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•rdfeeirt5Mr . ■——*»—~ —■ " ■ .■■■■■Mwyi. i.
• 'l it a n^’i«()lidatn l rupnlfoc. Tha acquisition and exercise ofstwh power by construction of the
Cetu.iliuioii would produce practically tho name result, whutevor tlio theory of our Government
might Ire. ]fl t i government while retaining Its republican form would be a tyranny; and deriving
our opiul.m i fro i lio past, would soon introduce u monarchy in form and phraseology us well n«in
unbalance. The Ven vuhle founders of our government acted upon this idea, they moiled them*
noire* of the lights of history, they were warned by tho examples of the nasi. They introduced the
JiuhrMiee prinbiple, thoyestablished aconfoaefratotl Republic. The thirteen colonies upon the de
claration of Independence, olaimod and assumed original political and sovereign powers, anti tho
nub't ptetlt recognition of that independence, by (treat Britain, was an acknowledgement that each
of them actually possessed those powers. Them was no dissolution of those original political ele
ments in the formation of tho Federal (Jovertmtent. Jt was the people of (ho respective States bv
idiom that Government was created—it was to the people of tho respeclite States that the rights and
powers, uni da 1 ljgatod to the General Government. Were reserved. This is the great, the impor
tant principle in the theory of our Government—It is that which decides the question theoretically
considered, whether tho people of this country are free, having their rights secured by a written
charter whose limitations of power may not bo twnecendttd, or slaves, the subjects of an unlimited
cud uuc.iackad Joqiotimrt. The theory,that the General Government was formed by tho peopleof
Ure United States collectively, as an aggregate mass, and that tho rights reserved in the Constitution
were to that people in their collective capacity, is at oitoe consolidation; and is resisted not only by
(ho cepsideration already presented, drawn from the preservation of the integrity of the States in the
net of lb rip'mg that Goventm mt, bin. also In tire fact, the - , if tliat integrity had not been maintained
*t)d if these rigirts were hot reserve! to the States respectively and individually, they retaining the
Iho attributes of wvercign'y «nd individuality, there would have been nothing to confederate, and
nothin t to preserve a cottiedoration; the whole would at once have merged into one greatconsoltila-
tgd Republic.
If the Government of tlve Unite 1 States wero form'd by tin people of tho United States col
leetively, tin! collective people would have been cmartitulod tlie supreme power. Sovereignty,
Which had before abided m the people of the respective States, would have been transferred to the
Whole people ofilio United States as an aggregate mass, by whom,in that capacity,Uie rights of the
States would have been conferred, and from whom the State Constitutions and powers would have
I teen derived. The consequence would noce-'irily follow that the people ofno State could change
Hjeir own constitution or control their o.v.t govartimotit without tho consent of the whole people of
the United States, tirey having been constituted tho supreme power. See, my Fellow Citizens, to
What absurdity a denial of this important principle would conduct us.
In further elucidation of ear principles, let it lie recollected, than #ue of the principal inducements
gnid considerations. Which led to the imuidin mt of the Constitution in the plum and emphatic reser
vation to the States respectively, ofthe powers not delegated to the General Government, was dicta
ted by tha abundant caution and jealousy of the smaller States of having their rights and interests
swallowed up by a numerical superiority in die federal representation. The only protection,agaiust
the natural teniaiioyof th > Fed *.*al Govermnmt towards the assumption of supreme power,con
sisted in the express limit ation of its pow ers in tint Constitution, and the 'reservation ol State pow
ers to the States individually and respectively. In the check liiruished by tins division ot powers
was discovered th> only security against consolidation and the tiiflueucaofan interested numerical
superiority in Congress.
Pressed with tho argument, founded in facts end conclusions too obvious to be resisted by an
intelligent People, the advocates of Consolidation (for i is only such who oppose the position we
have been maintaining) liave thrown themselves upon other grounds where they have been met by
0 IstOt! portion of our Countrymen, who professing mere to dread danger Irom the chute-, than
th# acquisition of power bv the Federal Government, have denied to the States, all participation
in the construction of the Constitution, and all power to preserve their reserved rights—thus ma
lting those rights iit efti/et merely nominal and the provision ol die Constitution simply didactic. It
is far from our design loimougti the motives of such, we sec among our political opponents until*
liers in whose patriotism and love of Country we have the fullest contideuce, lor whom we entertain
the highest personal respect, and from whom it is painful to ditfer. tint a proposition, thus plainly
«nd broadly stated, could not receive favor Irom the American People, because it is too obviousthat
if tlie reservation of rights to the Sts'cs reap: etioely forms the important feature in die theory ot our
Government which we have endeavoured to demonstrate, tha maintain, nee ol those rights must
be equally important; and for that purpose a power must r side somewhere.
To this end we are refened to iiie Supreme Court of the L tided otates as a mutual arbiter
established by the Constitution upon disputed rights claimed between the Federal and State Gov
ernments. This is a novel application of judicial power it< the theory ol Governments; lor that
department has always been applied to the adjudicationoi civil as contradistinguished from politi
cal questions.
