emperor remain in this country to establish a throne for Archduke Maximilian—what madness !—while the soldiers of England and Spain withdraw from the Mexican soil. You, who are aware of the attachment [ have for the Emperor, and the truly fraternal esteem in which I hold the brave French and all that relates to them, will readily comprehend the bitterness of my soul when 1 am obliged to quit the battle field and to seperate myself from my com rades, when the finest dreams of my life was to combat for the same cause as the French and oil the same ground. Rut it was impossible for me to remain without forgetting altogether what I am and what 1 owe to my Queen and my country. The truth after all. is that the Commis sioners of the Emperor have departed en tirely from the Convention of London, with the determination of acting on their own account only. The proteetionwhichibey insisied on extending to the Mexican em igrants, Almonte and the rest, who arrived at \ era Cruz, avowing that they came with the fixed plan of destroying the Re public, in order to create a monarchy in favor of the Archduke Maximilian. Since then, in the conference of the 10th, five days before the negotiation with the Mexi can Government, M. de Saligny declared that he would no longer treat with the Government oi'Juarez. In the last jiroces verbal all is clearly expressed, clearly established—in extenso, as the diplomatists says—and that docu ment alone will suffice for public opinion to determine who is right and who is wrong. As to myself, (a Spaniard) you will readily understand that I could not sup port this radical change of the politicial system of this country if a prince of the Austrian monarchy was to he imposed up on it. The Allies catne here bound by the Convention of London, and we could not depart from it without placing ourselves in the wrong. I withdraw, then, my troops, and go to Havana to await the or ders of my Government. Yours, See., , Prim. [ I rom the Paris Patrie, (official or^kn) May 29.] General Prim, on learning Marshal Sis- rano’s refusal to place ships of war at her disposal to convey his troops back to Havana, chartered a number of merchants vessels. The enthusiasm of the French soldiers was extreme. All the reinforce ments from Martinique, Guadaloupe, and French, had arrived, with abundant ma teriel, stores and artillery. The monar chical party had made Gen. Almonte their Chief. Five Generals had recognized his authority, placed themselves and their troops at his disposal, and declared the deposition of Juarez. As soon as the France arrived in the Capital, Gen. Almon te will be declared Chief of the Provisional Government of Mexico. A Constituent assembly, elected by universal suffrage, freely exercised, will meet at Mexico and declare the definitive resolution of the nation. The commercial, manufacturing, and landed interest, as well as the clergy, are favorable to the monarchical party, whose success seems certain. This party, supported by France, has for its object the triumph of civilization, order, and liberty. S7 AUTHORITY. graphs: No. i. gives authority to rai.«e"“revenne nec essary to pay the debts, provide for the comniou defence and carry on the government,” &c: No. 11. “to declare war, grant letters of marqne and reprisal. ar,d make rules concerning captures on iand and water.” No. 13. “to provide and maintain a na- No 14, “to make rules for the government and regulation of the land and naval forces.” It is impossible lo imagine a more broad, ample and unqualified delegation of the whole power of \ , , each State, than is litre contained, with the sol itary limitation of the appropriations to two years eh part men ts. History will, on tins subject, cause | every lover of his country to bow his head, while I his cheek burns with shame, because of the ex- : travagance and shamelessness of expenditures. By means of mismanagement and fraud the pub- \ lie debt a year hence will be one sixth of the entire. j in tilth of the country. Now the proportion to every , voter is two hundred dollars ; twelve months from this time it will be lour hundred. Where was the evidence that any other people had been so burdened within sashort a time. He might bo met with the familiar cry that these vast expendi tures are necessary to carty on the war. To this j he interposed an explicit denial, come from what ever quarter it might. The Mexican war, though i carried on in a distant country, cost