Newspaper Page Text
Old Series- ~Vol. 25, No. 122.
Railroad Schedules.
Revised an 1 Corrected by B, F. Brown, Gen
or.ii Ticket Agent, Planters’ Hotel.
POUT HOY ALi BAIL ROAD.
Leaves Augusta — 4:2C a. m. and 8:20 p. m.
Arrives at Augusta..7 :2{ a. m. and 8:00 p.m.
Arrives at Port Royal 3:00 p. m.
Leaves Port Royal ~..9:30a.m.
GEORGIA RAILROAD.
Leaves Augusta atß:4s, a. m. andß:ls, p.m.
Leaves Atlanta at 7:00, a. m. and 10:30 p. m.
Arrives in Augusta .3:30. p. m. andß:ls,a.m.
Arrives in Atlanta at 5:45, p.m. and 6 :25, a.m.
SOUTH CAROLINA RAILROAD.
Leaves Augusta at 9:00, a.m. and 6, p. m.
Arrives Augusta at 5:15, p. m. and 7:50, a.m.
MACON AND AUGUSTA RAILROAD.
Leaves Augusta at.10:45, a. m andß;ls p.m.
Leaves Macon at. .6:30, a. m. and 8:00 p.m.
Arrives at Augusta..2:oo, p. in. and 8:15 a.m.
Arrives at ilaeon at.6 :40, p. m. and 7:10 a.m
CENTRAL RAILROAD.
Leaves Augusta at 9:05, a. m. and 8:05, p.m.
Arrives at Augusta at 4:00 p. m. and 6, a.m.
0 HARLOT ! E COLUMBIA AND AUGUSTA RAIL
ROAD.
Le ives Augusta at 9:30, a. m. and 4:15, p.m. i
Vrriveairi Augusta at 8:05, p.m. and 8:45. a.m
to CON hTITUTIONALIST
SUNDAY, FEBRUARY 14,. 1875.
[Charleston News and Courier.
THE PATRONS OF HUSBANDRY.
Constitution and By -Laws as Amend
ed—The Object and Organization of
the Order.
The constitution of the Order of Pa
trons of Husband, as amended by the
National Grange, now in session in this
city, is as follows :
PREAMBLE.
Human happiness is the acme of
earthly ambition. Individual happi
ness depends upon general propriety.
The propriety of a nation is in pro
portion to the value of its productions.
The soil is the source, from whence
we derive all that constitutes wealth ;
without it we would have no agricul
ture no manufactures, no commerce.
Of all the material gifts of the Creator,
the various productions of the vegeta
ble world are of the first importance.
The art of agriculture is the parent
and precursor of all arts, and it3 pro
ducts the foundation of all wealth.
The productions of the earth are
subject to the influence of natural laws,
invariable and indisputable; the
amount produced will consequently be
in proportion to the intelligence of the
producer, and success will depend upon
his knowledge of the action of these
laws, and the proper application of
their principles.
Hence, knowledge is the foundation
of happiness.
The ultimate object of this organiza
tion is for mutual instruction and pro
tection, to lighten labor by diffusing a
knowledge of its aims and purposes,
expand the mind Uy tracing the beau
tiful laws the Great Creator has estab
lished in the Universe, and to enlarge
our views of Creative wisdom and
power.
To those who read aright, history
proves that in all ages society is frag
mentary, and successful results of gen
eral welfare can be secured only by
general effort. Unity of action cannot
be acquired without discipline, and dis
cipline cannot be enforced without sig
nificant organization ; hence we have a
ceremony of initiation which binds us
in natural fraternity as with a band of
iron ; but although its influence is so
powerful, its application is as gentle as
that of the silken thread that binds a
wreath of flowers.
The Patrons of Husbandry consist of
the following:
ORGANI2IATION.
SUBORDINATE GRANGES.
First Degree—Maid (woman), Labor
er (man.)
Second Degree—Shepherdess (wo
man), Cultivator (man.)
Third Degree—Gleaner (woman),
Harvester (man.)
Fourth Degree—Matron (woman),
Husbandman (man.)
STATE GRANGE.
Section 1. Fifth Degree. Pomona—
(Hope.) Composed of the Masters of
Subordinate Granges and their wives
who are Matrons, provided that when
the number of Subordinate Granges in
any State becomes so great as to ren
der it necessary, the State Grange
may, in sucli manner as it may deter
mine, reduce its representatives, by
providing for the election of a certain
proportion of those entitled to mem
bership iu the State Grange from each
county; and the members so chosen
shall constitute the State Grange.
Sec. 2. There may be established
District or County Granges in the fifth
degree, not to exceed one in each
county, composed of Masters and Past-
Masters of Subordinate Granges, and
their wives, who are Matrons, and such
fourth degree members (not to exceed
three) as may be elected thereto by the
Subordinate Granges, under such regu
lations as may be established by State
Granges. Such District or County
Granges shall have charge of the edu
cation and business interests of the
Order iu their respeciive districts ; and
shall encourage, strengthen, and aid
the Subordinate Granges represented
therein. Dispensations for such Dis
trict or County Granges shall issue
from the State Grange, and under such
regulations as the State Grange may
adopt.