Its novelty would be no answer were tho power expressly given by the Constitution—it is how
ever no where expres-lv coni red in that instrument, biitimpliedlyclaimed Irom the terms used in
the Constitution in debiting die jurisdiction of the Court, and which extends it to all cases ol Law
find F.trpiilv arising under tho Constitution laws or treaties ol die United Slat: -, fhtjs we arc rc-
t'ered back to theenpiiry, what cases f The answer is, civil cases, and not political questions be
tween the two Governments. The theory ot investing the Coutvwilh this power is a subjection ol
both the Fed *ral and State Governments, tut the legitimate exercise of any political power under
the Constitution, to the Court, and a denial to both oi the right of sell press nation. It is not diffi
cult to conjecture the language which the Congress of the United Suites would hold in the event ol
such interference with its political powers by the Court—and Fits great and favorite preserver ol
political rights would be exhibited as perfectly imbecile, and cloatiied with no means by which to
execute its judgment. But this i- no; the result to be appreh ‘tided, for the Court is a department oi
the General Government, and the proposition coat: need for by our adversaries, would be to arm
that Government in one of its departments with ail power to interpret tlie Constitution, while the
Utate Governments, stript of the right of eif-pr ■ ur. atioti. would ha left naked and defenceless, and
exposed lj all the tremendous powers of tlie General i iovemmant in enforcing the mandates of the
Court against the State Authorities. Vet this is denominated a mutualarbiter—the idea oi mutual
ity and reciprocity can.not be predicated of such an institution. The intelligence oi .he Country
teems to have repudiated to a great extent this once favorite Notion ol the powers ol the Court—it
lias not been able to resist tha force of tin e-ligation—and the remedy is now nmiuly placed in that
provision of the Constitution which authorizes a Conveutiou of tiie dtutes for its auiundinent. Iji-
timatuiy connected as these questions are with the very gist oi tha controversy between tho two
parties ki our State, l cannot forbear considering them even at tha hazard oi reiterating soma oi
those arguments so forcibly and eloquently urged by another upon a former occasion before this
Association.
The remedy proposed presents the exhibition of a Government, professedly of limitations and
divisions of power Between independent political departments, with no internal and attendant checks
«md ballancas to keep those different deporturents within tlieir proper spheres ; and involves the
ftece.-sitv, upon every collision, of a resort to the primary source to reorganize and new model
the Government; for the convention when called cau.do no mojre than amend the Constitutiou.
A more striking imperfection in the structure of government can scarcely he conceived, than the
want of power to maintain and preserve itself, and the necessity ot continual appeals to the prima
ry source to reorganize it But the Constitution of die United .states was itself a compromise. The
interests of the various contracting parties were consulted and as far as possible that instrument
was so moulded as to meet and preserve them all. An amendment of tlie i on ui.ittion.coufiiming
to Congress the right to impose duties fur tho piotecfion ot' domestic manufactures, would as cer
tainty now produce a dissolution of the Union,as tha! it would have prevented the Southern States
from entering into the compact. And yet, who doubts, that if a convention had been call, d the
power would have been conce-Vd to the General Government! And for the obvious reason that
there wasan interacted majority, to favor the views of tho Government. We are here met by the
enquiry, shall not a majority govern ? T.'ie answer is yes,in relation to all qiie.-uotis o; policy nod
measures in the exercise ofcioarly established rights and powers under die constitution, ti,o maxim
in out co intry in that the majority mils* govern—it is die Republican maxim—But shall a majority
be permitted so to amend and alter the original compact ivtjich had been entered into the spirit
t»fcompromise and-conccssiongutd by iho several Suites each for itself as an individual sovereignty.
Hi to advance their own nsculiar interests, to tlie destruction ot the minority parties to die contract!
Shall this b? done .and that minority be told that they must submit to this prostration of their inter
ests and rights without die power of even seceding or withdrawing! Shuil they be told that they
must either submit or incur the hazard and consequences of revolution! Shall the slave-holdtii.
States he told that a Convention of the Slates may am oi l the Constitution by die abolition of sluv
cry within tha United States, and is it coma to this, that the alternative before them would he sub
mission or revolution! No, my c iuntrym "i. no, such is not the theory of our Government—the
bond of our union is interest, it was formed in concession and it can only he preserved in tiie e.xei
rise of that s-imt spirit which gave u existence. What! attempt to keep this Union together
by die power of the Federal sword—to sacrifice the interest* of one portion of this Country to die ex
clusive advancement of another and comp d submission by force f tin then indeed, ullho’ the gal
lows and the hultar should threaten, the indignant feelings of a free people would burst forth in all
the feat t ill. “ tlie t«uuiqua«.t ?ecc . . , . .
Another decisive answer to a resort to a convention is iouuu in uie met, .».»*! »u ;t, c:re r' 1 * - -
caries propose a remedy without f mulshing the means oi applying it. According to the O' ' pi - -
scribed in the Constitution for calling a convention of die States a single aggrieved- Slot or m
noritv of States have not the power to make the call. Georgia has more than once refused ob ui-
eucc to the mandates of the General Government. What power bad Georgia to call a C oavention
of the States! And if this had been her only resource lor die preservation of Ur reserved rights,
where would have been her Indian claims.
