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From the M. Y. Herald. Senator Toombs’ Lecture in BostoV. Movent—lt* OoMtitntional dab is and He influent, m Society and the African Race. [COXCM'DKD.] In inviting yonr calm consideration of the scc- IT ft "7 l \y'' rr ‘ lam fu!l y P^ded ihat even if I sliould succeed in convincing vour reason and judgment of iu truth, I shall hare no aid from your sympathies in thiß work ; yet if the principles upon which your social system is found ed are sound, the system itself ‘is humane and just., as well as necessary. It* permanence is based upon the idea of the superiority by nature of the white race over the African; that this su periority is not transient and artificial, but per manent and natural; that the same power which made his skin unchangeable black, made him in ferior, intellectually, to the white race, and inca pable of an equal struggle with him in the career ot progress and civilization; that it is necessary Tor his preservation in this struggle, and for his m '”i l interest, as well as that of the society for which he is a member, that he should be a servant and not a freeman, in the commonwealth. I have already stated that African slavery existed in the colonies at toe commencement o’s the American revolution. The paramount authority of the crown, with or without the consent of the'colonies, uaa introduced it, and it was inextricably inter woven with her framework of society, especially m the Southern States. The question was not presented for our decision whether it was just or beneficial to the African or advantageous to ns to tear him away by force hr fraud from bondage in his own country and place him in a like condition m ours. England and the Christian world had long before settled that question for ns. At the final overthrow of British authority in these States, our ancestors found seven hundred thousand Africans among them already in bond age, and concentrated, from our climate and pro ductions, chiefly in the present slaveholding States. It became their duty to establish governments' for themselves. They brought wisdom, experience, learning and patriotism to the great work. What they sought was that system of government which would secure the greatest and most enduring hap piness to the wholej*ociely. Thev incorporated no utopian theories in their system. They did not so much concern themselves about wliat right* might possibly have in a state of nature, as what rights he ought to have in a state of society. They dealt with political rights as things of com pact notot birthright; in the contrete, and not in the abstract. They held, maintained and incor porated into their systems as fundamental truths, that it was the right and duty of the State tode fiuc and lix, as well as to protect and defend, the individual rights of such members of the social compact, aud to treat all individual rights as sub ordinate to the great interests of the whole society. Therefore they denied “ natural equality,” con demned men* governments of men necessarily re sulting therefrom, and established governments of luws—therefore free, sovereign and independent republics. A very slight examination of our State Constitutions will show how little they regarded vague notions of abstract liberty or natural equali ty in fixing the rights of the white race as well as of the black. The elective franchise, the cardinal feature of sur system, I have already shown was granted, withheld or limited, according to their ideas of public policy and the interests of the State. Numerous restraints upon the supposed abstract eights of a mere numerical majority to govern society in all cases, are to be found planted in all of our Constitutions, State and federal; thus affirming this subordination of individual rights to the interests and safety of the State. The slaveholding States, acting upon these prin ciples, finding the African race among them in slavery, unfit to he trusted with political power, incapable, as freemen, of securing their own happi ness, or promoting the public prosperity, recogniz ed their condition as slaves and subjected it to a legal control. There are abundant means of as certaining the effects of this policy on the slave and on society accessible to all who*seek the truth. We say its wisdom is vindicated by its results, and that under it, the African in thesiaVcholdingStates is found in a better position than lie lias ever at tained in any other age or country, either in bond age or freedom. In support of this point, I propose to trace him rapidly from his earliest history to the present time. The monuments of the ancient Egyptians carry him back to the morning of time Older than the pyramids they furnish the evidence, both of his national identity and his social degra dation before history began. We first behold him a slave in foreign lands. Wo then find the great body of his race slave# in their own native land, and after thirty centuries, illuminated by both an cient and modern civilization have passed over him, we still find him a slave of savage masters, as incapable as himself of even attempting a single step in civilafion; we find him there still, without government or laws or protection, without letters or arts or industry, without religion, or even the aspirations which would raise him to the rank of an idolater; and; in hit* hiaulmost on ly mark of humanity is that hewalks erect in the image of the Creator. Annihilate