NATIONAL GRANGE.
Sixth Degree—Flora (Charity).
Composed of Masters of State
Granges and their wives who have
taken the Degree of Pomona, and the
officers and members of the Executive
Committee of the National Grange.
Seventh Degree—Ceres (Faith).
Members of the. National Grange
who have served one year therein may
become members of this degree upon
application and election. It has charge
of the secret work of the order, and
shall be a court of impeachment of all
officers of the National Grange.
Members of this degree are honora
ry members of the National Grange,
and are eligible to offices therein, but
not entitled to vote..
CONSTITUTION.
Article 1— Officers.
. Section 1. The officers of a Grange,
either National or State, or Subordi
nate, consist and rank as follows:
Master, Overseer, Lecturer, Steward,
.Assistant Steward, Chaplain, Treasur
er, Secretary, Gatekeeper, Ceres, Po
mona, Flora and Lady Assistant Stew
ard. It is their duty to see that the
laws of the order are carried out.
Sec. 2.—How Chosen.—ln the Subor
dinate Granges they shall be chosen
annually at the regular meeting in De
cember, aud installed at the regular
meeting in January, or as soon there
after as practicable; in the State
Grange once in two years ; and in the
National Grange once in three years.
All elections to be by ballot.
Vacancies by death or resignation to
©ailn (Eonetit utimuil i^f
be filled at a special election at the
next regular meeting thereof —officers
so chosen to serve until the annual
meeting.
Sec. 3. The Master of the National
Grange may appoint members of the
Order as deputies to organize Granges
where no State Grange exists.
Sec. 4. There shall be an Executive
Committee of the National Grange,
consisting of five members, whose
term of office shall be three years.
Sec. 5. The officers of the respective
Granges shall be addressed as “ Wor
thy.”
Article ll — Meetings.
Sec. 1. Subordinate Granges shall
meet at least once each month, and
may hold intermediate meetings.
Sec. 2. State Granges shall meet an
nually at such time and pla'ce as the
Grange shall from year to year deter
mine.
Sec. 3. The National Grange shall
meet annually on the third Wednes
day in November, at such place as the
Grange may from year to year deter
mine. Should the National Grange ad
journ without selecting the place of
meeting, the Executive Committee shall
appoint the place and notify the Secre
tary of the National Grange and the
Masters of State Granges, at least
thirty days before the day appointed.
Article lll — Laws.
The National Grange, at its annual
session, may frame, amend or repeal
such laws as the good or the Order
may require. All laws of State and
Subordinate Granges must conform to
this constitution and the laws adopted
by the National Grange.
Article IV—Ritual.
The Ritual adopted by the National
Grange shall be used in all subordinate
Granges, and any desired alternation
in the same must be submitted to,
and receive the sanction of the Nation
al Grange.
Article V — Membership.
Any person engaged in agricultural
pursuits and having no interest in con
flier with our purposes, of the age of
sixteen years, duly proposed, elected,
and complying with the rules and reg
ulations of the Order, is entitled to
membership and the benefit of tho de
grees taken. Every application must
be accompanied by the fee of member
ship. If rejected, the money will be
refunded. Applications must be certi
fied by members, and balloted for at a
subsequent meeting. It shall require
three negative votes to reject an ap
plicant.
Article Vl—Fees fm' Membership.
The minimum fee for membership in
a subordinate Grange shall be, for men
five dollars, and for women two dol
lars, for the.four degrees, except char
ter members, who shall pay—men,
three dollars, and women fifty cents.
Article Vll^-Dues.
Sec. 1 v Tho minimum of regular
monthly dues shall be ten cents from
each member, and each Grange may
otherwise regulate its own dues.
Sec. 2. The Secretary of each Sub
ordinate Grange shall report quarterly
to the State Grange the names of all
persons initiated during the quarter,
and pay to the Secretary of the State
Grange one dollar for each man, and
fifty cents for each woman, initiated
during the quarter; aiso a quarterly
due of six cents for each member, said
report to be approved and forwarded
at the first session of the Grange in
each quarter.
Sec. 3. The Secretary of the State
Grange shall pay to the Treasurer of
the State Grange all moneys coming
into his hands, at least once every ten
days, taking his receipt therefor ; and
shall report quarterly, to the Secretary
of the National Grange, the member
ship in the State.
Sec. 4. The Treasurer of each State
Grange shall deposit to the credit of
the National Grange of Patrons of
Husbandry, with some banking or
trust company, (to be selected by the
Executive Committee,) in quarterly in
stallments, the annual due of five cents
for each member in his State, and for
ward the receipts for the same to the
Treasurer of the National Grange.