In the absence then of any provision in the Constitution establishing a mutual tribunal, and
considering the inherent difficulty of erecting such ti ibunal, we are constrained, in order to give ef
fect to the division ol powern between the two Governments as-distinct political departments, to ac
cord to the States the right to judge of infractions of the original compact. As contracting parties
to tpat compact ills right to determine upon its violation was an inherent attribute and appendage
of their character. The mere silence oftne Constitution tlierefore would leave die right in the
Sovereign people of the respective States. But here the enquiry is presented, shall one State con
strue the Constitution for all the rest! We might content ourselves hy submitting in reply
whether u negative veto by the State is not better than an affirmative power in Congress to pass
unconstitutional laws, and thusclothe tho General Government in absolute power? Whether dan
ger to the Union is not rather to be apprehended from unconstitutional legislation by Congress op
erating oppressively on particular States, dictated in obedleuce to partial interests and attempted
to be enforced by the sword ! But in truth the proposition is not (airly stated—one Suite does not
construe the Constitution for all die rest; form questions affecting alike the reserved right* of all
theStates the action of the States would be conjoint. In questions allotting a single State she decides
lor herself alone. The people of the States having ordained a second class of Agents, to whom
they havecontided the guardianship of their reserved rights, resistance would begin with and email
ntefrom the State Government—tho el feet of that resistance would depend upon the course p ir
sued by the General Government, and upon the people themselves of tho State in Covention.
In addition to the numerous authorities in support of this doctrine drawn from the acts of our
own Legislature, and heretofore presented to this association by another, permit me to invite your
attention to a more recent precedent exhibiting the remarkable tact,that our political opponents u
limtrate in tlieir practice what they condemrf in our theory. A writ of llrror hud been issued by the
Supreme Court of the United States, under the authority derived from the Judiciary act of the
Congress of the United States, directed to the State of Georgia—to which writ tlie last Legislature
of the State, under the control of a majority of our opponents, refused obedience, and were actually
guilty ofone of tlie most enormous acts of nuttijiadiua on record, for at one fell swoop they nulii-
tied both tho Court and the Congress of tho United States. He, who would attempt to distinguish
this case, it seems tome, must impute to the people a total incapacity to comprehend and discern
things in their true characters; for a plainer and more palpable case oi resistance by a State to un
act of the General Government cannot be presented.
The idea that a sufficient check to the unconstitutional encroachments of the General Govern-
ment can he found in the exercise of the elective franchise, invaluable as is that right and dear to
freemen when applied to cases within die limits of its reach, is yet in this instance the veriest mockery
with whic.li freemen can be taunted. We have already said that the people exist politically only
xvithin the orbits of tlieir respective States. The people of Georgia have no control through the
medium of (ho elective franchise over Representatives in Congress from other States—a majority
of that body,in opposition to the most faithful discharge of duty hy her own delegates, might pass
Juws utterly destructive to the reserved rights of Georgia—How then would the elective franchise
prove available! I invite your attention, (Glow citizens, to tlie contemplation of this subject as
more pratically illustrated through the medium ofourown Indian questions. Here the tffxcrvt <
rights of Georgia were alime involved. It is known that the popular sentiment almost throughout
the United States was opposed to us upon this claim—had the opinions of every member of (Jon
gress ,een against us, who ofthem, beyond her own representation, could tlie people of Georgia in
the exercise of the elective franchise have controlled I Fellow-citizens, we may be taunted, but lot
us not be duped.
There is a view of this subject in which this great right is truly available, und in which it will
eeyve to ihspeltlie fears ol tliose who apprelierid so iniieli danger from the States. The people of
the States are enabled effectually to controll tlieir State Govommer.ts by this means—if a Stale
wore improperly to interfere with the powers delegated in tlie Constitution to the Federal Govern
ment, a virtuous people in the exorcise of this right can control and restrain their IS tale authorities.
Those who contend tlierelore for the rights of the .States and the powers of the States are at least
desirousof preserving power where it ought to be, in the bands of the people. Tne people ofthis
country are virtuous anil patriotic, they cun he trusted with their own rights; they ure Sovereign
and the proper depoxiiorig* of power.
Fellow-Citizens. 1 holdthe doctrine asserted as clearly deducihls from the theory of cur Gov
e f ninent, und its practical exorcise as essential to the preservation of Liberty. I u doubtful and un-
c rtaiu eases prudence will dictate, the love of order prompt, veneration for the Union, and habits of
oehedience to her laws inculcate that tho cup ofcoucilliution should he drained to its dregs; uye, that
petition audrenumtstrtmee oboiiMtio exhausted.'' Cut hrt&r-ia of palpable, deliberate and danger
ous violations of tho Constitution; persisted in, tlie right ol'rosistencn theoretically and practically
must bo conceded to the Htatos, or there is r iin end to the Liberties of the Country.
It is, my Fellow ('itizens, for the ihauibunatiCB of these principles, we have been denounced ns
fuelioilists and enemies to the Union. It is not necessary to our vindication to retort these harsh
epithets. We have higher proof to offer in our defence. We point our accuser* to that band o'
Republican patriots who so nobly und successfully struggled lorntate Rights in the Conventiui. >r
adopting the Constitution, and remind them, that in that day and tlie immediately succeeding peit*
oils ol our Government, as tho published writings ofthe times will shew,Meg were reviled us enemies
ol the Union and as luetioiiily magnifying the importance of the Pintos. W e point them to the
great apostle ol liberty, the Champion of State Rights, was he an enemy to the Union!
I'lie alleged insignitieanry of a State, contrasted with the power- ofthe Central Government has
bei n made the theme of ridieuloby some, mid we are tauntingly asked if the States have not parted
w ith tlieir sovereignty'! Our answer is ready, we tell them that sovereignty abides in the people of
th.' respective States, who have delegated to their agents the exercise of certain sovereign powers
for specified purposes.