for every man | le-s than one-fourth what was now expended; I but fraud aud crime had swollen the enormous j burden on patriotic and honest people. Tiffs he I stood ready to prove. He alluded to the results of ; the investigating committees to support iiis argu ment. In conclusion, he expressed the hope and the .ranters of tl.: Constitution intended lne j predicted that the people would risejn their nffo’ht id not ar- c ....... . of the Confederacy, a Inf the wh.de miiiiia of ail the j aI,, l send hither representatives who will be gov erned by the teachings of tiie Bible and the Con- | stitution, and that the Union will be re-estab- j fished ou the principles of justice and Christian- regular armie mies compose States.” I must confess mvsclf somewhat at a loss to un derstand this position. If I ?un riqdit that the mi litia is a body of enrolled State soldiers, it. is not possible, in the nature of things, that armies rai sed by tbe Confederacy can “be composed of the whole ini litia of all tho States.”—The militia may _ be t ailed forth, in whole or in part, into the Con- j the whole country for tiieir peculations rate service, but do not thereby become part, frauds upon the treasury. The President, of the “Armies raised” by Congress. They remain militia, and go home w hen the emergency administration. A little more than a year ago those hopes are now as shadowv as the On the 4th dav of July last the American • baseless fabric of a midnight vision. Jri the course of his remarks, Mr. Voorhees in vemhed bitterly against tho corruptness of the ad min;.4lralioii, and ils countenance of those who stead honesty of purpose, w isdom and patriotism, j in the conflict. Every material interest had taken possession of the reins of power. What every cherished hope, every aspiratiou was the substance or object of the gentleman's f„ r freedom cverv object of affection should 8j;eccn? Whs it an invective against th? cor- | , - ' ruption of the government ? Was it a speech up- ! animate our hearts, and nerve our arms in on the tarift, or emancipation ? or was it, after all, ! such a struggle. Every motive is pres- but mere election clap-trap ? It could not be dis- ; ent from the loftiest and purest patriotism covered from it that we are engaged mawar- : t „ meanest an d most Sordid selfishness, that we do live in times of which the late Mr. i 4 „ . A , ... A Douglas spoke as follows: “Therecan be no ueu- that oui sues nave left us, and that trals* in this war, there can be only patriots or j posteri'y expects from us—all that time traitors.” It is not a party question, nor a ques- j bequeathes of free, and history of sublime, ” tion involving partisan politics; it is a question ; j us a nd with one voice proclaim ot government or no government, country or no . 1 ,, . . . . , • , r . country. What is the 'gentleman from Indiana j th at there is “no retreat bnt in chains or for, government or no government, for country or j slavery!” With such ail alternative before no country ? Indeed, tho last is easily answered, for ns, who would not rather be where “the if we were to declare a ueaco today, upon such : exti is , ied Spartans st iH are free, in «vft would | - - ° - - r - - — , . . , - . j ; iv uuny to Congress tht* r and naval forces; but they went further; and cov- , ^ a ^ re , civ , llis v0 ;unta.y offer of et,anted by the od paragraph ol t ie UHL section, j service bt . ( . a ; )Re !leisa men ,bcrof tho State mill- tion, not “to engage in war, unl«a actually in- ; f . |a , 0 d „ I0 r t0 rsie( . army at all. vaded, or in such imounent danger es will not ad- , for prao , !ca |]^ ;>n ' mcn fit lor service in the army imt of delay. . . ! may be embraced in the militia organization of the I know of bnt two modes of ra.sh.g arrn.es j , e / erR i StatM . You seem, however, to suggest, within the Confederate , tales, mZ. vo.uutary en- j rRt!ierl j )Rn directlv to assert, that the Conscript listment a id draft or conscription. .1 perceive, S L)IW may i, e unconstitutional, because itcompre- inthedelegat.onofpowertoraisearm.es, ™ tea- ! , 5 |en between H Rn( ) 35 triclion as to the mode otpiocunng troops I see at lea , t ( , li3 U ' all inference which I draw nothing which coniines Congress to one class of f, 0B) exprP1 , sion “armies composed of the men, nor any greater power to receive volunteers ; w a l| l Le States.” Bnt it is obvious, than conscripts into its service. I see no limita- j ^ ifc ”,‘, pp( , g j, RVfl powe r to draft into the ar- i inii s raised by it any citizens at, all (without re I see no limita tion by which enlistments are to be received of individuals only, but not of companies, of battal- lions, or squadrons, or regiments. I find limita tion of time of service, but only of deration ot appropriation. I discover nothing to confine Congress to waging, war within the limits of the Confederacy, nor to prohibit offensive war. In a word, when Congress desires to raise an army, and passes a law, for ibat purpose, tbe solitmy question is under the lfilii paragraph, viz: “Is the law one that is necessary and pioper to execute tiie power to raise e.rnnes?” <>n this point you say. “But did the necessity exist, in this case? The Conscription Act cannot aid the Government inincreasiug iisettpply of arms or proviso ns, bnt esn only enable ft to cn11 a latge number of men into the field. 'I lie difficulty baa never been to get mefa: Tho States have already furnished Ilse Government more than it can ami,’ &c. . I won Id have very little difficulty in establish ing to your entire satisfaction that tin'passage ot the law was not only necessary, lint that it was absolutely indispensable; that numerous regi- ments of twelve months ta-jn were on the eve c being disband, d, whose places could not be snp- p itd by raw 1 vies in the face of superior num bers c f tbe foe, with out entailing the most dis astrous results: that the position of our armies was so critical ns to till the boc.nis of every patriot with the liveliest apprehension; and that the pro- gard to the fact whether they are or net members of militia oiganizations.) the power must be cn-ex- tensive with the exigencies of the occasion, or it incomes illusory: and the extent of the exigency must be determined by Congress; for tbe Consti- stmion Las if fr rite power without any other check or.restiicfj.m than tiie Executive veto. I ndei or dinary cat umstr.nees. riie power thus delegated to Congress is scarcely felt by the States.^ At ‘be present moment when our very existence is toreat- et.fd, by armies vastly superior in numbers to outs, tbe necessity for defence has induced a call, not “lor the whole militia of all the States,” not for any tr.ilit.ia, but for men to compose aimies for the Confederate States Surely, there is no injstery on this subject During cur whole past history, as well as during bur recent one year’s experience as a new Con- feueraey, the militia “have been called forth to re pel invasion" in numerous, instances; and they never rame otherwise (Lao as bodies organized bv the Stales, with their company, field and general f i officers-, and when the emergency had passed, they went home again. I cannot reu-eivn how r.r.y one can interpret the Conscription Law as taking away from the Suites the power to appoint officers to their mili tia You observe on this point in your letter, that unless your construction is adopted, “the very terms as the gentleman indlcot-., „ c , . . - . . . „ , „ have no country and no government or parry for t lioil' proud charnel of I herniopy lae, us. We must be on one side nr the other now. than acknowledge allegiance to the vul- bad been censured by Congress and condemned I There must be victory for the rebels or victory for tr a r despot who seeks to enslave us? nd the govenment. We have come to the final issue ! tc nr.*- *„ i. i io ho ofarms', and the great question can only besettled | . ‘ J ‘ , . . 1 0 1 I 11 * " by one side or tbe other having their necks J tectlOll Ii'Otn “the kind and paternal gov- brougbt under the heels of tho other. The gen- i eminent,’ which the invaders of our soil tlenian tolls ns lie does not want to see the necks are Striving to force upon us—not “to tmb- of the rebels brought under onr^sels. I tell •aid, bail sent 8imon Cameron to represent the United States at the Court of .St. Petersburg, with a vote of censure ofthe House of Representatives upon him. He had continued in office tho Secre tary of the Navy, charged also with dealing in contracts inimical to the interests of the govern ment: and he (the President) had re-appointed General Fremont to an important command ofthe army, in the face of the most shameful frauds per mitted by him while in command of the Depart ment af tho West. Mr. Morrill, (Ii^p.)of Vermont expressed his surprise at the gentleman’s extraordinary speech. The geatleman said at the end of another year tho