his race to-day, and you will find no trace of his existence written half a score of years—lie would not leave behind him a single monument, invention or thought, worthy of remembrance by the human family. hi the Eastern hemisphere, he has been found in all ages, scattered among the nations of every de gree of civilization, yet inferior to them all—-always in a servile condition. Very soon after the discov ery and settlement of America, the policy of the Christian world bought large uumbers of these people of their savage masters and countrymen, and imported them into the Western world. Here we are enabled to view them under a different and far more favorable condition. In Hayti, by the encouragement of the French government, after a long probation of slavery, they became free; and led ou by the conduct and valor of the mixed races, aided by overpowering numbers, they massacred the small number of whites who inhabited the is land, and succeeded to the undisputed sway of the fairest and best of the West India islands, under the highest state of cultivation. Their condition in Havti loft nothing to be desired for the most favorable experiment of the race, for self-govern men* and Civilation. This experiment has now been tested for sixty years, anil its results are be fore the world. Fanaticism palliates, but cannot conceal the utter prostration of the race. A war of races began on the very moment the fear of for eign .subjugation ceased, and resulted in tlie exter mination of the greater number of the mulattoes who had rescued them from the dominion of the white race. Revolutions, tumults and disorder, have been the ordinary pursuits of emancipated blacks. Industry has almost ceased, and their stock of civilization has been already exhausted ; and they are now scarcely distinguishable from the tribes from which they were torn in their native lands. More recently the same experiment has been tried in Jamaica, under the auspices of England. This was one of the most beautiful, productive and pros perous of the British colonial possessions. In 1828, England, following the false theories of her own abolitionists, proclaimed the total emancipation of the black race in Jamaica. Her arms and her power have watched over ami protected them; not only the interests, but the absolute necessities of the white proprietors of the land compelled them to offer every inducement and stimulant to industry ; vet the experiment stands before the world a con fessed failure. Ruin has overwhelmed the propri etors; and the negro, true to the instinets of his nature, buries himself in filth, and sloth, and crime. Here we can compare the African with himself in both conditions—in freedom and in bondage; and we can compare him with his race in the same cli mate and following the same pursuits—compare him with himself under the two different condi tions in Hayti and Jamaica, and with his race in bondage in Cuba. And every comparison demon strates the folly of emancipation. In the United States, too, we have peculiar op portunities of studying the African race under dif ferent conditions. ‘Here wo find him in slavery; here we find him also, a freeman in both the slave holding and lion-slaveholding States. The best specimen of the free black is to be found in the southern States, in the closest contact with slavery, and subject to many of its restraints. Upon the theory of the anti-slavery men, the most favorable condition in which you can view the Africau is in the non-slaveholding States of this Union. There we ought to expect to find him displaying all the capacities of his race for improvement and pro gress. With a temperate climate, with the road of progress open before him—among an active, indus trious, iugeuious and educated people—surrounded by sympathizing friends, and mild, just and equal institutions. If he fails here, surely it can be chargeable to nothing but himself. He has had seventy years in which to cleanse himself and his race from the leprosy of slavery. Yet what is his condition here to-day ? He is‘ free—he is lord of himself; but he finds it truly a “ heritage of woe.” After this seventy years of education and probation among themselves, his Inferiority stands as fully a confessed fact in the non-slaveholding as in the slaveholding States. By them he is adjudged unfit to employ the rights ami perform the duties of citi zenship. Denied social equality by an irreversable law of nature, and political rights by municipal law, incapable of maintaining the unequal struggle with the superior race, the mclancholv history of his career of freedom is here most usually found in the records of criminal courts, jails noorhouses and penitentiaries. These facts have had themselves recognized in vie most conclusive manner throughout the north ern States. No town, or city, or State encourages j iey emigration ; many of them discourage it by legislation. Some of the non-slaveholding States nave prohibited their entry into their borders un mil TL c ,1 m,n ‘ 9 ‘ auces whatever. Thus it seems 1,1, ~TT T Ol °f inferiority of the race is equally admitted everywhere in our country, lint we treat it differently. The Northern States admit it, and to rid themselves of the burthen, inflict the most true! injuries upon an unhappy race; thev expel them from their borders, and drive them outof their boundaries, or into their poorhouscs, as wan dcrers and outcasts. The result of this policy is ei erywhere apparent—the