Sec. 5.—A1l moneys deposited with'
said company shall be paid out only
upon the drafts of the Treasurer, ap
proved by the Master and countersign
ed by the Secretary.
Sec. 6. No State Grange shall be'en
titled to representation in the National
Grange whose dues are unpaid for
more than one quarter. .
Article VIII— Charters and Dispensa
tion.
Section 1. All charters and dispensa
tions issue directly from the National
Grange.
Sec. 2. Nine men and four women
having received the four Subordinate
Degrees, may receive a dispensation to
organize a Subordinate Grange.
Sec. 3. Application for dispensations
or charters shall be made to the Secre
tary of the National Grange, and be
signed by tho persons applying for the
same, and be accompanied by a fee of
fifteen dollars.
Sec. 4. Charter members are those
persons only whose names are upon the
application, and whose fees were paid
at the time of organization. Their
number shall not be less than nine men
and four women, uor more than twenty
men and twenty women.
Sec, 5. Fifteen Subordinate Granges
working in a Sta*7 can apply for au
thority to organize a State Grange.
Sec. G. inhere State Granges are or
ganized. dispensations for the organi
zation of the Subordinate Granges,
heretofore issued, shall be replaced by
Charter from the National Grange,
without further fee ; and thereafter all
applications for charters for Subordi
nate Granges shall pass through the
office of the Master of the State
Grange, and must be approved by him
before they are issued by the National
Grange. When so issued, the charter
shall pass through the office of the
Secretary of the State Grange, and re
ceive the signature affd official seal of
that office.
Seo. 7. No Grange shall confer more
than one degree on the same person at
the same meeting.
Article IX—Duties of Officers.
The duties of the officers of tho Na
tional, State and Subordinate Gran
ges shall be prescribed by the laws of
the same.
Article X — Treasurers.
Section 1. The Treasurers of the
National, State and Subordinate Gran
ges shall give bonds, to be approved
by the officers of their respective Gran
ges.
Article Xl—Restrictio)is.
Religious or political questions will
not be tolerated as subjects of discus
sion in the work of the Order, and no
political or religious tests for member
ship shall 6e applied.
Article xii.
The Master of the National Grange
AITTGTTSTA, GA., SUNDAY MORNING. FEBRUARY 14. 1875.
and the members of the Executive
Committee shall be empowered to sus
pend from office any officer of the Na
tional Grange who may prove inefficient
or derelict in the discharge of his duty,
subject to appeal to the next session
thereafter of the National Grange.
Article xiii — Amendments.
This Constitution can be altered or
amended by a two-thirds vote of the
National Grange at any annual meet
ing, and when such alterations or
amendments shall have been ratified
by three-fourths of the State Granges,
and the same reported to the Secretary
of the National Grange, it shall be of
full force.
[New York Express.
The Religious Papers.
The Christian at Work moralizes in
this way:
Men have the mistaken notion that
over the shoulders of the defeated they
themselves cau climb to victory. No,
no. You will gain nothing in life but
by hand-to-hand contest with obsta
cles in your own path. The failure of
others will be no assurance of your
success. When you see a man fall,
take it for granted that in the same
circumstances and under the same
pressure you would have done just as
he did. It is unwise, ungenerous, and
unchristian to siy, “ Good fur him!”
The Episcopalian says of the Protes
tant Episcopal Church :
While it is true that our church has
neither penances nor purgatory reqpg
nized in its formularies, yet many of
our teachers and people have learned
to believe in a third place, which they
designate by various names, and into
which they believe all the departed go,
and in an imperfect state await the
judgment. And this has led to the be
lief that the of the church, and
“the offering of the sacrifice of the
altar,” and the aims of the faithful,
avail in some way for the departed.
The New York Tablet makes the fol
lowing confession of the short comings
of the Roman Catholic Seminaries :
It has more than once been the sub
ject of remark that the graduates of
our colleges betray an ignorance of the
doctrines of the church positively ap
palling. From one distinguished
• juarter has censure come that is not
wholly unmerited. We must acknowl
edge that the majority of the young
men educated in the Catholic colleges
in this country are lamentably defi
cient in a knowledge of their religion.
The Churchman undertakes to define
“ Ritualism.”
Now ritualism, as it is understood by
Churchmen, means a set of doctrines
concerning the Eucharist, which doc
trines it is sought to express by prac
tices borrowed from the Church of
Rome and from medieeval antiquity.
Ritual iu the general sense may be of
any sort, and devoted to the expres
sion of any sort of doctrines. We do
not doubt that there is a growing love
for the expression of ideas of worship
and belief through forms, That is
nothing recent, but has been going on
for years. It is part of the reaction
from the Puritanism of independency,
and from the deadness and coolness of
the church. And it has been used as
an ally of ritualism properly so-called.