national debt will be two thousand millions of dol- f Tty . , w (r< „ Urs - , lars, and the interest over one hundred millions, j ^ ortI i n of the insurrectionary States subineated to say nothing ol the attacks on the udmiuistra J 1 K cu tion, which is doing all It can to pot down tbe re bellion inaugurated by the gentleman’s own party He would remind tiie gentleman that our armies are in part commanded by Democratic generals, and. if there is any extravagance or responsibility, they must take tiieir due share. The otlice of Secretary of War is filled, too, by a Democrat — The charges come with au illgrace from the gen tiemau. When the facts shall be investigated, he le rebels brought under onrfceels. 1 tell j u{?ate an( J destroy, but to uphold and pro him, sir, that the country will not allow their P .,, , . ,, , . r , . \ necks to-be brought under tho heels of rebels; j tect -—let ar. such cointcmplate the tjr- thnrei'ore, "the tight must be fought to the bitter I anny inaugurated at Nashville and New end, and, if needs be, a subjugated people will | Orleans, and ns they behold the bravest be ruled by that people whose Constitution is the and tI , e be8t of their countryrae „ loaded law of tbe land they occupy. i .j , . , . , . i , ,, T ’ .. , „ - , , . , wiai chains and consigned to hopeless cap- Mr. Lansing, (Hep.) of New Fork, advocated ; .. .. , , .. . , P , 1 , r the passage ofthe confiscation bill. He held that : them take fresh courage and re the shirrs of reheles should he. emancipated, as a 1 new their VOWS to conquer or die. means of prosecirting the tear. They should he ship. I ■—i Stfwnrt’« Urillinnt Rrconnoianncr. to the dominion of the Federal authority ; and not I Richmond, 15th.— 1 he torce with which only should the career of the Vandals, rubbers, Gen. Stewart accomplished liis brilliant and criminals bo stopped, bnt measures taken ! reconnoissanee, consisted of the First and against a recurrence of insurrection. | Ninth Virginia Cavalry, Jeff Davis’Le- Mr. Mallory* (Union) of Kentucky, believed, at • 1 r< i u * * t ~ . i the present juncture of public affairs, that it , g'>°n Gavaliy, I om Cobb s Legion,^ and would be inexpedient to adopt any act of conllsca- ! three pieces ot Artillery, (Stewart s.)— tion or foifeitnre of the estates of rebels engaged The expedition left Taylorsville ou Friday and unprovoked rebellion, with • morning ; routed a squadron of Yankee in this wicked Acts nnd fSrftofntioiift of the Congrrn* of Hit** t:onfederate State* of America Panned at the First SctNiou under the Permanent ConMi tution. fllr. Morrill) would be as willing as the gentle- w ,lioh - it was known, lie had no sympathy. In ( ? - t Old Clmrcli ; captured and ua.i to visit the delinquents with just punishment, iho course of bis remarks ho said the scoundrels i ca 1 ■’ - ° ’ 1 - and hang them on gibbets for execration in all time to come. He thought there would be found as many of them in the Democratic as in any oth er party. In relation to the expenditures, he would merely say, the entire amount of tho ■ap propriations, for iiie year ending 18(52 is if589,000.- i 0, and for that ending 18b'J $554,000,000, so if the war continues iheu till the end of another year the expenditure will not exceed $E 130,000,000. The preser.l debt, including tlic old, is a little over ifCifll,000,Olid. The inierest, even ovi r six per turn, would not be more than §40,000 (101).— j Admitting that the war will continue another year, the .tiicrest would not he $75,000,000 per aiiuuin There was hupp,'however, that'tho war will bo cl os d long before 18(53. If so, of cotnse, our ex penditures wifi be largely diminished. With re gard to the ability of our people to support an enormous load of taxation, ho stated that those ot England were taxed to the amount of one-fourth of their annual income. We could support four nd traitors, both Norihaud South, had discover- ! burnt three I 1 ederal transports at 1 utney Mills on tho Pamunkey River, loaded with commissary and ordnance stores , from thence they proceeded to Tnnstall’s on the York River Rail Road aud captured a number of Yankees ; fired into and rid dled a train; engineer killed, and fell off af ter puffing on a full head of steam—the traiu dashed on towards the Pamunkey riv er near Taylorsville ; captured and burnt one hundred wagonsloaded with commissa ry stoies, and returned to Richmond this morning, bringing ICO prisoners and 300 mules