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The Emancipation Scheme Kccomuic^dcd , geeme ^ ]jk e an - interference by this gOY- by Einroi». I eminent with a question which peculiarly Interview between President Lincoln and and exclusively belonged to our respect- thc Border Slate Congressmen-Mr. Lin- j ive States, on which they had not sought coin makes a speech and appeals to them to pass the measure—Reply of the Con gressmen--A Majority and Minority Re port. Just before the adjournment of Con gress theTepresentatives and senators of the border slaveholding States, by special invitation of the President, convened at the Executive mansion. Mr. Lincoln ad dressed them from a written paper held in his hands. We give a synopsis of his speech, our space preventing anything more: In my opinion, if you ail had voted for the resolution in the gradual emancipation message oflast March the war would now he substantially ended. And the plan therein proposed is yet one of the most po tent and swift means of ending it. Let i the States which.are in rebellion see de finitely and certainly that in no event will the States you represent ever join their proposed Confederacy, and they cannot much louger maintain the contest. But you cannot divest them of their hope to ul timately have you with them so long as you show a determination to perpetuate *”“!•“ ui ‘ u . the institution within your own States. I ^*5 t0 ,m P° Se a ,aX u P on 0U Beat them at elections, as you have over- 1 advice or solicited aid. Many of us doubt ed the constitutional power of this govern ment to make appropriations of money for the object designated, and all of us thought our finances were in no condition to bear the immense outlay which its adoption and faithful execution would impose upon the national treasury. If we pause but a moment to think of the debt its acceptance would have entail ed, we are appalled by its magnitude.— The proposition was addressed to all the States, and embraced the whole number of slaves. According to the census of 186i> there were then nearly four million slaves in the country ; from natural increase they exceed that number now. At even the low average of three hundred dollars, the price fixed by the emancipation act for the slaves of the district, and greatly he low their real worth, their value runs up to the enormous sum of twelve hundred millions of dollars ; and if to that we add the cost of deportation and colonization at break down the national independence and set up State domination. With them it is a war against nationality. -■The other class is fighting, as it supposes, to main tain and pieseive its rights of property and domestic safety, which it has been made to believe are assailed by this gov- ment. This latter class are not disunionists perse they are so only because they have been made to believe that this administration is inimical to their rights, and is making war on their domestic institutions. As long as these two classes act together they will never assent to a peace. The policy, then, to be pursued is obvious. The for mer class will never be reconciled, but the latter may be. Remove thqir apprehen sions : satisfy them that no harm is in tended to them and their institutions ; that this government is r.ot making war on their rights of property, hut is simply de fending its legitimate authority, and they will gladly return to their allegiance as soon as the pressure of military dominion imposed fey the Confederate authority is removed from them. Twelve months ago both Houses ofCon one hundred dollars each, which is but a gress, adopting the spirit of your message fraction more than is actually paid by the Maryland Colonization Society, we have four hundred millions more. We were not j whelmingly done, and, nothing daunted, they claim you as their own. You and I know what the lever of their power is.— Break that lever before their faces, and they can shake you no more forever. If the war continues long, as it must if the object be not sooner attained, the in stitution in your States will he extinguish ed by mere friction and abrasion ; by the mere incidents of the war. It wiil he gone, and you will have nothing valuable in lieu of it. Much of its value is gone al ready’. How much better for you and for your people to take the step which at once shortens the waa, and secures substantial compensation for that which is sure to he wholly lost in any other event! How much better to thus save the money which else we sink forever in the war ! How much better to do it while we can, lest the war ere long render us pecuniarily unable to do it J I am pressed with a difficulty not yet mentioned; one which threatens division a- moug those who, united, are none too j strong. An instance of it is known to you. General Hunter is an honest man. He was, and 1 hope still is, my friend. I val ued him none the less lor his agreeing with me in the general wish that all men every where could be freed. He proclaimed all men free within certain States, and 1 re pudiated the proclamation. He expected more good and less harm from the measure than I could believe would follow. Yet, in repudiating it, 1 gave dissatisfaction, it not offence, to many whose support the country cannot afford to lose. And this is not the end of it. The pressure in this di rection is still upon me, and is increasing. By conceding what I now ask, you can re lieve me, and, much more, can relieve the country’ in this important point. t pon these