The Methodist condemns theatres,
and savs :
“We have tried to make a reason
able estimate of the theatre as it is
found in this city. After all is said
that can be said in its favor, it is con
fessedly corrupt aud corrupting, and
we have so spoken of it in a recent edi
torial. A little-incident connected with
the visit of the King of the Sandwich
Islands to New York fixes its moral po
sition more precisely than many pages
of verbal description. Among other
sights to which Kalakau was treated
was the spectacular performance which
has held possession of our stage for a
long time, and which is nothing more
than indecent ballet dance rendered by
a crowd of performers.”
The Church Journal claims much for
the P. E. Church. It asserts that never
perhaps in tne vicissitudes of her his
tory in America, does she stand on
fairer Vantage ground than that she
occupies to day. She has conciliated
the confidence of the people anTong
whom she works, as never before. She
has drawn a line between high, solemn
and reverent worship common to all
the people, and'a histrionic exhibition
at which the people “assist.” She has
distinguished again between the Catho
lic doctrine and Romish corruptions of
such doctrine. She has shown her de
termination to stand by the historic
and primitive Past while repudiating
the medieeval caricature of that Past.
Thinking men all about us have seen
this, and the quiet expressions of satis
faction at the position are as common
from those without as from those
within.
The Christian Intelligencer sums up
its views upon national education fc in
this manner :
With education made universal and
sought, for by parents for their child
ren, it will not be possible for this
country to be weighted down and the
laboring class be degraded by their
being yoked like slaves for succes
sive generations to one urtremunera
tive occupation. They will be inspired
to exercise a choice for some other no
bler and more productive one, and they
will be qualified to master it. Chief of
all others* then, should the American
laborer be the friend and protector of
the American common school system ;
the first to resist whatsoever tends to
its injury or overthrow ; tho most in
defatigable to toil for its advancement
and perfection.
The Hebrew Leader is hopeful of the
future. It declares its belief in a bet
ter time for the Israelites :
Things all lead us to believe that a
better day for Judaism is fast ap
proaching ; a day when the reign of
bigotry, superstition, and stiff-necked
ness on the one hand, and indifference,
idealism and false pride on the other,
which has long held sway among our
co-religionists in this land, will be
known only as among the things that
were, and its place shall be occupied
with a religion emanating from a pure
source and guided by a Divine hand.
That religion will be Juadisrn as known,
advocated and upheld by the conserva
tives of the present day.
The Jewish Times asks the following
questions :
What will be the consequence when
Jewish preachers exchange pulpits with
Christian ministers, and when people
are coming thereby to the conclusion
that it is just as good to have Chris
tian theologians, or at least Aryan Un
iterians, as teachers of religion, as to
have Israelites as such, and that it
would be a money-saving or paying
policy to merge Jewish congregations
into non-Jewish congregations ? What
will be the consequences when Jews
and Christians intermarry, and their
offspring are forever lost to Judaism?
When M. D. Conway’s “Baored An
thology ” is declared to be iust as good
a book for so-called enlightened Jew
ish ministers to select texts from as
the Jewish Bible ? When the litera
ture of the Gentiles is considered to be
just as proper for our religious instruc
tion and edification as the literature of
Israel ? When even the existence of a
self-existing, supernatural and preter
natural God is taught to be an obsolete
superstition.
[Correspondence Cincinnati Commercial.
The State of the South.
Augusta, Ga., January 21,1875.
It niust be perplexing to the good
people of Ohio to have so many con
flicting reports in regard to the recent
troubles in Mississippi and Louisiana.
Upon such testimony it is hardly pos
sible for an unprejudiced mind to de
termine the real causes and probable
issue of the unhappy contest. In a
crisis so alarming it is painful to see
with what eagerness the leading poli
ticians have rushed to the support of
their respective parties, without wait
ing for the facts on which to base an
accurate judgment. Even our Con
gressional rulers, forgetting the dignity
and moderation becoming their solemn
trust and high office, leaped into the
arena upon the stimulus of a few mea
gre telegrams, and dividing on the
party line, began a war of recrimina
tion as disgraceful to the actors as it
was hurtful to the peace of the coun
try. The misfortune is that these men
do not care for the facts ; they do not
want the whole truth, but only so much
of it as will conserve the interests of
the party to which they belong, while
the party organs, like faithful drug
gists, furnish precisely what the leader
prescribes—no less and no more.—
Thank God, it is otherwise with the
great body of the American people. In
every crisis they want the truth ; they
wait for the Tacts. Their judgment
may be delayed, but when once pro
nounced, the unfaithful understand
and tremble. There is a divinity iu the
voice of the people that shapes our
ends. The Republicans heard its gen
tle murmur in November last; the
Democrats heard its thunder in 1861.
Tho writer has spent a portion of the
past three Winters in the Southern
States. He came solely in pursuit of
health, and therefore has not encoun
tered the antagonism usually experi
enced by those who come here on a
political mission and seek advance
ment by affiliation with the colored
people. In general he has been treated
courteously by the whites, and has had
abundant opportunity of learning the
sentiments of all classes, especially in
Mississippi and Georgia.