Btatisiics of population siipply the evidence of their condition. In the non slaveholding States, their actual increase during the ten years preceding the last census, was but a little over one per cent, per annum, even with the addition of emancipated slaves and fugitives from labor from the South; clearly proving that in this, their most favored condition, when left to them selves, they are scarcely capable of maintaining their existence, and with the prospect of a denser population and a greater competition for employ ment Consequent thereon, they are in danger of extinction. The Southern’ States, acting upon the same ad mitted facts, treat them different’!v. They keep them in the subordinate condition In which they found them, protect them against themselves, anil 'compel them to contribute to their own and the public interests and welfare; and under our sys tem we appeal to facts open to all men, to prove that the African race has attained a higher degree of comfort and happiness than his race has ever before attained in anv other age or country. Our political system give the slave great and valuable rights. His life ts equally protected with that of his master—his person is secure from assault against all others, except liis master; ami his pow er in this respect is placed under salutary legal re straint. He is entitled bv law to a home, to ample food and clothing, and exempted from “excessive” labor; and when no longer capable of labor in old age or disease, is a legju charge upon his master, llis family, old and young, whether capable of la bor or not, from the cradle to the grave, have the same legal rights. And in these legal provisions they enjoy as large a proportion of the products of their labor as any hired labor in the world. We know that their rights are in the main faithfully secured to them ; but I rely not on our knowledge, but submit our institutions to the same tests bv which we try those of all other countries. These are supplied by our public statistics. They show that our slaves arc larger consumers of animal food than anv population in Europe, and larger than any other laboring population in the United Stales ; and that their natural increase is equal to that of any other people. These are true mid in disputable tests that their physical comforts are amply secure. In there were less than seven hundred thousand slaves in the United States ; in 1850, the number exceeded throe and a quarter millions. The same authority shows that their in crease for the ten years preceding the last census was above twenty-eight per cent., or nearly three per cent, per annum—an increase equal, allowing For the element ot foreign emigration, to thewhite race, and nearly three times the blacks of the North. But these legal rights of the slave embrace but a small portion of the privileges actually enjoyed by him. He has, by universal custom, the control of much of his own time, which is applied at his own choice and convenience to the mechanic arts, to agriculture, or to some other profitable pursuit, which not only gives him the power of purchase over many of the additional necessaries of life, but over many of its luxuries; and in numerous cases enables him to purchase his freedom when he de sires it. Besides, the nature of the relation of mas ter and slave begets kindness, imposes duties and secures their performance, which exist in no other relation of capital and labor. Interest and hu manity co-opcrate in harmony f..r the well-being of slave labor. Tims the monster objection to our institution of slavery—that it deprives labor of its wages—cannot stand the test of a truthful investi gation. A slight examination of the true theory of wages will further expose its fallacy. Under a sys tem of free labor, wages are usually pajd in mo ney, the rep.ea nta’ive of products—under ours, m products themselves. One of your own most dis tinguished statesmen and patriots—President John Adams—said that the difference to the slave was “imaginary.” “Whatmatters it (said he > whether a landlord employing ten laborers on his farm gives them annually as much money as will buy them the necessaries of life, or gives them those necessaries at shorthand All experience has shown that, if that be the measure of labor, it is safer for the laborer to take his wages in products than in their supposed pecuniary value. There fore, if we pay iu the necessaries and benefits of life more than any given amount of pecuniary will buy, our laborer is paid higher than the laborer ivho receives tnnt rnimunt of wages. The most authentic agricultural statistics of England, show that the wages of agriculture and unskilled labor in that kingdom not only fails to furnish the laborer with the comforts of our slave, but even with the necessaries of life; and no slaveholder could escape a conviction for cruelty to his slaves, who gave them no more of the neces sities of life for their labor than the wages paid to their agricultural laborers by the noblemen and gentlemen of England would buy. Under their system, rnau has become less valuable and less cared for than domestic animals; and noble dukes will depopulate whole districts of men to supply their places with sheep, and then, with intrepid audacity, lecture and denounce American slave holders. The great conflict between labor and capital, under free competition, has ever been how the earnings of labor and capital shall be divided between them. In new' and