considerations 1 have again turned your attention to the message of March last. Before leaving the capital consider and discuss it among yourselves. Y ou are patriots and statesmen, and as such I pray’ you consider this proposition ; and, at the least, commend it to the considera tion of y’our States and people. As you would perpetuate popular government for the best people in the world, I beseech I you that you do in no wise omit this. Our j common country is in great peril, demand ing the loftiest views and boldest action to bring a speedy relief. At the conclusion of these remarks some conversation was had between the Presi dent and several members of the delega tions from the border States, in which it was represented that these States could not he expected to move in so great a mat ter as that brought to their notice in the foregoing address, while as yet the Con gress had taken no step beyond the pas sage of a resolution expressive rather of u sentiment than presenting a substantial and reliable basis of action. The Presi dent acknowledged the force of this view. The members met in council to deliberate on the reply they should make to the President, and, as the result of a compari son of opinion among themselves, they de termined upon the adoption of a majority and minority answer. To the majority report twenty signatures are appended.— The minority report is signed by seven members; one of whom is from Missouri, three fiom Western Virginia, one from Kentucky, and one from Delaware. As, however, notwithstanding the known wishes of Mr. Lincoln, Congress failed to pass a law guaranteeing compensation to the border States in the event of providing for a gradual emancipation of their slaves, the whole project falls to the ground. The reports are too long to he published in full, hut we make such extracts from them as as will give the substance and draft of them : people sufficient to pay the interest on that sum in addition to the vast and daily increasing debt already’ fixed upon them by the exi gencies of the war; and if we had been willing the country could not bear it.— _ Stated in this form, the proposition is noth- / doctrines subversive of the principles of then but recently’ sent in, declared with singular unanimity the objects of the war, and the country instantly hounded to your side to assist you in carrying it on. If the spirit of that resolution had been adhered to we are confident that we should before nov have seen the end of this deplorable conflict. But what have we seen ? In both House* of Congress we have heard tig less than the deportation from the country of sixteen hundred million dollars’ worth of producing labor, and the substi tution in its place of an interest-bearing debt of the same amount. But, if we are told that it was expected that only the States we represent would accept the proposition, we respectfully’ sub mit that even then it involves a sum too great for the financial ability’ of this gov eminent at this time. According to the census of I860 : Kentucky Maryland Virginia Delaware Missouri Tennessee 225,490 slaves. S7.1SS “ 490,SS7 “ 1,71)8 “ 114,965 “ 27b,784 “ Making in the whole 1,196,112 “ i At the same rate of valua tion these would amount to 8358,833,600 Add for deportation and col onization 8100 each 119.214,533 And we have the enormous sum of $47S,078,133 the Constitution, and seen measure aft measure founded in substance on those doctrines ptoposed and carried through which can l ave no other effect then to dis tract and divide loyal men, and exasperate and drive still further from us and their duty the people of the rebellious Stafcs. Military officers, following these bad ex amples, have stepped beyond the just lim its of their authority in the same direction until, in several instances, you have felt the necessity of interfering to arrest them. And even the passage of the resolution to ! which you refer lias been ostentatiously | proclaimed as the triumph of a principle ! which the people of the Southern States ! regard as ruinous to them. The effect of ' these measures’ was foretold, and may j now be seen in the indurated State of Southern feeling. To these causes, Mr. President, and not to oar omission to vote for the resolution recommended by you, we solemnly’ be lieve we are to attribute the terrible earn estness of these who are >’n arms against the government and the continuance of the war. Nor do we -(permit us to say, Mr. Piesidcnt, with all respect for y’ou) agree that the institution of slavery is “the port and influence of the men who enter tain these opinions be withdrawn. Neither can the government hope for early success if the support of that elemeut called “con servative” he withdrawn. Such being the condition of things, the President appeals to the Border State men to step forward and prove their patriotism by making the first sacrifice. No doubt like appeals have been made by extreme men in the North to meet us naif way, in order that tit vliole moral, political, pe cuniary and play steal force of the nation may be firmly and earnestly united in one errand effort to save the Lnion and the Constitution. Believing tha such were the motives that prompted your address, and such the results to which it looked, we cannot re- coticile it to ourscijse of duty, in this try ing hour, to reipoad in a spirit of fault finding, or queiulciisness over the things hat are past. YY’e arc not disposed _ to seek for the cause pf the present misfor tunes in the errors