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“Who Saved Georgia.'* Interesting Historical Remin iscences. BY AX EYE WITNESS. When the war closed, by the surrender of the Confederate armies, two plans of Reconstruc tion were presented; one by the Executive, the other by the Legislative department of the gov ernment. The first proposed the restoration of the insurgent states to the rights and privileg es of the Union, without other guarantees than the ratification of emancipation and the acknowl edgement of the paramount authority of the na tional government. The perpetuity of the Fed eral union which the rebellion had assailed, and the freedom of the slave which it had sought to prevent, were to be placed beyond dispute for ever. This was the condition precedent to our representation in the Federal government. The question of the extention of the elective fran chise was, according to this plan, to be adjour ned until after Reconstruction should be an ac complished fact. The plan proposed by Congress, contempla ted quite a different basis of rehabilitation. It contamplated the extention of political no less than civil franchises to the freedmen; and this as a condition precedent to our representation in Congress. It contemplated the bracking-down and complete annihilation of the ‘color line in politics. It proposed to make the freedman a voter in all local and national elections, and therefore an important factor in the work of re habilitation itself. Such were the salient points of difference be tween the two plans proposed. They related to time rather than to principle. For with eman cipation once assured, all thoughtful men fore- saw that the bracking-down of the ‘color line’ would be a question of time only. Under the genius and form of our government, negro suff rage was bound to follow negro emancipation as a natural sequence. The only real question was as to the policy of enfranchising the negroes at once and en masse or at some future time and gradually, according as they might become pre pared to exercise such prerogatives intelligently and safely. On the question of disabilities im posed upon leading Southern men who had been active or conspicuous in the rebellion, there was no material differencejsince each imposed sweep ing disabilities,embracing a very numerous and influential olass of Southern men of all former political parties, to be removed only upon appli cation to the department imposing them. Un der one plan, disabilities were removable at the will of the President ;under the other,at the will of Congress. In both cases written or personal application was necessary. The champions of these respective plans of reconstruction were equally determined not to yield to the other. Perhaps both may have been equally patriotic also. Rut, outside the South ern states, Mr. Johnson had but a feeble follow ing; and, unfortunately for him, that following was made up from the odds and ends of a faction then under the ban of close suspicion. As a rule, the intelligence, respectability and wealth of the Northern states were solidly against him; and the South was not only powerless to aid him, but, as every one clearly foresaw, an ele ment of actual weakness to his policy. It was clearly manifest, therefore, that, in default of some compromise, Mr. Johnson’s ‘policy’ was doomed to total and irretrievable defeat; and that, in such a case, the South would be the chief sufferer, on acoount of his obstinate per- sistance in efforts to defeat the will of the law making power of the government. A compromise was accordingly proposed. All men remember it. It came from the moder ate men of the majority party in congress, and contemplated the 14th Amendment as the basis of ajustment. Southern men were asked, and with wise precaution, to accept this plan as a means of defense against what followed in 18G7. It legalized the de facto state government set up by Mr. Johnson, conditioned only upon their ratification of the proposed Amendment. The measure failed through the combined opposition of extreme men of both political parties. The result, soon to follow, was clearly foreseen by intelligent southern men. The radical leaders of the majority party in congress, became supreme through the obstinacy and folly of Mr. Johnson and his feeble adherents. The moderate men of that party were daily losing consideration and influence North by reason of their very moder ation in the face of such blind and reckless op position by a hopeless minority; and when the Sherman-Shellabarger bill was finally agreed upon, in the spring of 1807, that was the best and most favorable terms then possible. The bill became a law over Mr. Johnson’s veto, by more than a two-thirds majority vote of a Congressional quorum. It was enacted in the form and by the means constitutionally appoint ed. Objectionable it certainly was to all moder ate and thoughtful men of both sections. Its sweeping disabling clauses, affected more than half the middle aged Union men of the South. In striking at the supposed enemies of the Union, it struck down a whole people, including many of its ablest, best, and truest friends. In seeking to break down ‘the color line,’ it enfran chised the blacks en masse, wholly regardless of the inability of three-fourths of their number to exeroise the privileges of the elective fran chise with safety to free institutions. It dictat ed what should be done, how it should be done, and by whom done in order to secure to the South the privilege of home rule and represen tation in ths national councils; and as a penalty for non compliance with its exactions, the whole people ot the State were to be remanded to ab solute Military Rule the end whereof no man could undertake to foretell. It thus placed the southern people in the most remarkable di lemma. If we accepted it as a basis of recon struction, it would work an instant revolution in our local government, politics and civiliza.