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THE SUNNY SOUTH
They Met Again at Richmond.
“When the band passed by Capitol Square he sat
down with the remark, ‘It’s no use to try to talk when
‘Dixie’ is being played. I can't do it.’ When the last
strain of music had died out, Col. McIntosh resumed
his speech.”—Meridian Weekly News.
Far from home my thoughts went wandering
When I read the sketch to-day—
How the strains of “Dixie” thrilled them—
Southland's sons who wore the gray.
In that old historic Richmond—
In my fancy I was there
To our faithful hero listening,
When was played that war-time air.
Ah! each veteran’s thoughts were crowded
With epics of a sacred past,
When around that martial city,
Naught was heard save war’s dread blast.
And when floated strains of “Dixie,”
’Twas to cheer the boys in gray,
And keep ever in their memories
Thoughts of loved ones far away.
Flight of years has bridged the chasm—
Time-worn veterans gather there—
In the Southland's grand old city—
Welcomed by her daughters fair.
And how meet while one was speaking
To his loyal, valiant band,
That upon their ears came stealing
The loved tune of “Dixie Land.”
There was wakened deep emotions,
And the speaker, faltering said:
“It’s no use to try to talk,
When ‘Dixie's’ being played.”
Then perchance his thoughts went roaming
To his distant Dixie home,
Where magnolias grow in grandeur—
Where the pine trees wave and moan.
There are two songs that are soul-thrilling,—
They are ours where'er we roam.
None will ever rival “Dixie,”
And our sacred “Home, Sweet Home.”
Ada Christine.
Daleville, Miss.
GEN. FITZHUGH LEE.
War Record of the Cuban Consul-general.
P ITZ LEE was an ideal soldier of
the class to which he belonged—
the jolly, fighting sabreurs who
followed Jeb Stuart’s banners.
There was abundant inspiration
in the cavalry bivouacs of Stuart’s
favorite ditty, “If you want to have a good
time, jine the cavalry—jine the cavalry!”
There is a story of one of Lee’s exploits in the
second Bull Run campaign which illustrates
at once his daring bravery and his penchant
for a frolic. It will be remembered that the
Confederate strategy of that movement con
sisted in getting between Pope’s Federal
army in the Rappahannock and the city of
Washington ; also that the plan was boldly
carried out. One day after the Southern ad
vance-guard, which, of course, comprised
Stuart’s troopers, were well within the
Northern lines, Fitz Lee halted his brigade
by the roadside to wait for the reserves to
come up. General Field’s infantry division
was the first to appear, and at the head of it,
riding leisurely along—for it was a sultry
August day—the leader and his aides, half-
dozed in their saddles until aroused by a jolly
hail from Fitz Lee. Lee requested the party
to dismount, as he had something to show
worth the while. Slipping behind a huge
oak-tree, he soon emerged wrapped in a long
military cloak of Federal blue and wearing
an old-style regulation hat with immense
plumes. So masked, he strutted about, mak
ing the forest ring with his peals of laughter.
The masquerade, which he kept up some
time, was not more amusing than the account
which followed explaining how he came by
the strange costume. Under orders from
Stuart to capture the Federal commander, he
had dashed into Pope’s headquarters the night
before, surrounded his tent and gobbled many
things, but not the prize he sought. For
once, Pope’s headquarters were in the saddle,
and he escaped capture. A supper-table was
spread with good things awaiting Pope’s
return to camp, for Stonewall Jackson had not
yet seized the Federal commissary stores.
Fitz Lee and his officers appropriated the
edibles, and, besides the cloak and hat, car
ried off #350,000 in greenbacks, Pope’s horses
and equipments, and other valuable military
property.
Fitz Lee’s exploits in that campaign did
not end with the night raid on Pope’s tent.
A few days later his brigade was posted be
hind Bull Run, near the bridge, to cover
Jackson’s raid upon the Federal commissary
stores at Manassas Junction. The situation
of affairs at the front was a mystery to the
authorities in Washington, but having
learned that Jackson was on the march they
dispatched Taylor’s brigade of Jerseymen
from Alexandria by train to protect the army
stores. When Taylor ran into Lee’s troopers
on the hither side of the stream, he boldly
demanded surrender. He told Lee that Pope’s
forces were in his (Lee’s) rear and would
close up and capture he whole command. Lee
retorted that his view of the situation was
quite different from Taylor’s. He flattered
himself that he was in Pope’s rear. How
ever, as his troopers were much scattered, he
asked for an hour to consult his officers. Be
fore the time was up Taylor got impatient
and charged the enemy gallantly. Stone-
wall’s veterans were already marching up to
the creek, and Taylor’s brigade met with a
rough reception.