and wrongs of others, who propose to uifte with us in a com mon purpose. But, on the other hand, we meet your adflrtgs in the spirit in which it i was made, and, as loyal Americans, de clare to you ant to the world that there is no sacrifice tbatweare not ready’ to make to save the government and institutions of our fathers. That we, few of us though there may be, will piermit no men, from loh lie was ill the fight, rendering the most important services, where he re ceived a severe wound: but thank Heav en ! he is again himself and in his stir rups. His late dashing exploits about Chat tanooga, and especially his brilliant achievement at Murfreesboro’, and the capture of Lebanon, are fresh in the minds of all our readers. Gen. For rest is not an educated man but he reads men correctly at a glance. He seems to know everything about him by intuition. We have spent months with him and partaken of his elegant hospitalities, and unhesitatingly pro nounce him the most gifted man by nature we. ever met with. He has fine conversational powers, agreeable manners, and wins the confidence and respect of every body around him.— One sure sign of a kind heart is, the ladies and little children take to him wherever he goes. To his fellow men lie is dignified and affable, but cross him, and he will wake things up generally. He is the best business man we ever met. He lias a place for every thing and every thing in its place IIICIC Ulfl > »» «a I/V»***»* **“ “— J — | - ’ . | || • the North or fron the South, to go further at exactly the light tune. ^ He is remarkably neat and plain in his dress, but always wears clean, good clothes that fit well. We predict for him the most bril liant success, not only as a caval ry leader, but as a great gener— all. He lias natural capacity for any responsibility; and in an etnergen- Southern rebellon have offered to abolish ( cy whilst a fow£-general would be than we in tie accomplishment of the great work beure us. That, in order lo carry out the® views, we will, so far as may be in out power, ask the people of the border ijttttes, calmly, deliberately, and fairly, to consider your recommenda tions. We are the more emboldened to assume this position from tlie fact, now be come history, that the leaders of the slavery amongt them as a condition to foreign interveil ion in favour of their in dependence* as 4 nation. If they can dve up slavery to destroy the Union we Ain surely ask our people to consider the [question of emancipation to save the Uni®. | This report js signed John Noell, Sam. S. Casey, Geoigc 1*. Fisher, A. J. Clem ents, William Cv Brown, Jacob I looking up u precedent, he, with his active mind, ready practical judgment, and strong will, would have the work accomplished exactly right. One crowning glory of his excellence and seeret of his great success is, that he is not a drunkard.— Confederacy. Blair, -h’ ^ , ,,, . . i nit*,. institution of slavery \ e did not feel that we should be justi- , ever of thdr power » but we are of the fled in voting for a measure which, if car- j ; . lion fhat .. tlie Iever of ,heir power” is ned out, would add this vast amount to our thc appreLension tbat the pow ers of public debt at a moment when the treas- j ury was reeling under the enormous ex- j penditure of the war. The right to hold slaves is a right an-1 the Southern States. common government, created for common and equal protection to the interest of all, will he wielded against the institutions of pertaining to all the States of this Union. They have the right to cherish or abolish There is one other idea in your address we feel called on to notice. After stating The pres can relieve tlio country in this important point.” We have anxiously looked into this pas- From the Reply of the Majority. YVe have not been wanting, Mr. Presi dent, in respect to you and in devotion to the Constitution of the Union. YVe have not been indifferent to the great difficulties surrounding you, compared with which all former national troubles have been but as the summer cloud ; and we have freely given you our sympathy and support. Repudiating the dangerous heresies of the secessionists, wc believed, with you. that the war on their part was aggressive and wicked, and the objects for which it was to be prosecuted on ours, defined by your message at the opening of the present Congress, to be such as all good men should approve, we have not hesitated to vote all supplies necessary to carry it on vigorously. YY'e have voted all the men and money you have asked for, and even more; we have imposed enormous taxes on our people, and they are paying them with cheerfulness and alacrity ; we have encouraged enlistments and sent to the field many of our best men ; and some of our number have offered their persons to the enemy as pledges of their sincerity (ind devotion to the country. YVe have done all this under the most discouraging cir cumstances and in thc face of measures most distateful to us and injurious to the interests wc represent, and in the hearing of doctrines avowed by those who claim to be your friends most abhorrent to us and our constituents. A few of our number voted for the reso lution recommended by your message of the 6th of March last, the greater portion of us did not, and wc will briefly state the prominent reasons which influenced our action. In the first place, it proposed a radical change of our social system, and was hur ried through both Houses with undue haste, without reasonable time for consid eration and debate, and with no time at all for consultation with our constituents, whose interests it deeply involved. It sage to discover its true import, but we BoV(] of this city , n0 \v commandin are yet m painful uncertainty. How can we, by conceding what you now ask, re lieve you and the country from the tn- the institution, as their tastes or interests | the fact of your repudiation of Gen. liuii- mav prompt, and no one is authorized to j ter’s proclamation vou add : question the right or limit its enjoyment, j “Yet, in repudiating it, I gave dissatis* And no one has more clearly affirmed that faction, if not offence, to many whose sup- right than you have - lour inaugural ad- port the country cannot afford to lose.