and horses. ed that agitation ofthe slavery question was one of the most efficient w eapons for the destruction of this government, and accordingly availed them selves of it. He solemnly declared that tho con dition of slavery is the very hest in which the Af- rican race can be placed, and had no toleration for that species of conduct which would turn the ne groes free, but yet exclude them front the free Slates The Lord deliver him from such benev olence—making the slaves outcasts. Mr. Bingham, ('Republican) of Ohio, replied flint a majority’ of the States do not exclude them. Mr. Mallory enquired whether the gentlemen would throw open tlic doors of tlie great nnd no- bl(s State of Otdu to three millions of freed ne groes. Mr Bingham—The doors are open now. „. D These hard times will learn .housekeepers les- Mr. Wickliffe, (Union) of Kentucky—When did sons of economy that wt. usetul to theta as long you repeal the law which prohibited it? as they live. (No. 45.J AN ACT for the relief of Mrs. Caroline Miller and her children. Whereas, Mrs. Caroline Miller, wife of Janus H. Miller a soldier now in the Confederate Anny, is m very indigent circumstances, aud whereas her brother one John A. Bridgeland. a resident of tl.e State of Indiana, in the month of September, in the year of our Lord, one thousand eight hun dred and-fifty-seven, purchased a house and lot in the town of Salem, in the county of Roanoke, in the State of Viginia, known in "the Plan of said town as Lot No 81, declaring at the time of re ceiving a deed for the same in his own name, that he was buying the said property for the use and benefit of the said Caroline Miller and he children; and whereas proceedings are now pend ing in the District Court of the Confederate Stat<J. in and for the Western District of Virginia; to subject the said house and lot to sequestration by virtue of the act of the Provisional Congre® of the said Confederate States, entitled “an tot for the Sequestration of the estates, property rod ef fects of alien enemies, and for the idetroiLV of citizens of the Confederate States, and persons aiding the same in the existing war with the Uni ted States,” approved August the 3lUi, 18(51 — Therefore, Section 1 Tho Congress of the Confederate Stntea America do enact. That whenever ajudgment or decree of sequestration shall be rendered in the District Court for the Western Diitrict of Viginia, subjecting the above described house and lot. of the said John A. Bridgeland to sequestration, it shail be the duty of the Receiver of the District in which said property is situated, instead of sel ling the same, to convey it to such persons as shall be designated by the said Court, to be held in trust for the sole and separate use and benefit of tl.o said Caraline Miller during her life, and, after her tko oL.IJron nnd their heirs, SO as uai >» Ifn liable to the debts or contracts of her hitsband James H. Miller, which said convey ance shall have the effect of passing to the said trustee, for the use aforesaid, the title of the said John A. Bridgeland. Sec. 2. Be it further enacted, That the said Caroline Miller is hereby discharged from all lia bilities, under the Sequestration Act, tor the rents auo pfc?its_of tho house and lot, now due. or Hereafter ••uWrtfng'jnd that she shall be permitted to remain in the use and occupation ofthe same until tiie conveyance shall be raado for her benefit, according to the provisions or this act, any order, judgment or decree of the said District Court of tho contrary notwithstanding. Sec. 3, Be it further enacted, That this act shall be in force from and after its ratification. —Approved, April 17, 1862. *——rnmm+mm— i A Splurging Definition of' “Splurge.”—• Tiie Rev. Dr. Cox lias given the following, which, it strikes its well defines the te m by illustration : “The’ word ‘splurgeEs a coinage probably not yet. in any dir ion- ary, yet meaning is if a great rock «f (ho mountain, disintegrated front its s>ronfiG should rush and bonnd, portentots and avalanched, into a sylvan lake atJts foot, there making an uproarious splasL boring its 'rrrementons wry through tie parted and the frightened waves, andrfter dash ing the spray in all direction, burying itself in forgotten repose, und*' congenial mud at the bottom; so, gone ffdver from sight, from thought, from up|J air. and all the ways of men ; thus moping the low aim of making a considerate sensation at least once insociety.