Fitz Lee was a feature of Stuart’s band
from the beginning to the end of its career.
He had served in the regular United States
cavalry on the plains, and in 1861, came East
to recover from a wound given him by the
redskins. Of course, he followed his State in
the war, and at the first battle of Bull Run
was leader of a battalion in Stuart’s First
Virginia cavalry. There was another young
Lee in the ranks of those famous riders,
William Henry Fitzhugli, son of Robert E.
and cousin of the hero of this sketch. Fitz
Lee took Stuart’s place at the head of the
First Virginia cavalry when a corps was
formed with Stuart at its head in 1862.
In those celebrated raids of Stuart around
the Army of the Potomac in 1862, Fitz Lee
was a leading spirit. With his Fiist Vir
ginia cavalry he burst through the Federal
regulars in front of Richmond and led the
way to the rear of McClellan’s army. It is
stated, on good authority, that Fitz Lee’s
boldness on that occasion, pushing on into
the enemy’s lines and drawing Stuart and the
rest after him, was the real cause of the ride
around the Federal army. Stuart intended
to make a reconnoissance only, but Fitz
Lee’s success in sweeping away all opposition
furnished a hint for the startling ride. In
the second raid of October, 1862, Stuart pene
trated in rear of the enemy’s camps in Mary
land and reached Chambersburg. The riding
into the trap had been easy enough. The
getting out was another matter. A hostile
army lay between Chambersburg and the
borders of Virginia, while a gathering of
the mounted clans along all the passes and
fords of the Potomac made the return most
hazardous. Fitz Lee’s own regiment fur
nished the vanguard. Dressed in Federal
blue, Stuart, Fitz Lee and one hundred and
fifty troopers rode boldly at the head of the
column and fought off all opposition, actually
crossing the Potomac under the protecting
fire of the horse batteries, which kept pace
with the advance squadrons.
But Fitz Lee was no wild raider. He was
at home in battle and a master hand there.
The withdrawal of the Confederate army from
South Mountain after a stunning defeat at
the principal passes, was carried on under the
cavalry protection of Fitz Lee. He com
manded a brigade at that time. Posting his
horse batteries in the roads at Boonesboro,
near the base of the mountain, he shelled the
head of column of the enemy and at the
proper time charged his squadrons with
splendid success. When at last, it became
necessary to retreat before superior numbers,
he led a series of rapid charges with one bat
talion at a time. The charging battalion,
after closing with the enemy, would sweep
to the rear on a circuit and the next one in
front of column charge and repeat the tactics.
This action was the battle of Boonesboro.
The historian of Stuart’s cavalry credits
Fitz Lee with having made the first grand
horseback charge of the war in the East. The
affair was at Kelly’s Ford, on the Rappahan
nock, in March, 1863. Lee was given the
task of keeping back from the ford Averell’s
division of Federal cavalry. The Confeder
ate troopers numbered eight hundred. After
some skirmishing the lines confronted across
an open field five hundred or six hundred
yards wide. Finding Averell loth to advance,
Lee led in his whole brigade on a horseback
charge. The charging squadrons were swept
by shell and canister as well as carbine fire.
The left wing of the brigade broke at two
fences, but the right pushed up to Averell’s
guns so close that the cannoneers abandoned
them. Averell’s First Rhode Island cavalry,
however, rushed to the rescue of the guns
and drove off the Virginians after a lively
hand to hand fight. The charge failed and
the chronicler says that a year later Lee
would not have ventured such a rash move
ment.
Various accounts have been printed of the
initial stages of Stonewall Jackson’s master
stroke at Chancellorsville. The chronicler
whose narrative is drawn upon for this arti
cle, Stuart’s chief of staff (Major H. B. Mc
Clellan), gives Fitz Lee a chief part in it.