— dress does you great honor in this respect, j And this is not the end of it. and inspired the country with confidence in your fairness and respect for the law. Our .States are in the enjoyment of that right. YVe do not feel called upon to de fend the institution, or to admit it is one which ought to be cherished; perhaps, if we were to make the attempt, we might find that we differ even among ourselves. It is enough for our purpose to know that it is a right; and, so knowing, hold it. We had contributed our full share, to re lieve the country at this terrible crisis; we had done as much as had been requir ed of others in like circumstances; and we did not see why sacrifices should be ex pected of us fiom which otheis, no more loyal, were exempt. Nor could we see what good the nation would derive from it. Such a sacrifice submitted to by us would not have strenghtened the arm of this government or weakened that of the enemy. It was not necessary as a pledge of our loyalty, for that had been manifested beyond a rea sonable doubt, in every form, and at every place possible. There was not the remo test probability that the States we repre sent would join in the rebellion, nor is W. F. \\ illey. Gen. Bedford Forrest. tlie wlple country il with me daring de As thrilk gallant officer Hits Deen cds of this ain, since time and a the commencejnent of this war; and are now wild vith enthusiasm at his recent victories at Murfreesboro’, we propose givitg a brie his career, as we have intimately for j number of years. Gen. Forrest is about 4-3 years old, is six feet two inches in altitude, weighs 175 pounds, lias no surplus flesh, is erect, well proportioned and moves with great ease. Hut few men are his eqflal in muscular power. He lias a dark complexion, black hair, and thin black heat’d. He has a full and expansive forehead, black piercing eyes, deep set, heavy black eye-brows, | and a stern hut not unpleasant face.— i Firmness and courage are stamped in sure -in this direction is still upon me," and eve *T lineament of his features, which is increasing. By conceding what I now l are greatly set off by the most perfect ask, you can rebTvft me, and much more, and hennriful set of teeth we ever His size and general appearance are very similar to that of Col. YY. YY creasing pressure to which you refer / YVe will not allow ourselves to think that the proposition is that we consent to give- up slavery to end that the Hunter proclama tion may be let loose on the Southern peo- j a ucjet)[ days, pie, for it is too well known that we would I nut be patties to any such measure, and we have too much respect for you to itn- | agine you would propose it. Can it mean that by sacrificing , our interest in slavery we appease the spirit that controls that pressure; cause it to be withdrawn, and rid the country of the pestilent agitation of the slavery question 1 YVe are forbid den so to think, for that spirit would not be satisfied with the liberation of seven hun dred thousand slaves, and cease its agita tion while three millions remain in bond the 19th Georgia regiment before Richmond. He is a native of Tennes see. His father was a Kentuckian, and the son of an emigrant from Hol land who accompanied Daniel Boone to the wilderness of Kentucky, in Condition of the Federal Army.—A Georgia soldier who has just returned from the camp of the Fifty-fourth Regi nient, in north Alabama, gives us a few in teresting particulars: Our troops are encamped at Long Is land, and Buell’s forces are about three miles distant, on the opposite side of the river. The pickets of the two forces were close to each other and often interchanged views about the war and matters in gen- sketch of eral. Thc Yankees religiously believe nown him that Richmond is now in the hands of Mc Clellan. They are kept by their officers in the dark regarding all unfavorable news, and crammed with all sorts of lies favora ble to the Federal cause. Special editions of Northern papers are struck oft’ tor dis tribution in the army, and great care is taken that they contain nothing discourag ing to the troops. The YVestern army is composed chiefly of natives, from Ohio, Illinois and Indiana, and they express themselves as utterly disgusted with the war. A*number had deserted and crossed tlie river to our camp. They were very ragged, and said they had been living on half rations for a long period, and had not received a dollar of pay in ten months. Great dissatisfaction ex ists OS » WMIOO!—.