sparsely settled coun tries, where land is cheaj) and food is easily pro duced, and education and intelligence approximate equality, labor can successfully struggle in this warfare with capital. But this is an exceptional and temporary condition of society. In tlie Old World, ttiis state of things has long since passed away, and the conflict with the lower grades of labor has long since ceased. There the compen sation of unskilled labor, which first succumbs to capital, is reduced to a point scarcely adequate to a continuance of the race. The rate of increase is scarcely one per cent, per annum; aud even at that rate, population, uutil reeentlv, was consider ed a curse. In short, capital has become the mas ter of labor, with all the benefits, without the natu ral burthens of the relation. In this division of the earnings of labor between it and capital, the Southern slave has a marked advantage over the English laborer, and often equal to the free laborers of the North. Here, again, we are furnished with authentic data from which to reason. The census of 1850 shows that on cotton estates of the South, which is the chief branch of our agricultural industry, one half of the arable lands are annually put under food crop. This half is usually w holly consumed on the farm by the la borers and uecessary animals. Out of tne other half must be paid all the necessary expense of pro duction, often including additional supplies of rood beyoud the produce of the laud, which usually equals one-third of the residue, leaving but one third for nett rent. The average rent of land in the older non-slaveholdiug States is equal to one tliird of the gross product, and it not uufrequentlv amounts to one-half of it, (in England it is some times even greater,) the tenant from his portion paying all expenses of production, and the expen ses of nimsclr and family. Then it is apparent that the laborer of the South receives always as much, and frequently a greater portion of the produce of the land than the laborer in New or Old England. Besides, here the portion due the slave is a charge upon the whole product of capital, and upon the capital itself. It is neither dependent upon sea sons nor object to accidents, aud survives his qivn capacity for labor, and even the ruin of his master. But it is objected that religious instruction is denied the slave. While it is true that religious instruction and privilges are not enjoined by law in all of the States, the number of slaves who are in connection with the ditfereut churches abun dantly prove the universality of the enjovinent of these privileges; and a much larger number of the race in slavery enjoys the consolations of religion than the efforts of the combined Cristain world have ever been able to convert to Christianity out of all the millions of their Countrymen who re main iu their native land. Yet the slave, and of those connected with slavery, are consiaut themes of abolition denunciation. * They are lamentably great; but it remains to be shown that thev are greater than with the laboring poor of England or any of her country. And it is shown that our slaves are without the additional stimulant of want to drive them to crime—we have atjeast removed from them tke temptation and excuse of hunger. Poor human nature is here at least spared the wretched fate of the utter prostration of its moral nature at the first of its physical wants. Lord Ashley’s report to the British Parliament shows that in the eapital of that empire—perhaps within hailing of Stafford House and Exeter Hall—hunger alone daily cngulphs its thousands of men and women in the abyss of crime. It is also objected that our slaves are debarred the benefit of any edncation. This objection is well taken, and is not without force; and for this evil the slaves are greatly indebted to the Abolitionists. Formerly, in some of the Jslav eholding States, it was not forbidden to teach slaves to read and write; but the character of the literature sought to be furnished by the Abolitionists caused these States to take counsel rather of their passions than their reason, and to lay the axe at the foot of the evil. Better counsels will in time prevail, and this will be remedied. It is true that the slave, from his protected position, has less need of education than the free laborer, who has to struggle for himself in the career of society; yet. it is both useful to him, his master and society. The want of legal protection to the marriage relation is also a fruit ful source of objection among the opponents of slavery. The complaint is not without foundation —this* is an evil not yet remedied bylaw; but mar riage is not inconsistent with the institution of slaver}' as it exists among us, and the objection, therefore, lies rather to an incident than to the es sence of the system. But, in truth and fact, mar riage does not exist to a very great extent among slaves, and is encouraged and protected by their owners; and it will be found, upon careful investi gation, that fewer children are born out of wed lock among slaves than in the capitals of two of the most civilized countries of Europe—Austria and France. In the former, one-half of the chil dren are thus born; in the latter, more than one fourth. But even in this we have deprived the slave of no pre-existing right. We found tho race without any knowledge of, or regard for, the institution of marriage, ana we are reproached with not having as yet secured