He says that Fitz Lee commanded the cavalry
which preceded Jackson’s column. Reaching
the plank road, he halted his troopers to wait
for the infantry to come up, and improved
the time by a personal reconnoissance. Mak
ing an important discovery as to the weakness
of Hooker’s right flank, he hurriedly rode
back along the line of march, met Stonewall
and conducted him to the point of observa
tion. This is what they saw in Fitz Lee’s
own words: “Below and but a few hundred
yards distant ran the Federal line of battle.
There was a line of defense, with abatis in
front, and long lines of arms stacked in rear.
Iwo cannons were visible in that part of the
line seen. The soldiers were in groups in
the rear, laughing, chatting and smoking,
probably engaged here and there in games of
cards and other amusements indulged in
when feeling safe and awaiting orders.” Im
mediately after his survey of the tempting
situation Jackson ordered his troops to form
lines for the memorable charge.
In the combat on the right flank at Gettys
burg, recognized by all old troopers of the
East as the first grand cavalry battle of the
war, Fitz Lee led off in the desperate charges
which made that field glorious. His brigade
rode down the broad,open space on Rummel’s
farm straight upon the horse batteries of
Gregg’s division. There was a line of Federal
sabers on either side of the field,and Custer’s
Wolverines with Gregg’s cannon in front.
A scene so grand and awful had never been
set upon an American battle-field before. It
was scarcely equaled again in the war.
Stuart’s death at Yellow Tavern in May,
1864, gave Fitz Lee still greater prominence
as a leader. The fallen chieftain, lying on
the field, sent for his lieutenant, and placed
him in command. However, Stuart had no
permanent successor at the head of the corps.
The command was broken into divisions, Fitz
Lee taking one and his cousin, W. H. F.,
another. In all of the battles with Sheridan
in the spring and summer of 1864, Fitz Lee
met his peers in Custer, Wilson, Torbert,
Merrit, and Gregg, but they won no great
laurels at his expense. He was the life and
soul of the surprising battle of Trevillian
Station, where Sheridan suffered unequivo
cal defeat and was forced to retire to the
main lines at Petersburg.
The Confederate cavalry fighting in the
last campaign was directed solely by Fitz
Lee. Hampton was then in the Carolinas and
W. H. F. Lee was commanding the outposts
around Petersburg. The defense at Five
Forks was due to his energy; so also the
action at Appomattox which drove back
Grant’s infantry and opened the road to the
court-house. He and his cousin surrendered
in good faith, but some of their troopers, led
by officers who, through no fault but their
own, hadn’t had enough of it, rode away, on
ly to be corralled later and bear the stigma of
bad faith.
George L. Kilmer.
A Telltale Dispatch.
The bloody battle of second Bull Run, as
it was fought, seems to have been due to ac
cident rather than plan. General W. B.
Taliaferro, who was with Stonewall Jackson
throughout that campaign and commanded
the Stonewall division, says that it was due
to a dispatch captured from one of Pope’s
couriers. Jackson’s command was in a trap
after he finished the task of loading up and
destroying the Federal stores at Manassas
Junction. Turn which way he would he en
countered enemies, but the route to the West
beyond the Warrention Turnpike promised
the best. Longstreet was in that direction
marching toward the Manassas plains to
unite with Jackson. On the high ground
west of the Pike, Stonewall halted his com
mand on the 28th of August and sent out
strong reconnoissances. One of these parties,
says General Taliaferro, led by Bradley T.
Johnson, captured a courier with a dispatch
ordering the Federal divisions to move on the
Junction in a way to bring them across Jack
son’s front. On receipt of the news, Stone
wall told his generals to attack at once.
The order to attack was carried out late in
the day, and the battle was so stubborn that
the Confederates remained on the battle-field,
which they had won, over night, and next day
it was too late for Jackson to continue his
westward march any distance. The enemy
was all around him, and his only hope lay in
holding his ground until Longstreet came
to his relief.
The chance affair on the Warrenton Pike
that August afternoon was but a skirmish in
comparison with the fighting of the 29th and
30th, but to some of the men engaged it had
all the excitement and terrors of a battle.