W h it is sovereignty! It has been defined to he “tho supreme, irresistible, absolute, uncon
trollable authority.” As in mo.-t monarchical countries the Government, the administrative authori-
ity.the law making power possesses this supreme control, and may by new edicts, und rules change
and ultor the form and administration of tho Government itself, so sovereignty there resides in the
Government or administrative authority. Hence m Groat Britain it is said to reside in the l’arlia-
m .'tlt which is omnipotent. In Rustiii and oiltor absolute monarchies it resides in the crown. We
have said that the people of the respective. States upon their declaration of independence possessed
original or underived political power. That people, in the formation of both the State and Federal
Governments, have expressly restrained the legislative authority within the limitations prescribed by
the written Constitution ; and have, as expressly, retained to themselves tlie right and power to al
ter and change the formantl administration ol'Govermnent. If either Government step beyond
tlie limits thus proscribed it is a usurpation of power—hut tins cannot he predicated of sovereignty,
because it is supreme absolute and nnconfrolluole. Tho very Ihct that the Constitution restrains and
limits the Government in all its departments conclusively demonstrates that sovereignty cannot re
side in tlie Government. The people of this country have never transferred it, it abides in tlie
people, “is inherent in ihoni; and unalienable front them."
This is the great Republican maxim—it i* this which so greatly distinguishes our theory from tho
doctrine oi monarchies. It is the exercise only of certain sovereign powers which tin* people have
entrusted lo tiie Government for tlieir convenience it benefititlie Jura summi imperii, or tlie rights of
sovereignty, remaining in the people. Hence it is, that the people of each State have a right at
i heir pleasure to revoke the exercise of the powers delegated to their Stale Government; and tlie peo
ple ot each -tale conjointly with the people of the other States a right to revoke those delegated to
the Federal Government. Aud bunco it is,and because there is no common arbiter, tliut tlie people
ot each State respectively, have so far as they ure concerned, tlie right to revoke the grant ol those
delegated powers to either Government, State or Federal, when over they shall have been abused or
exceeded by such Government.—Thus sovereignty, in its proper sense, does not belong to either Go*
' eminent; but abides permanently with the people—This is, as I have before said.the great Repub
lican maxim—It is ol'the very essence of constitutional liberty. The transfer of that sovereignty
troin the hands of the people, aud its union with the Government, is the very definition of tyranny.
We have heard theory of peace, peace be still, there’s no danger nigh—The lonely sentinel as he
puces his nightly round cries alls well, and all’s well sounds thro’the camp hut the experienced
Captain remits nothing of his vigilance, nor tlie veteran.soldier oi'his roadv preparation. Happily
for us the great provoking cause of the controversy has been prospectively adjusted, nnd bus brought
repos' to the puli!i* mind upon this agitating subject; hut the principle is still the subject of cou-
t - ; on—and our political impressions originate in our apprehensions of these theoretic and fitnda
mental principles.
''here are other principles of our Government about which we may not theoretically dispute—
principles upon which all are agreed. That our liberties consist in preserving that feature in tho
Go s ution which establishes separate departments of tha Government and assigns independent
mid distinct duties to each, vvno will deny ! Toe assumption,bv one of the co-ordinate departments !
of tha duties and powers of mother, destroys the fairest feature in tho Constitution—The accumula
tion ol power in the Federal he,ail and tlie controll of the other departments of the Government
in Irish most fearful indication-oi die fatal tendency of tho operations ol'that Government. Who,
that has been attentive to its movements,hus not seen its highest, functionaries shrinking Irom
tiio lice exercise of tlieir own judgments, or retiring from office under the mandates of I xecu-
nve authority! vVtio has not seen the legitimate functions of tho Legislative Department
frustrated by ' xecutive in insures ! Who are these that have so magnified to our view tlie impor
tance ol'the elective franchise, who have held it up before us ns die preserver of the Constitution,
and protector of tho States—aye, and have they neither ears to hear nor eyes to see tlie controlling,
corrupting, and destroying iufiuence upon this inestimable privilege, in the overwhelming power
of x jcutive patronage, now at work in all it- mighty and gigantic force, throughout this whole
country, to coutrol the free exercise of the people’s will, aud direct the destinies ofthis great nation.
—Whohasbeen inattentive to its results,so fur developed in that assumed representation ol'the Amer
ican people, under ic specious cognomen of Democratic Republican Convention ! Men may
clmnjre. names often vary, principles never; they are uniform and consistent. I know not the seusa
in which these terms are intended to be understood as used and applied bv the party who got up thet
Convention, but right sure I nui that as originally apprehended in this country, they belonged to
oti. r politics and other measures. What candid man has looked upon this assemblage as an ema
nation from the people, as designed to look over tins great Republic, and to select from her patriotic,
enlightened and virtuous citizens the future Chief Magistrate—peradveiitnre, to e; ill some modern
Cineimt'itnsfroui his farm > Wliolias not rattier felt, that it has been a pure emanation from tin*
Governor m! to designate a successor, and of its dependants to secure the elevation of a man who
wiJi-ha subservient to their interest! Who. that has a freeman’s independence, values so cheaply the
agency which the Con-iitution has conferred upon hint in tlie selection of tlie individual who is to di
rect tiie future prospects ofthis nation, that hg would submit its exercise to such a directory as this ’■
This Government is sustained by public opinion: bur if the free voire of tiie people ofthis'country
maybe controlled in this way. by tlie influence ol die Government itself, tlie people will have sur
rendered themselves to their rulers.