Thinking the information thus ob
tained may not be wholly without value
to the public at the present juncture,
he presumes to transmit a few com
ments on the situation that will at
least have the merit of being uninflu
enced by any personal or parry bias.
The conflict now going on in this sec
tion is a “ war bet ween the races,” but
is net tvaged either on accowit of race
or color.
It is true there are some whites here
who cling to Captain liynders’ theory,
that “ the negro is not a man, but a
money,” and many who still hold that
slavery is his normal sphere. The
mass of Southern people, however, en
tertain no such nonsense, and have no
prejudice on the score of color. On
the contrary, aside from politics, they
cherish a sentiment of genuine kind
ness for their old servants, which the
latter sincerely reciprocate. Beside the
feeling of kindness, the natural out
growth of past relations, the white peo
ple are fully conscious of their depend
ence on the blacks for all kinds of la
bor, and that their extermination would
bring poverty and desolation upon
them (the whites) and their children.
An intelligent planter remarked to
me recently that the citizens of this
State were very solicitous to check the
spirit of emigration that was excited
among the colored men last Fall by
tempting offers of rich lands in Texas.
He said that every able-bodied negro
was worth to the State just as much
now as before the war. The emigra
tion was checked, in a great degree, by
leasing their lands on very liberal
terms.
Neither does the war between the
races originate in hostility to the Gen
eral Government, nor to the Adminis
tration, nor to the Constitutional
amendments, nor to the Republican
party ; nor it a war simply against op
pression and misrule, though that is
the universal plea, and doubtless the
exciting cause. Still it has a deeper
purpose than the punishment of dis
placement of his honest officials and the
protection of the ballot-box.
It is a war for the establishment of
white supremacy in matters of govern
ment.
The enfranchisement of the negroes
at the close of the war took the con
trol of the Cotton States from the
whites who owned the soil, and made
them subject to their former slaves.
This humiliation the Southern people
have always looked upon as a vindict
ive or punitive measure on the part of
Congress. They protested against it
as unjust and unwise, and predicted
that disorder and adversity would bo
the inevitable consequences.
We all know that the reconstruction
policy was based on the superior loyal
ty of the blacks, and the apprehension
that the whites were not disposed to
give them their new rights as citizens
under the Constitutional amendments.
It was the theory of Congress that
the ballot would be the black man’s
best protection, as well as his best ed
ucator. Need I say that this well
meant policy has failed to fulfill the
expectations of its friends, or that the
negro at this moment is as distracting
an element in the national politics and
legislation eis at any former period in
our history ?
Success seldom crosses any policy
where principle is sacrificed. A cardi
nal principle of Republicanism aud of
all representative government de
mands intelligence at the bailot-box ;
without this the State is as a ship at
sea without compass or rudder.
As soon as it became known that
the States were to he turned over to
the rule of black majorities, a number
of white adventurers of the Radical
party allied themselves to the colored
people for the sake of obtaining office.
Under the lead of these carpet-bag
gers the negroes soon became familiar
ized with the arts of public plunder.
Their first lesson in politics was dis
trust of their old masters, who were
represented as eager to re-enslave
them whenever they obtained the pow
er. This lesson was seduously incul
cated—the prevention of any political
understanding between the negroes
and whites being essential to the per
petuity of carpet-bag rule.
I will notdweil on the infamous le
gislation and systematic robbery that
have been practiced by the negroes and
their unscrupulous allies during all the
intervening years. The record of their
fraud, corruption, perjury and plunder
has been given to the country, and a
very black stain it makes onj the Na-
tional page. Complaints on the part
of the whites against the continuance
of these outrages were met. by in&ults
and threats, and not unfrequeutly by
the torch ©f incendiarism, which is the
negro’s favorite means of intimidation.
Falling in these remonstrances and
unable to obtain redress from the
General Government (which seemed to
regard their opposition to misrule a3
the unextinguished seeds of the old re
bellion,) white organizations were form
ed throughout the South, and it was
determined to free the country from
the curse of negro domination “by
whatever means God and nature should
put in their power.” The record of the
bloody atrocities of these organizations,
whether under the name of Ku Klux or
White League, is also before the coun
try, and a blacker or more revolting re
cord does not disgrace the annals of
civilization.
The struggle now going on in Missis
sippi a,nd Louisiana was waged in Ala
bama, Georgia, North Carolina and
other States. It was the same issue,
and the same desperate and bloody
measures were there resorted to. In
the States last named the whites have
accomplished their purpose, as they
certainly will in the other States where
the conflict still exists.