- tion. By its acceptance, we would notoDly dis franchise many of the ablest and best Union men in Georgia, but enfranchise ninety thousand of those who were utterly without preparation for so sudden and radical a change. On the other hand, by rejecting it, we threw ourselves completely into the hands of an extreme faction North whose open and proclaimed policy was, and had been from the first, confiscation. To rejeotthe plan proposed would be therefore to invite the very worst form of millitary despo tism accompanied by the most aggravated form of agrarianism. So that, in its last analysis, the choice thus forced upon us was merely a choice or evils. . As the lesser evil, or what we conceived to be such, some of us in Georgia boldly proclaimed for reconstruction under the laws of Congress. Of our number, were many prominent and in fluential secession democrats. All past politi cal differences were forgotten in an honest and united effort to save the state from utter ruin and hopeless degredation. We were cognizant of the fact that Mr. Johnson’s ‘policy’ was • already a thing of the past; that the nery harsh ness and unreasonableness of the plan un der which we proposed to co-operate ‘was brought about by our failure to accept milder terms; that we had gained nothing by reject ing the terms first proposed in July 18G0; and that our contemptuous rejection of the 14th Amendment in October of the same year, only served td weaken our friends and strengthen our enemies north. In taking this oourse however we quarrelled not with those who as conscien tiously chose the opposite method of ‘saving the tate’ for after all, it was only a matter of an honest difference of opinion as to means rather than ends. Well, ten years have passed and now what do we see ? A ‘solid South ! Solid, not in opposition to the constitutional amendments, but solid in support of those amendments. Solid, not in efforts to maintain- tha ‘color line’ in politics, but solid in a pur pose to break it down forever. Solid, not in opposition to a single one of the principles ad vocated or enunciated by the reconstructionists of 1867 8; but solid and even enthusiastic in the annunciation and support of each and all. To assume the existence of a ‘Solid South’ in oppo sition to a single line or word of any one of the constitutional amendments, or in opposition to a single line of policy maintained by Southern reconstructionists in 1868, would be to charge the grossest insincerity upon Southern men as •a class. We care nothing for mere party names. Oft- ener than otherwise they represent nothing more substantial than the memory of an almost forgotten prejudice. In too many instances they are mere empty sounds signifying nothing. They are certainly meaningless when all men of all former parties profess to believe, and ad vocate the same thing. It is, therefore, a mat ter of small moment by what name the present ‘Solid South’ is known. ‘Things equal to the same are equal to each other,’ and U is is as true in political as in mathematical science. There are, then, two classes of ‘State Savers.’ One represented Reconstruction in 1868; the other opposed it. One tried to induce native Southern men of talents and influence to take partin the great work of reoonstruction; the other tried to prevent them. One sought a Constitutional Convention composed oi South ern men of education and character; the other sought to Africanize the Convention by en- joining ‘respectable white men to keep aloof from it. One sought to save the State by trying to save the character of the new State constitu tion and government; the other sought to save the State by degrading both. One called public meetings to induce native white men to join in the effort to oontrol legislation; the other called public meetings to persuade white men to aban don all legislation to ‘carpet baggers and nig gers.’ Doubtless both were equally patriotic. Time alone will show which were the wiser; and since the line of difference between them is now happily obliterated, let us hope the present generation in Georgia will never see a repetition of the events of the decade from 18G8 to 1876. A Glimpse of the Olden Time. Through a Tolumeof old Newspapers. Politics and Society Sixty Years Ago. BY PBOF. H. A. SGOMP. The Glow-Worm Bird. In India it is said that a species of sparrow builds its nest of grasses, which it weaves very skillfully into the shape of a bottle, and sus pends it firmly to the branches of a tree, with its entrance downward, so as to secure it from the attacks of birds of prey. But the exterior of the nest is not its most wonderful peculiar ity. Within, it is divided into several cham bers, which, according to the popular belief, the bird is in the habit of illuminating during the night with glow-worms, or fire-flies. The story goes that, after collecting a number of these luminous insects, the bird fastens them to the inside of its nest by means of a peculiar kind of clay of a glutinous nature; and thus when the glorious sun, in whose beams it de lights to spread its airy pinions, is withdrawn from the world, the bird can retire to its pen dent couch and be rocked to sleep, basking in the mild beams of the glow-worm/ A gentle man who had resided many years in India, speaking of the nest of the Indian sparrow, states that, taking advantage of the absence of the bird in the afternoon, he examined four of these nests, in three of which he found glow worms attached to the interior. In the fourth heujunfi^a iiUie fresh clay attached" to tL= oiufc- of the nest, evidently for the purpose of fasten ing a worm to, but no glow-worm. On subjec ting one of these nests to a second examination on the followin day, he found that the first glow-worm had been removed, and a second substituted in its place. Sir William Jones en deavors to account for the glow-worms in the nest by the supposition that the bird places them there for *tbe purpose of feeding upon them. He, however, grants to the little feath ered ‘Indian’ various qualities, whiohare, if any thing, more wonderful than the above. He says that it is easily tamed, and may be taught to fetch and carry like a dog. If a ring be drop ped into a well, the bird will, upon a given signal, dart down after it, and, seizing it be fore it reaches the water, bear it with apparent exultation to its master. It can also be taught to - carry notes from one house to another. The young Hindoo women at Benares wear, accor ding to Sir William, very thin plates of gold between their eyebrows ; and when they pass through the streets it is not uncommon for their lovers, who amuse themselves by training these birds, to sead them to pluck the pieces of gold from the foreheads of their mistresses, and bring them in triumph to the mischievous swains. American Women and Hosiery. ‘I infer from your remarks that American wo men, as purchasers, are somewhat capricious.’ ‘They are the most capricious, the most ex travagant women that Ged lets live,’ continued he. ‘I can’t begin to tell you all this nonsense about hosiery. Why, an eighth of an inch in the width of a stripe is sufficient to ruin a whole invoice of fine hosiery as sslling goods. Stewart was bit this way once. He had 20,000 dozen hose with a stripe that was pronounced a little too narfow or a little too wide, I forget which, and they had to sell the whole lot at less than half cost price in Europe. And they were difficult to get rid off then.’ ‘But this scarcely sounds like hard times.’ ‘Hard times!’ reiterated Mr. Berwick, sarcas tically. ‘Times hard or soft, makes no differ ence in the extravagance of American women concerning hose. What do you suppose is go ing to be the next rage?’ I gave it up. Lice stockings—all lace from the toe to over the knee—all lace.’ ‘What sort of lace—Valenciennes? I asked ; for having just seen white kid gloves in the Rue de la Paix announced as ‘patented,’ the whole arm-length of which was a series of insertions of finest Valenciennes lace between bands of kid I thought it might be something similar. ‘No, not Valenciennes, nor any of that sort of lace ; the open-work lace of the stocking itself. It will be so transparent that ladies will have to wear colored silk stooking under it.’ ‘That will be pretty.’ ‘Pretty! I think it the wildest extravaganoe I ever heard of,’ said Mr. Berwick, ‘the stockings will be fearfully expensive, and in no other country save America will they have anything but a limited sale. But once let the American women see them, and they’ll all die but what they’ll have them, until some new folly comes in, and then you won’t be able to sell a pair at one-fifth its value.’ —Paris Letter to Cincinnati Enquirer from Olive Logan. An Indiana girl says she finds nothing so good for the complexion as rubbing her faoe on a young man’s vest. The young man must be inside of it, though. The Governor of Louisiana has pardoned a woman sentenced to five years’imprisonment at hard labor for perjury, but the Sheriff refuses to release her till the Senate has confirmed the pardon. In looking over some of the old volumes be longing to our College Library my attention was attracted to an old volume of the National Intelli gencer (Washington) for the year 1816. I glano- ed over the numbers for January and February of that year, and thinking that some excerpta from a contemporary newspaper might aid your many readers in gaining a distinot and vivid view of the life and thought of sixty years ago, I have concluded to furnish you some extracts from the papers before me. The national Intelligencer at that time was a four page tri-weekly; the page measures about twenty and one-half inches in length and between twelve and thirteen inches in breadth. It is divided into five columns. Of course,_ it is well known that the Intelligencer began with the oentury, and it was therefore at the time in question, entering its seventeenth volume. Even from the