them that with all the other bles sings of civilization and religion. To protect that and other domestic ties by laws forbidding, under proper regulations, the separation of families, would be wise, proper and humane, and some of the shareholding States have already adopted par tial legislation for the removal of these evils. But the objection is far more formidable in theory than practice. The accidents and necessities of life produce infinitely a greater amount of separation in families of the while than ever happens to the colored race. This is true, even in the United States, where the general condition of the people is pros perous. But it is still more marked in Europe. The injustice and despotism of England towards Ireland have produced more separation of Irish families, sundered more domestic ties, within l the last teti years, than African slavery lias effected since its introduction into the United States. The twenty millions of freemen in the United States are witnesses of the dispersive injustice of the Old World. The general happiness, cheerfulness and contentment of the slaves attest both the mild ness and humanity of their treatment, and their natural adaptation to their condition. They re quire no standing armies toenforce their obedience, while the evidences of discontent and the appli ances of force to repress it, are everywhere visible among the toiling millions of the earth. Even in the Northern States of this Union, strikes, and labor unions, and combinations against employers, attest at once the history and discontent of labor among them. England keeps one hundred thou sand soldiers in time of, peace, a large navy, and an innumerable police, to secure obedience to her social institutions ; and physical force is the sole {guaranty of her social order —the only cement of ler gigantic empire. I have briefly traced the condition of the African race through all ages and all countries, and de scribed it fairly and truly under American slavery, and I submit the proposition is fully proven that his position in slavery among us is superior to any which he has ever attained in any uge or country. The picture is not without shade as well as light. Evils and imperfections cling to man and all of his institutions, and this is not exempt from them. The condition of the slave offers great opportuni ties for abuse, and these opportunities are fre quently used to violate humanity and justice. But the laws restrain these abuses and punish these crimes in this, as well as in all other relations of life. And they who assume it as a fundamental principle in the constitution of man that abuse is the unvarying concomitant of power and crime of opportunity, subvert the foundations of all private morals and of every social system. No where do these assumptions find a nobler refutation than in the general treatment of the African race by Southern slaveholders; and we may with hope and confidence safclv leave to them tne removal of existing abuses, and such further ameliorations as may be demanded by justice, humanity and Chris tianity. The condition of the African, whatever may be his interests, may not be permanent among us: he may find his exodus in the unvarying laws of population. Under the conditions of labor in England and the Continent of Europe, domestic slavery is impossible there, and could not exist here or anywhere else. The moment wages de crease to a point barely sufficient to support the la borer and his family, capital cannot afford to own labor, and it must cease. Slavery in England ceased in obedience to thi» law, and not from any regard to tffjcrtr ami h»»wnfc|, api**. ;^.- r f , . v population in this country may produce the same result, and American slavery, like that of England, may find its euthanasia in the general prostration of all labor. The next aspect in which T propose to examine this question, is its effects upon tho material inte rests of the slaveholding States. Thirty years ago slavery was assailed mainly on the ground that it was wasteful, unproductive and unprofitable labor. Some years ago we were urged to emancipate the blacks in order to make them more useful and pro ductive members of society. The result of the ex periments in the West India Islands, to which I have before referred, not only disproved, but utter ly annihilated this theory. The theory was true as to the white race, and not true as to the black ; and this single fact made thoughtful men pause and ponder before advancing further with this fol ly of abolitionism. An inquiry into the wealth and production of the slavenolding States of this Union, demonstrates that slave labor can be eco nomically and profitably employed, at least in agri culture, ami leaves the question in great doubt whether it cannot be thus employed in the South more advantageously than any other description of labor. Tiie same truth will be made manifest by a comparison of the productions of Cuba and Bra zil, not only with Hayti and Jamaica, but with the free races in the similar latitudes engaged in the same or similar productions in any part of the world. The slavenolding States, with one half of the white population and between three and four millions of slaves, furnish alone three-fifths of the exports of the republic, containing twenty-three millions of people; and their entire products, in cluding every branch of industry, greatly exceed those per capita of the most populous Northern States. The difference