*. — J l,«v“ come over say large numbers would desert if they could do so with safety. There was a considerable movement in Buell’s camp Thursday last, but the for est was so dense that it was impossible to ascertain the uiiection, even from the highest points in the neighborhood. The Porspccts ol the Com'ehtmy. ' The Editor of the Christian Index, who has lately returned from Rich mond, and has latterly furnished tht Telegraph with some very stirring ano eloquent scenes in the late battles neai that city, says: A singular result of our late visit to Richmond is the entire removal from our mind of every doubt as to oui perfect ability to defeat our would-be subjugators and gain our independence. YVe no more doubt our early and com plete success than we doubt thc exis tence of our army in Virginia ; and we no more apprehend subjugation In the Yankees than we do by the Mexi cans. YVe have lost nearly all interest in secular papers, have determined to cease all speculations in regard to the war, have cast all our anxieties con cerning its proper conduct to the winds, and, with a calm and confident faith in God and in the ability of onr Gener als, have resolved to turn our thoughts entirely to the great business of our life. YY'e heartily regret the unnecessary distracting influence we have permited the war to exert upon our life, our feelings and devotions ; and we have determined, hereafter, with God’s has called out the militia of the State t oppress the Guerrilla warfare i u Wayne rounty, Missouri. The Guerrillas attacked a Federal f 0 r Ce tilling and wounding 75. . ’ The raid upon Iow a was successful-. The finest horses and arms were captured it Newburg. The citizens of Indiana did not resist the raid. At Chicago one company has been rak ed for the nine new Regiments. T’lie demand for the exchange of General Buckner is under consideration. Jackson, 29th.—Persons from tlie on posite side oi the river report 600 new Yankees graves. The Yanks carried ,«■ 2.000 slaves. 0ft The Federals have taken Madisonville Louisiana. ’ A special to the Tribune, from Grena la, 29th, state that ourguerriil as have re" occupied Brownsville, Tenm, and burned 3.000 bales of cotton purchased bv the Yanks. Cotton is King, Suffering in the North for icunt of Cotton— the Success of the North in this war de clared impossible. The following editorial, from the Provi dence (ILL) Post, shows very plainly to what straits the North is being brought by this war. It is a startling exposition of the state of affairs and feeling in the North, and agrees with the article we give else where from the New York Times. It is Bedford wife brought up on a farm, and is familiar) with the use of the axe, the knife and the rifle. He is passion ately fond of khe chase or any other excitement tbit will bring into play his skill, and )is powerful muscles, or gratify his lo«e ol adventure and dar- mi there now ; or of their electing to go with i age. Can it mean that by abandoning the Southern section in the event of a re cognition of the independence of any part of the disaffected region. Our States are fixed unalterably in their resolution to ad here to and support the Union ; they see no safety of themselves and no hope for constitutional liberty but by its preserva tion. They will, under no circumstances, consent to its dissolution, and we do them no more than justice when we assure you that if the war is conducted to prevent that deplorable catastrophe, they will sustain it as long as they can muster a man or command a dollar. Nor will they ever consent, in any event, to unite with the Southern Confederacy. The bitter fruits of the peculiar doctrines of that region will forever prevent them from placing their security and happiness in the custody of an association which has incorporated fn its organic law the seeds of its own de struction. YY'e cannot admit, Mr. President, that if we had voted for the resolution in the emancipation message of March last the war would now be substantially ended — YVe are unable to see how our action in this particular has given, or could give, encouragement to the rebellion. The res olution has passed ; and if there be virtue in it, it will be quite as efficacious as if we had voted for it. ’YVe have no power to bind our States in this respect by our votes here ; and, whether we had voted the one way or tlier, they are in the same condi tion of freedom to accept or reject its pro visions. No, sir ; the war has not been prolonged or hindered by our action on this or any other measure. YY e must look for other causes for that lamented fact.— Y\ T e think there is not much difficulty, not much uncertainty, in pointing out others far more probable and potent in their a- gencies to that end. The rebellion derives its strength from the union of classes in the insurgent /states, and while tbat union lasts tlie war will never end until they are utterly exhaust ed. YVe know that at the inception of these troubles Southern society was di vided, aud that a large portion, perhaps a slavery in our States we are removing the pressure from you and the country by pre paring for a separation on the line of the cotton States! We are forbidden so to think, because it is known that we are, and we believe that you are, unalterably opposed to any division at all. YVe would prefer to think that you desire this cou- ees-ion as a pledge of our support, and thus enable you to withstand a pressure which weighs heavily on you and the coun try. Mr. President, no such sacrifice is ne cessary to secure our support. Confine yourself to your constitutional authority ; confine j’our subordinates within the same limits; conduct this war solely for the pur pose of restoring the Constitution to its legitimate authority; concede to