Feliovv-citizens, as we value the institutions of our country, and the preservation of our liberties,
it heroin ;-*oitr duty, a solemn, au imperious duty, to struggle against the tendency in tlie centra]
government, to aggrandize itself by a liberal construction of tlie Constitution, destructive
to tha reserved rignis of the States, and to that division of powers by which liberty
is seen ed. A we value our institutions it becomes us to struggle against the concentration ofpow-
er in tha Federal head, destructive ol'the rights and independence of tlie other coordinate depart
ments of tho same Government. As wo \ aiiie our institutions it becomes us to struggle against
ail attempt- by tiie Government thro’ iis officers and the expectants of its patronage to control or
direct, tiie free exe rcise of the t.lective ! ranchise.
A few miles from where 1 stand I drew my first breath; I am not insen-ibie lo the kindred emo
tions which bind u' to the spot of our nativity; to the charms imparted hv the scenes of earlv life: that
spot where hope first dawned upon thfe soul, where visions bright anil beauteous flitted across tlie
yutn.; fancy-Unv; heard of th • savage “who clings to his tinmen mountains,and oftho Siberian who
siiiversnmidst the ire and eternal snows of his native dessert;’’ Inn there is a higher and nobler feel
ing than this—it spring!-, from enlightenment of mind; from comprehensive views ofphiianthropy
1 tl p ml : '111 t: i 1 * v i * iviti'13 n Mt ml ir; ■ I *iin ■< nl'taa h unit heart—It is th
art', ction which a man is capable of feeling and the admiration he bears for tlie Institutions of his
•mn ■ v;. i,’ ' ii-' i ns'.itu i un vtiicu a iva * r.i 'err: I unpin in a ion him. which have secured
the blessings of civil and religious freedom to a nation ; which have given an electric impulse to the
cause of Liberty throughout the world. I venerate tiie constitutional Union of these States. You,
ientlemsn ol'ilie States Rights Party, I answer lor yon, venerate the constitutional Union of these
-States. I see in it the lic-t,guarantee for domestic tranquility und peace, against tlie conJiicts and
contentions of neighboring States, bound together by no common bond of interest I see in it
protection from foreign aggression—I see in it the national glory and the honor und reputation of my
country abroad—and Isee in it the security of our Commerce wherever her canvass whitens or her
(lagsfloat upon tire ocean. I venerate tae Constitution of my Country, because 1 see that it has
conferred strength and power enough upon the Federal Government to maintain and preserve this
Union; an lb: tune if tiie li.isixH of powers an I chocks provided by that sacred instrument be
observed,that Government is too weak to destroy this Union. The Union will stand inviolate and
unbroken while it shall repose within the.sawed ark of tlie Constitution—When tin former-hall he
dissolved (which nav Heaven in its mercy long avert) tha genius of my Country will bo seen in
pensive solitude, her moist eve glistening over the ruins of the latter.
FKOM TUB SENTINEL.
No GO
I'o Mr. Cvihbert nfl'te Federal Union.
At v i;.:.u( CuTHBKnT—illy situation is be-
xcn::::g •uwkard. i pledged your vc-
racity that you would explain to the sattstaciiou
of every body.your remarks in lr:dd, upon Balti
more Conventions aud Marlin Van Bnren, Ac.
Ac. I see, that as I requested, all the editors
friendly to truth have published them; and we
are now all waiting with the most intense anx
iety lor your explanations. As to myself, 1 a:n
tantalized, to death with such remarks and en
quiries as these ; “Well Bob, no explanations
yet. I’m afraid your friend (Juthbert is in a
narrow place ” “ Well, Mr. Short, au’t it most
time you’d redeemed your pledge !’’ “Goian
answer to your latter yet, Mr. Short?” What
says Mr. (Juthbert now, about the “UNPtUN-
CIPLIJD CANDIDATL,” the SLLFISH
CALCULATOR," the “FAWNING COUit-
TU.R,” the “FLATTLKING SYCOPHANT.’
the. UTTERLY UNWORTHY OF THlx
NAMix OF FRILND” ?
Thus am I continually tcazed out of my life.
Do, my dear fellow, relieve me from the em-
bariusning, mortifying situation, into which your
s jeming inconsistency has involved me, Give
any sort ofau explanation, 1 care not what, rather
than expose me to these gibes and taunts, aud
yourself to the cruel imputations that are abroad
against Death and destruction, what is
x n o r m e til ves
tliis!!! me
K c s lb a om ot—un my—ncr
e e d
Ii com slca y *
Two hours have elapsed since 1 wrote the last
sentence, and I ain now scarcely aide to direct
the pen. I had proeeeded to the first dash above
when tire Federal Union of llvi 14th was placed
in my hands ; ami judge sir, wlmt were my feel
ings upon opening it, to find at die head of your
paper, right under the “ Star’Spangled Banner,”
in blazing Capitals,
MARTIN VAN BUIIEN,
ron PRESIDENT.
RICHARD M. JOHNSON,
roa viCE-pnKsior.NT.
Half-blinded I rushed on to see if l rmdd find
no■eutimeu!nfcotisoiatidn—“ llmve itj’exelaim-
I: “His first Editorial inheaded, * PRESIDEN
TIAL UU l STION’; aod he cannot touch that
quertiou without remembering my letter”—I
read.