in realized wealth in pro portion to population, is not less remarkable and equally favorable to the slaveholding States. But this is not a fair comparison—on the contrary, it is exceedingly unfair to the slaveholding Stutes. The question of material advantage would be set tled on the side of slavery whenever it was shown that our mixed society was more productive and prosperous than any other mixed society with the inferior race free, instead of slave. The question is not whether we would not be more prosperous and happy with these three and a half millions of slaves in Africa, and their places filled with an equal number of hardy, intelligent and enterpris ing citizens of a superior race, but is simply wheth er, while we have them among us, we would be most prosperous with them in freedom or bondage. With this bare statement of the true issue, 1 can safely leave the question to the facts already refer red to, and to those disclosed in the late census. But the truth itself needs some explanation, as it seems ty be a great mystery to the opponents of slavery how the system is capable at the same time of increasing the comforts and happiness of the slave, the profits of the master, and do no violence to humanity. Its solution rests upon very obvious principles. In this relation, the labor of the’coun try is united with and protected by its capital, di rected by the educated and intelligent, secured against its own weakness, waste and folly—asso ciated in such form as to give the greatesfefficien cy in protection, and the least cost of maintenance. Each individual free black laborer is the victim not only of his own folly and extravagance, but of his ignorance, misfortunes and necessities. His isolation enlarges his expenses without increasing his comforts; his want of capital increases the prices of everything he buys, disables him from supplying his wants at favorable limes or on ad vantageous terms, and throws him into the hands of retailers and extortioners. But labor united with capital, directed bv skill, forecast and intelli gence, while it is capable of its production, is freed from all these evils, and leaves a margin. both for increased comforts to the laborer and additional profits to capital. This is the explanation to the seeming paradox. The opponents of slavery, passing by the ques tion of material interests, insist that its effects on the society where it exists is to demoralize and enervate it, and render it incapable of advance ment and a high civilization, and upon the citizen to debase him morally and intellectually. Such is not the lesson taught by history, either sacred or profane, nor the experience of our own past or pre sent. To the Hebrew race was committed the oracles of the Most High. Slaveholding priests adminis tered at lus altar, and slaveholdmg prophets and patriarchs received his revelations and! taught them to their own, and transmitted them to all other gen erations of men. The highest form of ancient civ ilizatiun and the noblest development of the indi yidual man are to be found in the ancient slave holding commonwealths of Greece and Rome In eloquence, in rhetoric, in poetry and painting, in architecture and sculpture, you must stiU go and search amid the wreck and ruins of their genius for the ‘pride of every model and the perfection of every matter ’ and the language and literature of both, stamped with immortality, pass on to mingle with the thought and the speech of all lands and all centuries. Bull wilt not multiply illustrations. That domestic slavery neither en feebles nor deteriorates our race—that it is not in consistent with the highest advancement of men and society is the lesson taught by all ancient, and confirmed by all modern history. Its effects in strengthening the attachment of the dominant race to liberty, was eloquently expressed by Mr. Burke, the most accomplished and philosophical statesman England ever produced, in his speech on conciliation with America, he uses the follow ing language: “Where this is the case, those who are free are by far the most proud and jealous of their freedom. * * I cannot alter the nature of •pan. The fact is so, and these people of the houthern States are much more strongly and with a higher and more stubborn spirit, attached to lib erty tlian those to the northward. Such were all the ancient commonwealths—such were our Gothic ancestors, ancj such, in our day, were the Poles • and such will be all musters of slaves, who are not slaves themselves. In such u people the haughti ness of domination combines itself with the spirit of freedom, justifies it, and renders it invincible/’ No stronger evidence of what progress society may make with dflmu..c slavery could be desired than that which the present condition of the slave holding States presents. For near twenty years foreign and domestic enemies of their institutions have labored, by pen and speech, to excite a dis-' content among the white race, and insurrection among the black. These efforts have shaken the uatioual government to its foundations, and hurst tho bonds of cliristiau unity among the churches of the land, yet the object'of their attack—these States—have scarcely felt the shock. Iu survey ing the whole civilised world, the eye rests not on H single spot where all classes of society arc so well contented with their social system, or have greater reason to he so, than tfie slaveholding States of this Union. Stability, progress, order, peace, content, reign