Jackson’s attack was made upon Kings’ divis
ion as it was marching along Warrenton
Pike. King’s center brigade was the com
mand which afterward became noted as the
Iron Brigade of the West. It was then led by
General John Gibbon. The signal to battle
for Gibbon’s men was a volley of shells from
a horse battery which Jackson had planted
on a ridge overlooking the Pike. The second
regiment of the four in line in the brigade
was ordered to charge the guns. This hap
pened to be the Second Wisconsin, and the
moment the charging column appeared above
the crest of a ridge between the Pike and the
battery, it received a volley of bullets from a
line of Confederate infantry concealed in the
hollows.
The fourth regiment in Gibbon’s line had
never before been in a fight. It was the Nine
teenth Indiana, led by Colonel Sol Meredith.
Gibbon ordered the Indianians to support the
Wisconsin boys in their battle with the new
enemy, but the regiment had no sooner
formed on the left of the Second Wisconsin
than another Confederate battery wheeled up
on its flank and began to unlimber. Meredith
turned his line upon the battery and its in
fantry supports,, and for half an hour his men
fought like veterans. In that short time two
hundred and fifty-nine of the Indianians
were shot down out of four hundred and
twenty-three engaged. A losing fight all
around for the Federals, it detained Jacskon
for a day and fixed the scene of the great con
flict at Groveton.
YOUNG WAR LEADERS.
Generals in Their Twenties Won Fame and
Victory—Heroes Who Were but Boys.
The youngest comrade in the Grand Army
of the Republic to-day, who came out of the
war wit^h exceptionally high rank and fame
won on the field of battle, is Nelson A. Miles.
General Miles is a member of Lafayette
Post, One Hundred and Forty, Department
of New York. A brilliant career on the
plains as an Indian fighter kept General
Miles before the eye of the public after the
events of the Civil War had ceased to be
talked about, especially with reference to the
importance of work done by individual
leaders. All shared the glory of the great
victory. But a glance backward to the “might
have beens” had the war been prolonged sug
gests that Miles would hs.ve become a great
figure on any field suited to his^gJ^^j^He
was a very young man to have won, starting
as a raw soldier, the rank iff major-general and
the command of a division in the splendid
Second Corps of the Army of the Potomac.
Young men were coming to the front in
1865, and doubtless one more shifting of
corps commanders would have brought Miles
to the head of his corps, successor to Sumner
and Hancock. What a leap in four years for
a young civilian whom Governor Andrew
thought too young, at twenty-two, to be in
trusted with the responsibilities of captain.
The governor declined to commission him
higher than lieutenant. After he had dis
tinguished himself as a staff officer with that
rank, the governor of New York appointed
him lieutenant-colonel, which shortly placed
him at the dead of a regiment, the unit in
an army, where he had a chance to show the
warrior stuff that was in him.
Hancock said of Miles while he was a regi
mental officer and not yet twenty-four years
of age, “I expect to be under command of
that young man some day.” Miles’ contem
poraries of equivalent standing and opportun
ities in 1865 were young men._ Custer had
entered the war in 1861 at twenty-two, the
same age as Miles. General J. H. Wiltson,
who, in the event of a continuance of the
war, with 1865 as a starting point for a new
period, would have been a close rival to
Sheridan as a cavalry leader and winner,
was twenty-four in 1861, or six years younger
than Sheridan, himself the youngest of the
great leaders on either side, except Stuart,
Kilpatrick,and Merritt, all of them promising
generals in 1865, were twenty-five when the
war broke out. Contrast the ages of these
young men, whose mothers surely looked upon
them as boys when they marched away to war,
with those of the more noted leaders of both
armies. When the conflict began, Grant was
thirty-nine; Burnside thirty-seven ; McClel
lan, thirty-five; Sherman, forty; Meade,
forty-six ; Hooker, forty-six ; Thomas, forty-
five ; Rosecrans forty-two; Buell, forty-
three ; Sheridan, thirty. Of the foremost
Southerners, Lee was fifty-four; A. Sidney
Johnston, fifty-eight; Joseph E. Johnston,
fifty-four; Stonewall Jackson, thirty-seven;
Beauregard, forty-four; Bragg, forty-six;
Hood, thirty-one; A. P. Hill, thirty-six;
J. E. B. Stuart, twenty-eight; Forrest, forty.
SI,000 CONFEDERATE BILLS.
We will pay highest cttk price for $i/»o confederate
Mile. Prompt remittance. Best references given.
R. L* STAMP CO„ Box 435* Atlanta, On.