each State and its loyal citizens their just rights, and we are wedded to you by indissolu ble ties. This report is signed by C. A. YVick- liffe, chairman ; Garrett Davis, R. Wil son, J. J. Crittenden, John S. Carlile, J. W. Crisfield. J. 8. Jackson, II. Grider. John S. Phelps, Francis Thomas, Charles B. Calvert, C. L. L. Leary, Edwin II. YVebster, IL Mallory, Aaron Harding, James 8. Rollins, J. YV. Menzies, Thomas L. Price, G. YV. Dunlap, YY'illiain A. Hall. [From the Minority Report.J Inasmuch as we cannot, consistently with our own sense of duty to the coun try tinder the existing perils which sur round us, concur in that response, we feel it to be due to you and to ourselves to make to you a brief and candid answer over onr own signatures. YY'e believe that the whole power of the government, upheld and sustained by all the influences and means of all loyal men in all sections, and of all parties, is essen- tiallj’ necessary to put down the rebellion and preserve the Union aud the Constitu tion. YVe understand your appeal to us to have been made for the purpose of se curing this result. A very large portion of the people in thc Northern States be lle first commenced horse trading on a small scale. Then lie got hold of a fast quarter nag aud in one year made $4000 out ol a trip through Mississippi aid Louisiana. Stopping at Hernando,! Miss., at the summer races, he won a good pile of currency and finally, at the close of tlie week, took a deed to the landlord’s premises, and opened uy a hotel in Hernando, in North Mississippi. Here he “kept a hotel’’ and dealt in horses for several years. In the meantime he married a beautiful aud sccomplished lady, by whom he has at only son—a sprightly lad of 15 years. When Memphis began to look up, owing to her railroad and river facili ties, and the prospect of it rapidly be coming a great c ty, Col. Forrest sold out, moved to Memphis, and opened up a negro mart,where in a few years, by his energy, probity and fine judg ment, he amused a large fortune. He lias frequently been Alderman of the city. He always took an active and decided part upon every public measure, and generally carried his point in everything calculated to enhance the interest of the citv. He Protection for “Contrabands.”—The Herald notices a bill introduced in the Sen ate providing protection for all lunaway slaves that may escape into the lines of the Federal army. The following para graph is enough : • Mr. Howe presented, in the Senate, a bill amending the articles of war, provi ding that it shall be the duty of every offi cer in the naval and military service of the United States to furnish protection, to the full extent the force under their respec tive commands will enable them to do, to each and every person appealing for pro tection against the authority of control of all those who are or may be engaged in prosecuting the rebellion against the Gov ernment of the United States, aud that il any sue!; officer shall willfully neglect to furnish the protection required by the pre- ceeding section, be shall, upon conviction therefor by a court martial, be dismissed the service and forever rendered incapa ble of holding a commission in the mili- taiy or naval service of the United States. The Merrimae No Two.—A correspon dent of the New York Tribune writes from Fortress Monroe the foliowing, which is “nows” in Charleston as well as New Y’ork : A few days previous to the evacuation of Norfolk by the rebels, “Merrimae No. 2” was towed from tlie navy yard in that city tip James River to Richmond, where a large number of mechanics have since been engaged in plating her with iron and preparing her for service. Her armor is iu plates instead of bats, her sides of wood, and six feet thick ; and she will have all the improvements suggested by the career of the Merrimae. In the haste of the evacuation her boilers were left be hind on the dock at Norfolk ; but she has help, partly to ignore the war and j another evidence of the North becoming address oursell more sedulously to the impressed with hopelessness and despair great object of life—preparation for j in the present struggle : eternity. YVe shall, hereafter, regard less of what is a mere circumstance in our national existence, lay our plans for life, intending to enter with zeal into that field wherein we think we can accomplish tlie most good. And we-do heartily and seriously urge our readers to dismiss, at once and forever, all distrust in the goodness of God from their hearts, and regardless of the war, enter into a vigorous perfor mance of every Christian duty. YVe implore that no more time be lost in waiting to discover what the source of God’s providences will be. YY’e dare affirm most unhesitatingly that our independence is already qained— that Seecssia is a power on earth, and that, besides the harrassing pangs we feel for lost and suffering friends, we suffer temporary inconvenience only.