first, it was a kind of govern ment organ, and during the sessions of our National Legislature, it was for the most part filled with the reports of Congressional pro ceedings. The period to which I have alluded (Jan. and Feb. 1816) belonged to an ei^och of political excitementand intense agitation throughout the nation. Our seoond struggle with Great Britian had just been concluded, and the angry passions which it had engendered were still burning brightly, and sectional animosity was embitter ed. A striking parallel is furnished to the violence and storms of another period fifty years later, when another great conflict had just closed, and the angry waves of political commotion were still dashing high, and seemed loath to come to rest. Besides our own land was "not the only one whioh had lately been in the throes of a desper ate conflict. Only a few months before, Europe i had ended at Waterloo a struggle, the greatest in her history, and predictions were not want ing that the end was not yet. The Man of Destiny, though a prisoner on the rocks of St. Helena, and guarded by Eng land’s jealous fleet, stiW exerted a mysterious Bpell upon the nations; and thousands not only of his own countrymen, but also of foreign birth, believed that he, like the Men of Grutel, would yet start forth to redeem his native France. South America and Mexico were involved in a life and death struggle with Spain for their in dependence, and Simon Bolivar at the head of the Patriot Army, was the rising star which at tracted the gazs of the world toward the South ern Hemisphere. More than twenty years of bloodshed through out the civilized world, had almost taught men to believe that war was ths normal condition of nations. Yet, notwithstanding all this, it is gratifying that at this stormy epoch, the tone of the debates in the American Congress was so calm and statesmanlike. The contemporary record of our National Congress show nothing of the wild ravings of the French National Assembly, nor of the bloody, proscriptive edicts of the potentates of Europe. Then Clay was speaker of the House, and Crawford was Presi dent of the Senate, and Clay, Webster and Cal houn, all then in the prime of life, were al ready acknowledged political leaders, and the cynical Randolph then a member of the House, was making all fear the sarcasm of his scathing tongue. But of the other political lions of that time, haw few are remembered to-day ! Their fame has perished with their^ ashes. What a sad comoj6L.lai j -upon Inv 8*^iJWlid\ "f - -ime for whioh so many public men are striving ! One of the subjects which agitated Congress during several months of this session was the question of ratifying the Commercial Treaty with Great Britian. The House stood upon its rights, many of its members believing no treaty to be valid without the concurrence of the Low er House, and perhaps few, if any subjects of national importance, were ever more thorough ly discussed in Congress than this same Com mercial Treaty. Congress was at this time literally besieged with petitions from individuals and corpora tions, olaiming compensation for losses sustain ed, or services rendered, in the late war. Among these petitions was an older one from Mrs. Elizabeth Hamilton, widow oi Alexander Hamilton asking for the ‘commutation’ of half pay due her husband as an officer of the Revo lutionary army.’ In the paper of Jan. 27 it is advised that the salaries of Congressmen be raised from six dol lars to eight dollais per day. The Tariff question was already looming up from the horizon. Among the numerous peti tioners who claim ‘protection,’we find Jones Guernsey & Co, and Billy Todd, manufacturers of Yermont, who pray that importation of wool en goods be prohibited. A like prohibition of cotton fabrics is asked for by some cotton deal ers from Baltimore, and some cork manufactur ers of New York, ask for additional duties on imported cork. The observance of the Sabbath was not then obsolete, as is evidenced by two petitions, one from Tennessee, the other from Vermont, pray ing that the mails be not transported or opened upon the Sabbath. The number of military academies in the country was another subject of controversy, and many. patriotic statesmen thought that several such institutions were de manded for tne training of American youth. The Army Appropriation Bill in January oansed a hot contest between Clay and Randolph. In view of the commotions of other nations, and especially in view of the South American )Var, in which it was thought not improbable that we should beoome engaged, Clay desired the Army to be put on a strong footing. Randolph sneered at the proposit'on, and avowed that he had no confidence in the movements of the Pa triots, that they were inopAsble of freedom, and that the effort would end as its predecessor in Franoe had ended. It will be readily seen that Clay represented the popular feeling, which was one of strong sympathy for the Mexican and South American heroes in their efforts for inde pendence, and this feeling seemed for a time likely t» culminate in something more substan tial than mere sympathy. Spain was then at the height of her insolence. On the 26th of January, President Madison sub mitted to Congress Three Demands from the Spanish Minister to the Secretory