throughout our borders; not a single soldier is to he found in our widfely extended domain to oyerawe or protect society. The desire for organic change nowhere manifests itself. Within less than seventy years, out of live feeble colonics, with less than’one and a half million of inhabitants, have emerged fourteen republican States, containing nearly ten million of inhabi tants —rich, powerful, educated, moral, retined, prosperous and happy ; each with republican gov ernments, adequate to the protection of public liberty and private rights, which are cheerfully obeyed, supported and upheld by all classes of s<> eiety. With a noble system of internal improve ments, penetrating almost every neighborhood, stimulating and rewarding the industry of our people; with moral and intellectual, surpassing physical improvements; with churches, school houses nnd colleges daily multiplying throughout the land, bringing education and religious instruc tion to the houses of all the people, they exhibit a spectacle which challenges the admiration of the world. None of this great improvement and pro gress has been aided bv the federal government;, wo have neither sought "from it protection for our private pursuits, nor appropriations for our public i improvements. They have been effected by the i unaided individual efforts of an enlightened, moral, | energetic and religious people. Such is our social i system, and such our condition under it. Its po litical wisdom is indicated in its cflects on society ; its morality by the practices of the patriarchs aiid the teachings of the Apostles. We submit to the judgment of the civilized world, with the linn con viction that the adoption of no other system under our circumstances would have exhibited the indi vidual man, bond or free, iu a higher development, or society in a happier civilization. Boston, Feb. 14.—Hon. Henj. Seaver, late mayor of this city, died this morning. Conconn, Feb. 15.—The Whigs have nominated Ichabod (lodwin for Governor, New York, Feb. 16.— Cotton is firm, and the sales to-day have comprised 4,5<1il bales. Flour is quiet at previous rates. In Wheat nothing was done. Corn was firmer, and worth 82 cents per bushel. Rice was firm, nnd Freights were firmer. New Aouk, Feb. 16.—The Bank of ihc Repub lic reports that bankers ask 169, % for drafts on London. Southern bank drafts are quoted at loand produce drafts at from 107(u 108 V. J3T"Ladies, they have Come. N. Daly ha* jutt wceiveil three hundred pair Side Lace and Tab Colored ; and 1, 12, %}£ 1 sizes. Also, a fine variety of Stock. Call and see him. feblS 2t Heavy Clothinglbr Servants.—J. 31. Newby A Co. have on band a large stock of Satti nett Frock and Pea COATS, Sattinett PANTS Heavy VESTS, Ac., suitable for servants. Also, Water Proof Coats, Pants and Hats, for Draymen, Wagoners, &c. They will be sold low. oc'J S3T* Daguerreotypes.—The Chalmers Dagurrreax Gallery is now open for the season. sepl4 Cash paid for Woollen, Linen, Cot ton and Silk Rags, by E. Campfield, jan2o ts Corner River and Jackson sts. Hats i Styles for Spring, 1856.- Beebee & Co.’s Spring style Moleskin HATS; Gen in’s Spring style Moleskin HATS; French soft Spring style HATS, of various colors and shapes, very handsome. Also, Trades Spring style Mole skin HATS, just received, and ready for inspection, at GEO. W. FERRY’S, feblO Masonic Hall Building, Broad-st. 53T Georgia, Richmond Countv.-Infe iuojL Court op said County, at Chambers, Feb’y 11th, 1856.—1 n conformity with a requisition from hia excellency, Herschl V. Johnson, Governor of Georgia, requiring an election for a Senator, for the County of Richmond, to fill the vacancy caused by the Death of Hon. A. J. Miller, it is hereby ordered, that an election be held at the Court House and at the several precincts established by law, in the county of Richmond, on Monday, the 3rd day of March ensuing, for a Senator for the County of Richmond, to fill said vacancy, within the usuals hours required by law, regulating elec tions. JAMES B. BISHOP, J. I. C. B. 11. WARREN, J. r. C. G. F. PARISH, J. I. C. A true extract from the minutes of the Inferior Court, setting at Chambers, this 11th day of Feb’y, 1856. febl2-td B. F. HALL, Clerk.” Gentlemen’s Dress Hats for Spring, 1850. WM. N. NICHOLS has received, and is now opening his Spring Styles of Gentlemen’s HATS, manufactured expressly for him, by Beebe & Co., and other makers, to which he invites the attention of bis friends and the public. Opposite the Bank of Augusta. ts febO August a Waynesboro’ Railroad, Augusta, Feb’y. sth, 1856.—Until further notice, the Freight on Cotton from Augusta to Savannah will be Fifty (50) Cents per bale. febs ‘ C. A. BROWN, Agent. Ambrotypes—A new style of PIC TURES, far exceeding in beauty and durability, anything ever before made. The exceeding firm ness, depths of light, and shade and richness of tone, is wonderful. They do not reverse the sub ject ; but represent every thing in its true position. They are without the glare of a Daguerreotype, and can be seen in any view. Instructions given in the Art. Daguerreotypes as usual taken in every style of the Art. Speci mens of Ambrotypes can be seen at Tucker’s l*re mium Gallery. N. B.—Daguerreotype MATERIALS for sale as usual. uovlT I. TUCKER. 