— Of course exception is made when we think of the regions now con fronting the seat of war. As a nation most oi' our sufferings are imaginary or merely prospective. There is aplenty of money in the country, and were it not for the un patriotic policy of hoarding adopted by many, and of investing adopted by others, the circulating medium would be, abundant. The bugbear starvation lias taken his flight, and plenty has unfolded her benign wings over our land. Let Christians be grateful and cast all-uneasiness from our minds. Now that the crops are made, let them turn their attention to sacred things; let them build up the waste I*laces of Zjpn, and each one labor opposite his own door. Let revvial meetings be appointed and held and the presence of God be sought. Doubt less sweet gales from the celestial plains will soon be felt. For all public and private Christian duties we invoke zealous care and attention; and for our mission we urgently beseech a general and hearty support. YY'e repeat that money is abundant and that all we need is faith in God, love for his cause and a will to give. There is not the slightest nec essity for longer neglecting our denom inational papers; and they, too should receive evidences of good will. To all we say, “Thank God and take courage, for a good time is coming.” - , since been supplied with others at Rich ably advanced every public improve- mond, which circumstance has occasioned ment, aud soon stood at the head of a delay in her coining out. She has xe- the able financial business men of that , ceived the engines of the Arctic, comman- fast and flourishing city. Three years ago, he purchased a | ® ru exploration, large body of bottom lands itj Bolivar Co., Miss, He selected from time to ded by Captain Hartstein in Ida North- These engines were ta- majority, were opposed to secession. Now lieve that slavery is the “lever power of the great mass of Southern people are uni ted. To discover why they are so we must glance at Southern society and no tice the classes into which it has been di vided and which still distinguish it. They are in arms, but not for the same objects they are moved to a common end, but by different aud even inconsistent reasons. The leaders, which comprehend what was previously known as the >tate Rights par ty, and is much the lesser class, seek to the rebellion.” It matters not whether this belief be well founded or not. The belief does exist, and we have to deal with things as they are; and not as we would have them be. In consequence of the existence of this belief, we under stand that an immense pressure is brought to bear for the purpose of striking down this institution through the exercise* of military authority. 'I he government can not maintain this great struggle if the sup- ken out of the vessel at Norfolk, soon after her return from her memorable voyage. c , ,, ; The name of the new steamer or ram has time 100 of the likeliest negroes that been changed to the Richmond, is about came into the Memphis market fifty i two-thirds the size of the Merrimae (or of each sex, and stocked his plantation. Virginia), will draw about ten feet, and It is said to bo the best selected and , is represented as being altogether more likeliest lot of negroes ever seen oil one formidable than the slayer of the Gmn- : berland and Congress. Deserters, escaped prisoners, and others, represent that she j is nearly ready to make her appearance jin James River, and the slaughter of any I number of our gunboats is confidently counted on. It is said that the obstruct ions at Fort Darling have been so con trived as to let her drop through, as did the Teaser the other day. plantation. . He had retired from trade, and was spending his time mostly on his planta tion when the war broke out. After Tennessee seceded, and the blockade was established, lie went in person to Cincinnati and St. Louis, and bought horses, arms and accoutrements lor a cavalry regiment, which he had raised, and brought them all through safely to Memphis, since which time he has been engaged in a number of brilliant skirmishes and fights. He was at Fort Donelson ; is one of the men who refused to surren der; and is the man who cut his way through the enemy’s lines with his com mand, sustaining but little loss. At Shi- Large Subscription to Confederate Bonds.—A few days since a gentleman of Macon subscribed and paid over one hundred and forty thousand dol lars to the Confederate eight per cent loan—probably the largest individual subscription which has been made since the establishment of the Govern ment. Our Teeth.—They decay. Hence unseemly mouths, bad breath, imper fect mastication. Everybody regrets it. Y'liut is the cause '/ I reply, want of cleanliness. A clean tooth never decays. The mouth is a warm place —9S degrees. Particles of meat be-' tween the teeth soon decompose.— Gums and teeth must suffer. Perfect cleanliness will preserve the teeth to old age. How shall it be secured '/ Use a quill pick, aud rinse the mouth after eating. Brush and castile soap every morning; the brush and simple water on going to bed.— Bestow this trifling care upon your precious teeth, and you will keep them aud ruin the dentists. Neglect it, and you will be sorry all vour fives. Child ren forget. Watch them. The first teeth, determine the character of the second set. Give them equal care. Sugar, acids, saleratus, and hot things, are nothing when compared with food decomposing between the teeth. Mercurization may loosen the teeth, long use may wear them out, but keep them clean, and they will • [From thn Provideuce Post, July IS.] Our market quotations this morning show the prices of cotton in this city, and indi cate very plainly to tvhat we are coming. We are to realize uninistakibly all tlie horrours qf a cotton famine, not only in this country, but throughout Europe, Prices are to go up, not down, until there comes a general financial and commercial smash up. Indeed, we are to get no more cotton in the next three years. Our mills have got to stop : our manufacturers, if they are not