Congress may as well attempt to
prevent the overflow of the Mississip
pi by a picket guard of soldiers as hope
to prevent these fearless enemies of
negro domination from consummating
their* cherished object. The white su
premacy organization is thorough, its
members are in full sympathy, con
trolled by the highest intelligence, con
fident of success, and animated by a
ednscioußness that they are engaged
in the sacred task of freeing their be
loved South from oppression and tyran
ny. In making this statement, it "is of
course implied that in achieving such a
purpose the “Home Rulers” will
trample on every legal and physical
barrier (except the Government forces),
and their apology will be the same as
was assigned for the Penn revolution
of September, and the late Vicksburg
massacre, namely: that revolution is
the only remedy left them for putting
an end to this oppression, and rescuing
v>hat remains of their property from
the clutch of public plunderers. *
Far be it from me to convey the im
pression that all white people of the
South look with favor on this proce
dure. I believe thousands of them
would see their last acre sold to pay
the onerous taxation rather than par
ticipate in any revolutionary scheme,
but there is a vast number occupying a
lower moral stratum, who, although
averse to active participation in such a
pieas ire, yet find a ready excuse for it
in tho gross outrages from which they
have long suffered. There is, there
fore, a deep undercurrent of tacit pub
lic sentiment supporting the “ Homo
Rule ” organization, and there is no
doubt these local outbreaks and mas
sacres will be repeated at intervals
until every foot of Southern soil is re
stored to the control of the whites.
I have no word of palliation for the
man who deliberately murders a fel
low-citizen on account of political dif
ference. The miscreant who is guilty
of such an infamy, or who would kill a
yielding antagonist, deserves to die.
Nor have I any tolerance for mob vio
lence, or the use ot unlawful measures
for the correction of public abuses ;
nevertheless I am compelled to admit
that the injuries and oppression under
which the whites have suffered for the
past eight years, have been most hu
miliating, most irritating, and almost
intolerable, and I believe the failure of
the Government to remove these evils
has done much to provoke the out
rages that so often shock the country,
and necessitate the military interven
tion of the President.
The opinion herein expressed as to
the ulterior aim of the whites, and its
certain accomplishment, does not rest
alone on the avowed purpose and su
periority of the white race. It is as
sured by the success of their brethren
in other States ; it is doubly assured by
the “new departure” of the colored
citizens in nearly all the fiercely con
tested districts of the South.
Wearied and harrassed by their po
litical tribulations, and in many in
stances alarmed for their personal
safety, large numbers of them have
broken with their old party leaders;
some abstain from voting altogether,
while others havo formed Conservative
clubs and vote the Democratic ticket.
Of late years the colored aspirants
have contested the best offices and
spoils with the carpet-baggers. This
has weakened the affinity between
them, and in these family jars, the
greed of the latter became so conspicu
ous that the negro began to doubt the
disinterestedness of his white friend
and brother. These doubts found con
firmation by the fact that whenever a
white Radical was thrown out of the
ring, he would cease to work for the
party, and by and by turn up on the
Conservative side. If any evidence is
needed by tho colored race to complete
their distrust of and disgust for their
pale-faced leaders, it can be found in
their dastardly desertion of the blacks
during the late Vicksburg troubles.
On that octasion there was not a sin
gle carpet-bagger or scalawag who had
the courage to stand by them. Those
who did not “run over to Jackson,”
took sides with the Democrats. Even
Furlong, whose political name was
Moses, the great leader and comman
der of the negroes, who had grown fat
on their votes—having held the office
of Sheriff for six years and been re
cently elected State Senator, —Furlong,
who had organized the negroes into
clubs and even administered the oath
which bound them to stand by each
other and always to vote the Republi
can ticket, —Furlong deserts his old
friends in tho hour of supreme neces
sity. He did not even think it worth
while to carry the news to Adelbert; he
did not retire to the neutral ground of
the National Cemetery, but as he con
fesses in his testimony before the Con
gressional Committee, he took his re
volver and walked out with the boys
on the Jackson road, and though his
motives were peaceful, the negroes be
gan to fire on his party. He was posi
tive the negres fired the first shot! No
doubt many a loyal darkey who start
ed out that morning from his cabin
with Crosby’s classic war cry of “Fiat
justitid” on his lips,' must have exclaim
ed Et tu, Moses, when his gleaming eye
balls recognized his old chieftain in the
ranks of the enemy !
In Georgia the colored folks find very
little interest in politics. They have
taken up the old shovel and the hoe,
with an honest aspiration after “forty
acres and a mule.” Many have achieved
far more than this already, and with
the liberal leases of land now afforded
by the planters, it is in the power of
every able bodied freedmau in the State
to become a forty acre freeholder in
five years. They learned by sad ex
perience that it was not their mission
to govern white folks, and that their
happiness is best promoted by private
Industry and the cultivation of friendly
relations with their former, masters,
from whom they have assurance of fair
and generous treatment in all business
relations, as well as th© full recogni
tion of their civil rights.