•• We. Imre the miet cheeringuMnfrom counties
not represented in the Union Convention. , A vast
majority approve of the nominations of THAT
PATRIOTIC AND ENLIGHTENED AS
SEMBLY"
—-“They app rove of the measures of An
drew Jackson and willsupport AJARTIN VAN
BUIIEN for tiie Presidency, and RICHARD
M. JOHNSON for the Vice-Presidency.”
«***«»«* “ALL’S WELL”
(in large capitals!!)
You will naturally hii ppose that I here resign
ed you in despair. Ijut no ; such was my res
pect for your character for truth, morality_ and
consistency, that I hoped against hope, 1 looked
to find you again ; and I had nut prosecuted die
search lar, before I saw you at the anniversary
festival. “It is a sacred day," said I. "audit
will remind my dear (Juthbert, of Washington’s
latherly counsels to liis people in taking leave of
tire Chief jUapinuacj
‘ All combinations and associations, under
whatever plausible character, with the real de
sign to control,” Ac. “ serve to organize faction;
to give it an artificial nnd extraordinary force;
TO PUT IS THR PI,ACE op THE DELEGATED WILL
OP THE NATION THE WILL OF A PATV, often II
small but enterprising Minority of the communtty
and. according to the' 1 alter note triumphs of different
parties to make the public Administration the
MIKROn OP THE ll.L-CONCENTED AND 1NC0V0RU-
ous projects of faction, rather than the Cr
oat of consistent and wholesome Plans, Di-
fiESTEDBV COMMON COUNCILS and MODIFIED BV
mutual interests.” “However combinations
or associations of’ he above description may now
and then answer popular ends, they are likely,
in the course of lime und things, to become po
tent engines, by which cunning; ambitious and un-
prinaptvl men will be enabled to suhrert the power
of the People,iiwl to usurps for the nisi’ ‘hr reins
of Coarnment: destro.iiiy. allowed l e v *ry
engines which have lifted them io un, domin
ion.”
“John possesses a good heart," said I, “and
a tender conscience, and these prophetic coun
sels of tho beloved Washington will rouse him to
relent, on tlie birth-day of that liberty which
Washington won. I see lie is toasted—now wo
shall have the redeeming sentiment.” I read:
“C. I). Hammond. Col. John A. (Juthbert
—the accomplished gentleman, tlie able states
man—distinguished honors await him.”
After this toast, Mr. Cuthbert addressed the
company, and gave the following sentiment: rn
“MARTIN VAN BUIU N—Utter oblivion
in the bosom of every Union man, of ali. unkind
feelings, AGAINST Till REPRESENTA
TIVES OF THE PRINCIPLES OF THE
UNION PARTY"!!!!!!!!
“Oh. the wretch !!” exclaimed I, dashing
down the paper and rushing out of tho house.—
"He’d wrap his country in Washington’s shroud
and sell it to a horse thief for the sake of his par
ty.”
Upon returning to the pnper alter I became a
little more composed. I found that yon were re
peatedly toasted by the coterie with whom you
wore nestling,as the proper person for the Bench
ol’the Supreme Court; and to end the climux in
the iudicromfl effrontery, in the same paper,
you published a communication, ollcring a re
ward of fifty dollars to any one who will produce
an editorial paragraph in the Journal often lines
in length, relating to polities, which does not
contain one or more falsehoods. Teil your cor
respondent I will not vilify the Joiirniil hy the
search ; but if your whole party will club, and
agree to give me a cent a-piece for every false
hood I find in the Federal Union, and I do not
bankrupt'every man of you in three months. I’ll
agree to give everyone ofyon an office a-piecc—
that’s all you live for, and wlmt you expert loget
whenyoudie, BOB SHORT.
Monday lylmavi, jIma ic:io.
jj sta tl Many nomjna tiun,
FOR GOV MINOR.
CIIA 1C Is US BOUGJlIiRTV.
STAT i LI .GISLATU ft I ..-FOR SEN ATOR.
DR* J. F. SCJIIUVIJIV.
representatives.
WILLIAM LAW.
J ONE PII W. JACKSON.
JOHN II. IIARNAUI).
KT The Members of tho STATE
SISK II I S’ PAItTV ofthis County, with
all °thi*i Citizens, who ure friendly to tho Con
stitutional Rights’ of the States uml opposed to
the dictation of tho Baltimore Convention, ure
invited to assemble at the Long Room of the ex
change, TO-MORROW EVi.NING, the “1st
instant,at 8o’clock, for thepurpose of adopting
measures liir the support ol'the State Rights’ and
Anti-Van Btiren Candidates, for the Senate and
House of lepresentatives to represent this coun
ty in tire next Legislature.
TIMOTHY BARNARD,
President. S. It. A.
to our sytisc till IS.
As we have placed a new Carrier on the
Northern and Western portion of the city .those oi
oursnbscrihers who should not receive the Re
publican, will send to the office for them.
THE MEET INK.
To-morrow evening as will be observed by
the abhvecnll, a meeting ofthe State Rights and
Anti-Van Bnren Party, are to assemble at tlie
1 xchange. We have reverted to it to impress
upon l!;e mind* of our fallow citizens, whose
feelings are in concert, that it is calculated and'
expected every one will he at his post on that,
evening Let it not be asked on the next day,
why were you not at the meeting? Business ol
the deepest interest will he brought forward and
it is desirous that the unanimous sanction ofthe
party, should ha had on ail tlie proceedings.
ID'TO THE MEETING THEN !
TO THE MEfi mG! !
JUDGE LAW'S ORATION.