blind, may already see ruin staring them in the face. In six months Rhode Island’s fate will be sealed.' At last accounts there were only 213,- 270 bales of cotton in Liverpool, "against 1,123,000 bales at § corresponding date, last year. YY'erc the mills to run on full time every pound of cotton iu England would be used in four weeks 1 India, of which we have heard so much in abolition speeches, supplies no part of the deficien cy occasioned by the loss of the American article. Instead of sending more than usual to market there was afloat, at last accounts, of India cotton, only 45.000 bales, agaiust 240,000 last year, and 280,- ot»0 iu l^GO’ There are millions of per- -ons who have heretofore been employed in tlie cotton manufactories of England, iour-tifths of whom are to be wholly out of employment iu a short time! Aud the mine state ofthings, to an extent fearful o contemplate, is to exist in New Eng land. “But we are to have cotton,” say the ibolitionists. “'This rebellion is to be crushed, the Southern ports are to be open ed, and cotton is to pour in upon us most plentifully.” This is tlie talk of crazy fanatics and fools. The Southern ports nay be opened; but we shall get no cot ton. The old crop will be destroyed whether the owners like it or not. dare not resist a measure so essential to ibeir independence. 'The torch will be applied to nearly every bale that remains unburned to-day; aud not more than enough is being raised for Southern con sumption. The uniform testimony is that ; here not cotton fields to be seen on the dississippi. “Plant corn and not cotton,” was the order, and it has been strictly obeyed. “But next year we will get cotton enough,” some abolitouist will say. YY’e shall be lucky if we get a bale per week Trough the year. No attempt will be made to raise it until this war is over; and the war will not end, as things now look, until even the foundations of Southern industry, Southern business and Southern social life are overturned. Abolitionism lias taken the reins, and it will not permit us a moment’s rest until the whole South is thrown iuto confusion, aud all hope of the raising of cotton is destroyed. The legislation of this fanatical Congress has lendered restoration almost impossible until nearly thc entire white population of the South has been exterminated and the North has brought upon itself bankrupt cy and ruin. The South will not yield to • the policy of the abolitionists while resis tance is possible ; and ii. spite of all we can do it may not prove possible, until Fed eral treasury notes are sold for ten cents on the dollar. Now we say only tbetrnth. YYe warned tlie people in 1856 of just this state of things. YVhen the war broke out we believed it might be brought to an end, and the South be brought hack to the Union, in a year or two, if we followed the conservative policy and asserted only the supremacy of tlie Constitution. Instead if this our whole course has been calcula ted to exasperate the Southern people, dishearten Unio. ists everywhere, and divide the North into factious. Y\ T e are farther from a final victory than we were one year ago. All that our armies have done has been undone by a reckless Con gress and a j’ielding President. YY'e have spent six hundred millions of dollars and sacrificed fifty thousand lives, and got for it all—what ! YVe have saved Maryland |• ilium uiutiij, tiiivi im;> yy hi | . . . J decay. This advice is worth i : nu * ,sso “ r1 ’ b Y a sbo . w of bayonets and more than thousand of dollars to every boy and girl. Books have been written on the subject. This brief article contains all that is essential. Dr. Lewis. Wrutcrti Mown. lost them by a show of radicalism. The Union cause will hereafter find little hear ty sympathy south of Mason’s and Dixon’s line. And now. we say again, the North is to bear her full share of suffering. Her cot ton mills must stop. Her labouring men arc to become paupers. The government Mobile. 30th.—A special to the Advcr- j is going to take care of the niggers, white tiser A Register, from l upelo, 29th, states • people without bread or employment, must that the Chicago Tribune, of thc 25th, j take care cf themselves. contains Lincoln’s Order appointing Hal leek Commander-in-Ohief. The act making postage stamps a le gal tender, is causing trouble between the Treasury and the Post Office Depart ment. The.Louisville & Nashville trains have stopped running. Morgan’s whereabouts is unknown.— lie is said to be near Frankfort, and is also reported to have retreated across thc Cumberland river. Boats are stopped by the rebels at Hen derson, Kentucky, and the river is block aded. Cincinnati and Louisville still trem bling. The situation of both considered precarious. At Cairo on the 23d the excitement surpassed that of Louisville. Citizens are on parole. Both sides of the river o( cu pied by Guerrillas. Gunboats are engag ing them. Gamble, bogus Governor of Missouri, Confc-drrate Viclorirs. Since tlie 1st of May. Providence has blessed oar arms with a series of most decided victories, at Dnry’s Biuff Williamsburg. B:\rhainaville. McDowell. Strasburg. Port Royal. , Winchester. Cross Keys, Port Republic. Seven Piues. James’ Island. Mechanicsville. Gaines’ Mill. • Savage Station. Frazier’s Farm. Malvern Hills Vicksburg. The Naval Victory of the Arkansas. Murfreesboro ’ Hichmond Enquirer, July 22, The first of September is determined upon as | the day on which the Yankee tax bill shall go into 1 practical operation.