In the city of Augusta, where I have
lived the past three months, the ne
groes are contented, industrious and
prosperous. They show a praise
worthy interest in the education of
their childeen, for which ample pro
vision is made. The late School Com
missioner’s report shows the number
of colored female scholars in attend
ance to be somewhat greater than the
white girls, while the reverse is true of
the boys. I have never lived in a bet
ter governed city than Augusta. The
intelligence and respectability of the
place are fully represented" in the
Council, School Board, and other of
fices. In the administration of munic
ipal affairs, I have not observed any
partiality on account of race or previ
ous condition, unless it be in the dispo
sition of the chain-gang. In a squad
of\wenty-odd that I meet sometimes
on the streets, I have noticed that the
precedence or post of honor is given to
the blacks. Happy would it be for the
nation if all the cities of the South
were blessed with the same wise man
agement of public affairs, and the same
mutual good feeling between the races
that exist here!
Before closing my letter, I must add
a word on the absorbing question of
the hour: What is the remedy for the
present distracted condition of affairs
in Louisiana and Mississippi? If the
foregoing view of the situation be cor
rect, the best course for Congress is to
consider licw the inevitable may be
reached with the least sacrifice of blood
and character. All considerations of a
party or personal nature should be put
aside, and the combined wisdom and
patriotism of the nation concentrated
in one grand effort for the restoration
of peace and good will.
The policy of reconstruction was a
Republican measure. It may have
been the best that human wisdom
could devise at the period of its enact
ment, but time has revealed its un
soundness, and it behooves the Repub
lican party to signalize the last days of
their power with a masterpiece of
statesmanship, that shall furnish a
mantle of oblivion for past errors, and
inspire their friends with the hope that
the star of their glory shall not disap
pear forever on the 4th of March, 1375.
C. McDermont.
iNew York Bulletin.
Causes of the Rise in Gold.
The causes of the movement are not
difficult to define. Ever since the
panic, the rate of interest has been so
low and the caution among investors
so decided that an unusual preference
has been given to Government securi
ties both by private individuals and
financial institutions. Prices of bonds
have thus been kept above the Euro
pean quotations, which have been de
pressed by the unsettled condition of
the London and Continental money
markets, and United States securities
have, from this cause, been steadily
flowing home for several months past.
The amounts of bonds thus returned
must have been very large. The reflux
is by no means as its height just now,
and yet, last week, one lot of new- fives
of $700,000 was received, and the week
previous one parcel of 3600,000 of
the same class of bonds arrived.
Besides this class of securities,
some considerable amounts of railroad
bonds have been returned from Ger
many. This reflux of investments has
kept exchange high at the time when
rates are usually the lowest, and we
have had to send out possibly $25,000,-
000 more of gold than we otherwise
should, to pay for securities which we
had regarded as having found a per
manent resting place in other countries
Such a movement would hardly have
been deemed possible in anticipation ;
and its occurrence opens our eyes to a
new source of uncertainty in the ex
changes. At present, we see no symp
toms of its early cessation. The enor
mous issues of obligations made by
France have caused a continuous shift
ing of securities ever since. The Euro
pean investment markets have been
and still are unsettled, and possibly
also are over-crowded with issues in the
hands of negotiators, and seeking a
final resting place among investors.
And yet the coinage operations of Ger
many and the singular accumulation of
specie in the Bank of France are caus
ing an unsettled feeling in the great
money markets which is calculated to
force securities on the markets. Just
now, Paris is negotiating a loan of
$50,000,000, the making room for which
is likely to cause some other invest
ments to be parted with. So long,
therefore, as the market rate for mo
ney continues here I@2 per cent, above
the quotations in the European mar
kets, it would seem that we must stand
exposed to this return of securities.
The prospect is not a welcome one, for
it implies a further outflow of specie,
with consequent fluctuations' in the
gold premium and in values generally,
which are anything but wholesome in
their effects on business.
[London Correapondence of the Sheffield Tel
egraph.
father Newman’s Pamphlet.
The general verdict about Father
Newman’s pamphlet is that it is far
superior to Mr. Gladstone’s in contro
versial skill, for the eminent recluse
of the Birmingham Oratory has long
been known as the most able contro
versialist of his day. But he only suc
ceeds in maintaining his position by
drawing distinctions far too subtle to
be appreciated by the mass of his co
religionists, and entirely repudiated by
other Roman Catholic writers like Mgr.
Capel. Father Newman limits Papal
infallibility in a way which to the ex
treme ultramontanes must be offen
sive. He may be right, but if so they
cannot be. One must admire this elo
quent, conscientious and scrupulously
moderate theologian, and regret more
than ever his secession from the Eng-,
lish Church. His chief solace, it is
said, is music. He is a clever violinist,
and during his Oxford career, Arch
bishop Whatley used to say of him,
that if he had not taken to the church,
he isould have .made a capital leader of
an orchestra.
During the war a famous tragedian
played Richelieu before a large au
dience, among whom was Abraham
Lincoln. The audience was mixed in
its sympathies, but the actor, not wish
ing to fire their passions, altered the
text of a famous line to read, “ Take
away the sword ; States may be saved
without it.” The circumstance was re
parted to Forrest. The gloomy giant
uttered a curse. Meanwhile he played
the same part, and one night, when
Lincoln was once more in the front,
thundered out the line with marvel
lous energy and emphasis: “ Take
away the sword ; States CAN be saved
without it.” The point was seen and
applause shook the house,
SCHOFIELD’S IRON WORKS,
(Adjoining Passenger Depot,)
MACON, GEORGIA.