of State (Mon roe), as follows: 1st. “The territory west of the River Perdido, held by the United States under the Louisiana treaty, must be delivered up to Spain.” After which, the Minister inti mates that the two governments may disouss their respective rights to it. 2nd. The Lnited States shall take measures to “punish and^ dis perse a factious band of insurgents, who,’ the Minister says, “raise armies, and light the flames of revolution in the Spanish Provinces, and he especially demands that the hostile spir it be repressed in the States of Kentucky, Ten nessee, Louisiana and Georgia, as he i» inform ed that 1000 men from Kentucky and 300 from Tennessee are already on their way to join the Mexican insurgents.’, 3rd. “He demands that no veeeels bearing the Republican flag, be al- Dr. Robinson.Humbert, Majors Piere and Preire and their followers.” One is struck by the insolent tone of tne Spanish demands, but then he should not for get the diffenence between the relative condi tion of haughty, aristocratic Spain and our young Republic in 1815 and their relative posi tion at the present day. Spain was a larger land-holder even in North America than our selves, and she evidently appraised our strength at about the value of that of her revolted Prov- Elizabeth Gurney Fry. inoes. , The reply of Mr. Monroe foreshadows the pol icy which ba» since guided our national policy. He flatly denies the right of Spain to the terri tory in question—which it will ba remembered we purchased with undisputed title from France —denies the charge of fillibustering in the West and South, asserts that Z iledo is operating in a section of country beyond the reach of our laws, and says, “All that your government has a right to claim is that the United States should not in terfere in the contest, or promote by any active service the success of the Revolution. On these principles the United States have acted.” We can almost see the shadow of the Monroe doc trine in this reply. On the Commercial Treaty with Great Britian Clay and Calhoun made speeches, on which the Intelligencer says, “They might be satisfied to rest their fame as statesmen, patriots, and ora tors.” We are astonished at the great number of In dian treaties concluded at this period. Nearly all the tribes of the West and Northwest had ta ken sides during the recent war, and they were compelled to conclude separate treaties at its close. One is amused at the form of the treaties which, in nearly every case, consist of these ar ticles. The first stipulates that injuries and acts of hostility shall be mutually forgiven and forgot ten. Second: That there shall be perpetual peace between the contracting parties; and third, that the ratifying chiefs and warriors ac knowledge themselves to be under the protec tion of the United States and under that of no other nation or power whatever. Some of the subscribers’ names are decidedly peculiar; as, The Blackbird's Grandson, Cow’s Rib, Black Thunder, The Liar, All at Once, Who Puts His Foot in It, etc. In nothing doe3 our advantage over our an cestors appear more forcibly than in the differ- encs of time between one of our cablegrams, and the time required sixty years ago to get late news from Europe. Thus on January 20th we learn that the fast-sailing brig, Tom Hazard has made the voyage from France in thirty-six days. From its dispatches we learn that Marshal Ney’s trial was in progress, and it was thought he would be condemned, though strong efforts were being made to effect his '-release. A Lon don paper of the preceeding November (1815) is quoted, which mentions Ney's trial, and says that ‘of the other conspirators, Soult and Fou- che would be brought to trial.’ From Spain we hear that the King has issued to the Provinces the strictest orders against the Afranisadas and Liberales, and rigidly prohibits one to be a Free Mason or a member of the Cortez, and it is ad ded that a violation of this law will be a suffici ent cause for punishment or imprisonment without previous judgment.’ ‘Furthermore, ‘they are now carefully exam ining all the libraries, to see if they contain aDy books contrary to the views of the Government. Commodore Decatur, with his squadron was cruising in the Mediterranean; he had just con cluded a peace with the Dey of Algiers’ The papers of January 30th, contains an ac count of the closing trial and execution of Mar shal Nay, who was shot on the 7th of December. Many others, as Marshal Massena, had been ar rested, or banished like Fouche, and a reign of terror seems to have prevailed in France for mouths after Y^jjefloo. ... ... , ‘Feb. 1st, via Baltimore: ‘We are rejoiced to announce the arrival of Marshal Grouchy in this city, he having made his escape from the vindictive tyranny which persecutes and massa cres the distinguished patriots of France.’ A striking comment od the inviolability of treat ies is presented to us in the New Treaty, just published between France andthe Allies(Russia, Austria, England and Prussia). By this treaty Napoleon Bonaparte and his family are forever excluded from the throne of France—all the Allies afterwards acknowledged Louis Napoleon—to accomplish whioh the Al lies engage to use their whole united force if needful, and they reserve to themselves, if it be oome necessary, the right ‘to prescribe by com mon consent such conditions as shall hold out to Europe a sufficient gratuity against the re currence of a similar late.’ This laat evidently means the right to re-enact the drama of Poland, to partition France among themselves if they choose, and, oven after the specified time—five years—for occupying French territory shall have passed away, their—the Allies engage ment shall continue in full force, and the Allied sovereigns shall meet together periodically, either personally or by deputies, to consult and preserve the peace of Europe. How much of this ‘forever’ treaty remains in force to-day ? But this is only an example of the usual fats of European treaties. TO BE CONTINUED Love-Mu Icing. Summer is eminently the season for love and love-making, probably because it is a period of comparative leisure. When young people meet together at the seaside or mountain hotels, when they indulge in communion of spirit while the gentle moon silvers the waves, or fringes the fresh trees with subdued radiance, all the rough questions of the daily business of life are toned down, and their imaginative fac ulties are alive to fresh impressions. Then the man becomes a hero, and the maiden an angel, and central point of romantic attraction.—The common-sense person will tell you that all this is a poor foundation on whioh to build a life- long'union, whioh is likely enough, true, as far as experience teachee, but for all that, who wishes to be bereft of that short, sweet experi ence, which idealizes affection, and raises it be yond criticism ? What would not either man or woman give who has once indulged in a genuine kitten love, to feel once more the desolating grief or over powering joyfulness of that happy period. It is the fashion now-a-days to laugh at a love which sees perfection in its object, to sneer at its blindness, and make jokes of its self-abnega tion, but is tnere in the whole list of human virtues a sentiment more generous or enno bling ? When romances were written, describ ing the virtues of almost impossible heroes and heroism, they at least held up a high standard of honor and fidelity to the youth of both sexes, audit is a question whether the caustic Satire whioh exposes the obliquities of human nature in the novel of the period has not a reverse in fluence on the present generation. Louise Pomeroy will open the fall season at De Bar’s Opera House, S:. Louis, on the eve ning of September 21, under the management of John W. Edwards, supported by a dramatic combination selected from good New York ma terials. Tne rumor is that Miss Pomeroy has a new play in preparation, which was written ex pressly for her, and with whioh she will vary - UioBSij iui “»*.* nL,v * " * v . - t lowed in U. S. harbors,or sell the shameful pro- | the level interest of her coeds of their piracy, much less shall such ves- | liet, Lady Macbeth and other Shake JP£™ aels be equipped and armed in American ports, ^roiues. bne is also t ha whole fall The Minister furthermore demands the deliv- Miss Pomeroy will travel during the whole iau ery up, or tke prosecution of Ortez, Zcbedo, and winter season. BY ODESSA C. STICKLAND. How large an element suffering makes in the development of exalted and exceptional charac ter no analyst of snch individual phenomenon will have to be told, or student of history deny. Elizabeth Fry, third daughter of John Gurney of Earlham Hall nearNorwich, was remarkable in early life for a certain unselfishness and benevo lence of disposition which found expression even then outside the home limit, in the found ing and superintendence of a school on her fa ther's estate for poor children. But still she was in no small degree sensitive to the world’s colorful attractions, and not a little inclined to indulgence in the vivid pleasures and gay ex travagances of youth, nntil an illuess of most se rious character brought her time for meditation upon the vanitas vanitatum of all temporal things. That she never outgrew the severe dis cipline of that bitter experience or the chasten ing influence it had upon her was proven by the deep and abiding change which appeared in her life. She openly renounced the love of the world for the love of Christ and none were left in doubt by her walk and conversation after wards as to the reality of her profession. She was the light of a home that a mother’s loss had left desolate, the wise counselor and sympathet ic friend of her father as well a3 of a large num ber of brothers and sisters nntil her twentieth year when she married Joseph Fry, of London, in 1800. Here, whether becausi of enlarged possibilities, or that she found the work inalien able from her ideal of duty as she grew older she first began to put forth her energies in such a marked manner as to become known and reo- ognized as a Christian philanthropist. The poor of ihe city found in her a friend whose sympa thy was of rare and spiritual quality; it never failed, and class-walls might well have been lev el as -Jericho’s past Jor Jan,’ like as a Browning wished, for all the effict they had upon this noble woman in the pursuit of her labors. No life was too degraded for her aid, and nothing oounted too insignificant for her to per form which could help a human soul climb up from earth’s