We spread before our renders according to
promise, the abl *, lucid and talented production
of our fellow citizen Willam Law, Lsq pro
nounced on tire 4th inst before the State Right-'
Party of Chatham County. We ask for it un ai-
tentive perusal both of our friends ana politic..1
opponents. Tlie sentiments therein contained
and tire principles which tlie party advocates,
are freely and openly explained,—let the
candid after he shall have read it ask himself
wether there is one sentiment,which he, as a free
man and citizen, can object to.
The oration lias Injg.i in our possession for
several days, hut owing to h indisposition u:
our workmen we ,voro prevents I from giving ti
un earlier insertion. It commences on the first
page.
CAUTION TO Till. LADIES.
Tire New York Journal of Commerce of tho
Ilth inst. contains the following caution to the la
dies. We do not publish it as a caution to tlie
Georgia Rblies,for they are not so apt tube caught.
“The Circuit Court of this city lias been occu
pied during the lust three days with die suit ol
Georoe G. Barnard vs. John T. Gaul, and
Mari II. Gaul, liis wire, l lie 1 idy, whose mai
den name wa- Powers, resided in the ciiy of
Hudson; and tire plaiutitf, uho isu journe, mail
painter, resides in this city. During some seven
or eight year.. the parties carried on an eptstola
ry eorrespon f.'tic *, in which they made tire usu
al vows and p, ores aims of never ending love aod
affection, i&o. ain agreed to he man and wife.
, Fite lady, however,unfortunately changed her
mind, broke oft' her engagements, and married
Mr. Gaul in the month of J une X-jJJ. me
plaintiff'of course became inconsolable, und hud
recourse to tire law to compensate him for his
misfortune.
He accordingly brought an action against tire
lady and her husband, und obtained a verdict of
$1000 damages and cost.”
The Charleston Observer states on authority
that tlie Rev. Dr. Capers has declined the ap-
Doiulmcnt of Professor ofthe Evidences of Chris
tianity and riacred Literature, in lire $. Carolina
College, nnd has sent a letter to tlie Trustees,
stating his reasons for liis refusal.
IEFA western editor approves highly of tire
designationdf Mr. Van Bnren as tlie “slippery
eJin” candidate, und proposes to distinguish Col.
Johnson as the Mack Jack candidate.
From the Correspondents oftlie Charleston Courier,
“Baltimore July 10.—“At Washington, we
saw tire President, at a short distance, when lie
was about to leave for the Rip Raps. He was
in very cheerful conversation, and looked really
well, and seemed to walk with considerable
strengh ami steadiness Mr. VanBurenund Mr.
Forsyth were with him, but did not accompany
him to the Rip Raps.
“I have not heard many opinions expressed ns
to the successor ofthe late venerable Chief Justice
but a good many of the opposition party seem to
expect the appointment of Mr. Taney Some
ofthemjsay Mr Livingston ought to be nominated
but it appears to mo bis great age would put him
out ofthe question.
“ Even opposition moil ure apprehended tho
re-election of Mr. M'Kitn to Congress, over an
eminent lawyer, by the name of Walsh, whom
they mean to nominate.' I saw a Philadelphia
lawyer at the Fnuquir Springs, (a Muhlenberg
man) who believed that Rittrer would be elected
us there was, in his opinion, no* prospect of heal"
ingthe division in (lie administration ranks.
“ While at Washington, I visited the stupen
dous work going on in tlie Potomac, at George
town, under tlie direction ofCapt. 'Turnbull, of
tire Engineer Department. It is a work pro
jected by tho Alexandrians, for tlie purpo-eo
uniting tlieir Canal witli the Chesapeake anti
Ohio Canal at Georgetown, withu view of r.is
iug tlie declining trade of tlieir city, by diverting
to it at least n portion ofthe trade of tho grea^
~ “unoring it an to be carried to
Baiu.imru, tiy u« t ut road between Waa!ii„„
‘“V"'? c "y- ''Vv suppose, With Z
reason that hoau arriving at Georgetown by 2
* u,ml ’ w,,lllU proceeding on to Alexandria
to unloading amt forwarding their cargo* u
the Rad Road to Baltimore. Hence the ent,/
prise Winch ha* projected this liereuleanaehemo
by w hich jtlio Canal is to cross the Potomac «
Georgetown, upon piers, man elevation of
above tlie surface of lire water in the river. To| av
tlie foundationof these piers, you can form no idea
ol tho science aud labor tliat is bro’t in requisition
In tire first place, immense cotter dauts (as tlie'
are called) ure constructed by driving double
rows ol piles Dogs more than 40 feet long) j n(o
the bed ol the river, down to tho rock, with plunb
between tlie sumo length. The intermediate
space is tilted up with clay, brought from the
high land, unit whenthisis accomplished,power,
ful rteam engines are employed in exhan 8 |j n .
tlie water within tiie enclosure. When the Wa .
tor is till exhausted, tliois is 18 loot of mud to be
tuken out be I ore they reach the solid rock un 0n
which tho piers ure built. Front the foundation
ofthe pier to the suruce ofthe water is 38 f oet
mid from tlie surface ol die water to tlie top 0 r
tlie pies, when completed, feet, making the
height ol the pier do feet. One pier is 15 f (C(
out ol tho water, and will shortly be finished'
There are to be eight piers in all, and it is expect-
ed that tiiey will he completed in the course of
tivo or three years. We have notseenruin sinep
we left Charleston, (June 8th) until yesterday,in
this city, when there was a light shower. Itis to
be hoped yod iiavo been more fortunate in ft
JSarolinu.”