SCHOFIELD’S PATENT COTTONJ’PRESSES,
F^EABlNG^^F^^Fvamw ll
FAtte E ndi ( tf r MR JOSEPH* °| f
\i Mutuata. would’h.fornfhta gg&
IKON WORKSand will be eU<I to havo their wiSSiSSSStSiSiSL thit with the
increased facilities wo now have, that they will get first oSw^atttolo^sTSini
. J. S. SCHOFIELD &.SON,
■MR febll-6m Ularß aD<i PROPRIETORS.
Caiiaba Coal
“DON’T DUST UP ROOMS LIKE OTHER COAL,
Because the ASHES ARE HEAVY. It is the nicest Coal for richly fur
nished houses, rooms, parlors, offices, etc., ever used. It is first
class in every particular. It is cleac,’kindles quick, burns beauti
fully, and makes no cinders. It is Pure Coal, unmixed with
any earthy impurities, and burns up clean, like wood.
S&* Parties from the North and East, who have
jeer* used Anthracite Coal, say the Cahaba is
the best Coal in the United States.”-*S
above, but the man I bought from does, and “he is an honorable
man. I have bought a small quantity as an exiiei iment, and will be glad to sell it if
you want to buy, at ELEVEN DOLLARS, CASH.
febu-iw JOSEPH A. HILL.
J. S. BEAN, JR., Cashier. | ' T. P. BRANCH, President
Authorized. Capital, $1,000,000.
ffiTß SAVINGS BANK,
X>- Sli3 BROAD STREET.
AUGUSTA, GA.
SOLICITS the accounts of all who wish to depDsit money for thirty days or longer,
on which It pays seven per cent, interest. Being specially privileged by the State,
we offer extra inducements to all guardians, trustees or parties wishing to make a
profitable investment, and one on which they can instantly realize their capital.
Paying the legal rate .if interest, we have quarterly settlements with our deposi
tors, when interest Is adde Ito principal and compounded. That the advantages and
benefits of the Bank may be available to all, we will receive sums of One Dollar and
upwards on deposit, and will issue therefor pass books or certificates of deposit, tho
latter available in all portions of the United States. We can remit sums to our deposi
tor at any point, by Checks on our New York Corresponde .t, the Germau-American
Bank. We shall be glad to increase our friends, bv all parties having any business in
unr.department. jari39-tf
PE E R LES S G UA N 6
ONE YEAR ago we introduced the PEER LESS GUANO to the Farmers of Georgia and
South Carolina. It was then a mew article, entirely unknown to fame. We take
pleasure in stating that its use has given
PERFECT AND ENTIRE SATISFACTION,
And we now offer it again with renewed assurances of its great value.
ON COTTON. COR>',
And all other crops peculiar to this section, the PEERLESS has proved itself to b“ a
FERTILIZER
OF THE HIGHEST GRADE!
And lias been unsurpassed by any other Manure.
Farmers who have been disappointed in other Fertilizers are earnestly advised to
TRY THE PEERLESS!
We warrant its standard to ba fully equal to that hitherto
sold by us, and guarantee it to be wholly free from any adul
teration.
CIRCULARS mailed free on application.
C. H. PHINIZY & CO.,
COTTON FACTORS.
janl9-im AUGUSTA, CA.
MERCHANTS AND PLANTERS NATIONAL BANK.
Capital Stock, ----- $200,000 00
Undivided Profits, - 58,313 20
$268,313 20
4 Per cent, paid on Daily Balances, subject to CHECK AT SIGHT.
T. P. BRANCH, President.
jani7-tf J. T. NEWBERY, Cashier.
PL.AIVTERS
WHO WISH TO ECONOMISE
WILL USE
BARRY’S
Compound Bi-Phosphate of
LIME
FOR Composting’ with COTTON SEED. It is not an Aoid Phosphate but a
COMPOUND requiring only the
Ammonia
DERIVEABLE FROM COTTON SEED TO MAKE IT A .
PERFECT MANURE.
The combination contains the most important Clements for a
SUPERIOR FERTILIZER
AT A VERY REDUCED PRICE.
Satisfactory evidence of this well ascertained fact is presented in our Pamphlet,
which please call for.
The Cash Price will be $45 per Ton.
Time Price will be- S6O per Ton.
Reliable security will bo required on all time sales.
PLEASE FORWARD ORDERS TO
OFFICII OF BARRR CUB FERTIUR,
SBB Broad Street, Augusta, Ga.,
AND CALL FOB PAMPHLETS.
EDWARD BARRY & Cos.
Jaal-*uwefr*om
-New Series—Vol. 3. 3STo. 29