drear flat toward heaven and home. It is certainly remarkable that with all her thought aDd work for others she should still have maintained wisely and delicately the sanc tity of her domestic relations, and had it been otherwise we may be sure the world would not have found her philanthropy beyond criticism- let the laugh which has been so long and loud against that most whimsical creation of Charles Dickens’ lacile pen, pauvre Mrs. Jellaby, bear witness. The climacteric of Mrs. Fry’s benevo lent designs was the melioration of prison life, a seemingly Utopian undertaking whoso final ful fillment won her the praise and earnest support of nearly all the governments of the Continent. Soon after her removal to London she was in formed of the extremely wretched condition of the female prisoners at Newgate. She resolved to visit them in spite of the warning of some of the prison officers te whom she applied for ad mission that she periled not her watch merely but her life. At her own request she was locked up with the promiscuous multitude, a id that she awed first with her gentle dignity and afterwards won them by her gracious words the regulations which she proposed and they accepted en mass before she left certainly attested. From this small beginning, the consecration of one rare womanly life, there was evolved the ‘British La dies Society for the reformation Qf female pris oners, whose humane aid by means of compe tent committees was soon extended to the prin cipal prisoners of England, Scotland, and Ire land. But the enthusiastic founder was not satisfied auVl by her individual influence she succesdediTater m securing the adoption oi her plans in many of the prisons of Prussia, Franoe, Denmark and Holland. The numerous reforms which fellowed upon the execution of her wise measures must have been deeply gratifying to her and her noble associates, but it is a faot worthy of note, that the unanimous verdict of herself and co-workers was that no deep or last ing change in the character of the prisoners was either looked for or accomplished until they were led to believe in Christ. Ah, these simple soul- ed women were deeply learned: “Your Pouricrs failed Because not poets enough to understand That life develops from within.” Mrs. Fry’s manner had in it the peculiar charm and winning grace that spring only from heart-culture, and never by any ohance from surface polish, a fact to ~•• she doubt less owed much of her extr - iv. .ry success, in addition to another poses 'hick is count ed an excellent thing in a wou.—a soft musioal voice. Once, while a foreign prince was inter preting for her to a vast company of orphans, he was so overcome by her touching eloquent talk that he cried ‘C’est le don de Dee,’ yea verily, that indefinable something too spiritual in its nature to be better analyzed, what else could it have been? which won for her a way alike into palace and prison, into the hearts of the rioh and noble, the suffering and the poor. The exquisite quality and perfection of her example as a Christian woman was farther attested in a fact recorded with peculiar emphasis by one ot her biographers which was that no life that came at all within the circle of her influence was allowed to escape her wise and tender min istrations neither friend or stranger, servant or child. In all little things as well as great she proved her love by her works, and she grasped the small opportunities that thronged her daily steps as enthusiastically as the larger ones to which kings deigned to lend their gracious approval. She loved nature both reverently and intensely and like Raskin fouud whereof to feed and whereby to grow in all things, from the gray infinite of a dying day to the blue birth of a violst. Her friends necessarily, as she did not have the world’s standards, were of various classes, and some hint of her unique power over others may be gathered from her last re ceptions in Paris where she was surrounded by the antipathies of many ciroles daily. The king of Prussia was so oordially attached to Mrs. Fry that when in England he visited at her own house and upon his return wrote her a most friendly letter. The appreciation of the true and great, the noble and royal of nature, as well as of ancestry greeted her wherever she went—her vast sympathy and unfailing charity proved a magnet the universal heart could not resist. In J uly 1845 she retired with her hus band and family to Ramsgate, a sea board town where it was hoped she might regain her health whioh had been for some time declining. But she would assume none of the idiosyncrasies or privileges of invalidism even here, _ instead she attended church and went about doing good like Him she worshiped until the last. What her end was none oould doubt who heard the last triumphant word that left her lips al most with her life. ‘Safe!’ As inevitably as are His promises. ‘Lord when saw we thee au hungered or fed thee, or thirsty or gave thee drink ?’ ‘Or when saw we thee sick or in prison and came unto thee?’ And the King shall answer and say unto thess, ‘Inasmuch as ye have done it unto one of the least of these my bretheren ye have done it unto me.’ A young man who is mtoh given to athletic sports, wouldlike to know when the much-talk- ed-of Anglo-Saxon raoa is to coma off.