For the Savannah llepublican,
The Union Vnn-Buronites, have not yet rec».
vered from tlieir alarm, created by the State
Rights’ Procession ol the 4th inst. To tiifi,
great surprise and inx ti.ioution,tney hivaaicj;.
taineu, that their j rophetic predictions iveroai
idle as extravagant, and tha tneii "past"'-gh,,
oils triumph" did not sub;i g ,te their adversaries,
nor piltthem down so low, as to depress their
spirit, coutrol tlieir energies or humble tlieir po
litical pride. Influenced, by a panic, they wilfngt
openly confess, and stung to their very quick, by
the dreary prospects of their inevitable destiny*
they made u feint to rally their tottering foice, (a
secure another “glorious triumph,” in whichlho
hoarse notes of cannon, are to tell near uiul far,
tlie wrongs of Constitutional Freedom. The
Union Vun-Burenites, in assembling at the L«J
Room ol the Exchange, doubtless have arranged
all conflicting affairs, and imparted some dm
tiqn to their subalterns, in anticipation ot ik
upproachingeiectiou. We think we can di-rovetj
some signs of political dismay, in tlieir
and doings. Tire* names of the Gentlemen wi
addressed the Meeti ig. have not been piiblished,
nor i synopsis of their speeches, nor hava
number oftlie assembly been made known tha
the medium ofthe public print. The report
the nominating Committee, appears to lire
the fretful language of despondency—indeed,
impliedly exhibits the settled conuictiuusof
who discover, that tho p;q*ty to which they
attached, is ihont to be confined o itsappmp
sphere, hytio.ubii n* nirpe ol'uire igim
ciples. Like Fatima, in Hue 3jarck itmijJ
“I looked, 'till I could look no longer, an
Icame down, lest I should be fetched danl
The report, admits that "Itii not tobecoo;
ed. that there still 'xists *i powerful, talen’cl
wealthy combination, whose object is them
citation of doctrines, which, during the pasty
have been signally relinked hy tlie people
Georgia.” What, let us enquire, is tlie In
im ate interpretation ofthis paragraph of the;
port! It is, that nttli * last October election
Union Vun-Burenites succeeded. That foe
nlarity of President Jackson, the immense
of his patronage, together with the defecl
certain me i from tho Republican ratiM
ed an ephemeral triumph. But whnt isf*|
sent aspect of political affairs? We, as fel
port reluctantly confesses, are “powerful >m\
eated,"—our political creed better under.-
om arguments in defence of our doctrinal
answerable,—our orators proclaiming our
from the pulpit, in the presence aud hei
listening crowds, and tlie columns of th:
enlarged in their hallowed service. But®
trines are said to have been “rebuked.”
Is it by the amalgamation of discordant
materials! Is it by the rich rewards, that
received and secured for their*!
ey ? Is it by the fiery zeal, tliat has indn<
converts, to employ epithets as false r*
table against citizens who are not for “cn
The Slate Rights’ Party adhere to the prit
contained in the Virginia and Kentucky
tions. Its creed is plain, und before tlie
eign People. Our enemies cannot for|
words ofGeorge M. Troup, “the statb
I'ARTV HAVE MY BEST WISHES FOR ITS SO
ANTI-YAN BUI
From the JSational lulellL encer, Mi
We have the mournful ilu.tyof annOuW
tlie venerable and venerated Chief Jus#' 1 "
Unit'd States. JOHN MARSH iLL.'s
He expi -edat lire lodgings in Pliiladelpl
t ..,* ha had rone a few we •refrirefef 1
am o i Monday afternoon tlie lith in*' 1
8tnh year of his ago
In noticing too decease of this iliti* ,ri
zen, who lias tilledformore than a j ol a'
with universal confidence and admiral
most dignified und delicate, it' not tho
portunt. trust thut could have been »
him hy tins country, and who has|ivM"
titan lialf a century in tire unvarvi^'^f
|.-, countrymen, tlie language ot eiitegv 11
peus won d be a* vain us mm cessiift*
lire hus lie none uniform history ol I 1 "
vice and private virtue. Arid lie 7!
seeilde to the tomb crowned with “ la 'l
ofp folic jsteein and public regret, l# jr
Zen since tire departure ot YVashW u J* .
do d. we may except even tlie rat»°|
Country himself.
It is not for us to attempt his chart
history. This is a task for differ#* 1 ,
hands, and it will in due time, wo a»».
performed in a befitting manner. "
time, for the information of those w#
ho familiar with tlie incidents ol tiioi)
ly o. me lamented patriarch, "0cop)
ing mtnury from a Baltimore *"
which wo believe to bo substantia?)
“John .larshall was horn in F##'i
ty. Virginia, on the ?4th ol Seute** 1 I
old t child ol Col. Thomas Marsh"
o small brtune, who had fifteen C
Ins in I. .lent father. tire future
tin United States, receiv -d the " l8
education. By him, ho Wl ‘*
study of history and poetry. 1 * j
tuition ho passed, he* veon 3
oigtitBuiilb successively,
of Severn) tauchei s, oneoi whom ^
fin* as. Horace and Livy, in the n
Upon liis foundation, he ufterwar
a ./odd Latin scholar. ,
11 his eighteenth year, while"!
engaged enthusiastically in to® fi re,
verav between Greut Britain.W
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