1 JOHN R. PEESCOTT, Jr., ATTORNEY AT LAW, Warrenton, Oa., will practice in Colombia, Burke, JeffersoD, Washington, Hancock, Warren, Lincoln, Ogle thorpe, Taliaferro and Wilkes counties. few" _ 1 y CLAIBORNE SNEAD. Attorney at law. office,Law Range, Augusta, Ga. Sm* jan24 E. J. & W. T. MILLIGAN, Attorneys at law, win practice in the counties of the Western Circuit, and the counties of Madison, Elbert and Hart, of the North ern Circuit. R. J. MILLICAN, j wif. T. MILLICAN, Jefferson, Geo. j Carnesville, Geo. jan29 1 j JESSK M. JONES. j ANDREW JACKSON. JONES & JACKSON, ATTORNEY'S AT LAW, Warrenton, a. will practice Isiw and Equity in co-partner ship, in the counties of Warren, Jefferson, Hancock, Taliaferro and Columbia. All business entrusted to their professional management, will receive prompt attention. ts jan4 J. J. MARTIN, ATTORNEY AT LAW, Augusta, Ga. Of fice corner of Campbell and Greene-strects. Will attend to the collection of claims in Edgefield, Abbeville and Barnwell Districts, South Carolina. <lcc2B dkcly LUTHER C. ROLL’ Attorney at law, office on wash ingtonstrect, between Broad and Ellis streets, Augusta, Ga. ly oc7 COL. JOS. LAWTON SINGLETON, ATTORNEY' AT LAW , Sylvania,Scriveu county, Georgia. api ly WILLIAM R. McLAWS, Attorney atlaw, commissioner of New York, Virginia, North and South C’aro . lira. Office, Clayton’s new building, opposite his . old office, Washington street, will attend promptly , to applications for Bounty Land under the late acts > ** Congress. _ . ■ , apl J. B. HAYNE, ATTORNEY" AND COUNSELLOR AT Law, Way rise boro’, Burke county, Georgia. I I i’ractices in the Middle Circuit. feh‘23 ly GEORGE T. BARNES, f A TTORNEY AT LAW, Augusta, Geor , gia, may be found, for the present, at the of . tic of Col. John Milledge, overG. W. Lewis' .Store. febgS ._ ly __ JOHN S. SALE, ATTORNEY ATLAW, Augusta, Georgia. Office one door above State Bank. _feb2 ly WILLIAM J. WILCHER " Attorney atlaw • Warrenton, Geor- j gia, will practice in the Northern Circuit of Georgia, and in the counties of Burke, Columbia, Jefferson, Richmond and Washington, of the Mid dle Circuit. nov22 6m MACKENZIE & LAWSON, I , A TTORNEY AT LAW, Waynesboro’, xm. Burke county, Georgia, will practice in Burke, I Seriven, Jefferson, Washington, Tattnall, Mont gomery, Emunual and Richmond counties. | ALEXANDER MACKENZIE, JOHN f. LAWSON. WILLIAM A. REID, ATTORNEY" AT LAW, Eatonton, Gcor . gia. Refers to Hon. F. 11. Conk, Greensboro’. septS ts lfAßCl’g A. DELL. MARUENII'S A. BELL. BELL & BR0.„ ATTORNEY AT LAW, Atlanta, Geor gia, will give strict attention to business en • trusted to their professional care. Conveyancing and Collecting done with correctness, vigilance and l fidelity. Office in Granite Front Building, opposite % Hie Holland House. 6m novK LAW NOTICE. IH 4VE taken the office on Broad street, over I)rs. Barry A Battey’s Ding Store, where I will be found in future, and practice on ray own account, dec 14 ly GARLAND A. SNEAD. J. W. GOSS, W AREHOUSE AND COMMISSION MER CHANT, Augusta, Georgia ., Will be found at the extensive* Fire-Proof Ware house of L. Hopkins. d*c jyltf r.I.VTPN STIiPHKNM. K. U, JOHNSTON. wrssnrmmm oik. Attorneys at LA\v7sj!*fa. Georgia, j will practice in the counties of Hancock, : Warren, Taliaferro, Oglethore and Wilkes, of the Northern ; Greene, Putnam and Morgan, of the Oglethorpe; and Washington and Richmond, of the Middle Circuits. docl D. R. STANFORD & CO,. TtfANUFACTURERR of the STODART IvJB- PIANO PORTE, 501 Broadway, New York. ADAM STODART, I O. A. MORRIS, D. tt. STANFORD, | G. H. GRIB. Manufactories, Nos. 15,17, 19 and 21 Tenth st., between sth and Bth Avs., and S4th and Ssth sts., between Bth and 9th Avs. scpto d&cßm R. S. MILLER, ||QK MEETING STREET, Charles ■- *9*9 ton, S. C. SODA, SUGAR, BUTTER, WATER AND LEMON CRACKERS. |3F* Orders promptly attended to._£gJ j HU. L. liCCLCKG, ] R. H. MCCLCNO, ' McCLUNG & CO., COMMISSION MERCHANTS, AND PRODUCE DEALERS, KnoxviUe , Term. Refer to T. W. Fleming, Esq., Augusta, Ga. jaii22 6 in MARINE, FIRE AND LIFE INSUR ANCE AGENCY. CHARTER OAK Life Insurance Company, Hartford, Conn. Capital $300,000. Endorsed by the State—will insure lives of white persons; also, Negroes, Fire and Marine. Granite Insurance Company, New York. Capi tal, $300,000. Columbia Insurance Company, Columbia, S. C. Capital, $150,000. Farmers’ Insurance Company, Utica, New York. Capital, $200,000. The undersigned. Agent for the above Compa nies, is prepared to take Marine and River Risks, and insure Dwellings, other Buildings, Household Furniture, Merchandise, and other personal proper ty, against loss or damage bv fire, on the most fa vorable terms. J. H. ANDERSON, Ag’t, febso Mclntosh street, Augusta, Ga. AUGUSTA WORKS, AUGUSTA, GA. THE undersigned having purchased the exten sive Machine Shops, Foundry and Car Shop, with all the machinery attached to the same, here tofore belonging to the Company, known as the “ Augusta Machine Works,” are now prepared to execute orders for CASTINGS, MILL GEARING GIN GEARING, MINING MACHINERY, STEAM ENGINES and BOILERS, SAW MILLS, complete; SHAFTING and PULLEYS, Railroad CARS and IRON, Steamboat MACHINERY, and every de scription of work usually made iu first Jass Ma chine Shops, of Iron, Brass, or Wood. Orders for work, not specially contracted for, must be accom panied with cash deposit of 50 per cent, on the sup posed value of the work ordered, and the remain der paid on delivery of the work. Address all let ters on business to L. HOPKINS & CO. PROPRIETORS: HENRY H. CUMMINS, 1 GEO. W. SUMMERS, W. M. D’ANTIGNAC,. I ROBT. Y. HARRISS oc3 LAMBETH HOPKINS. ly 'H7INDOW SHADES.-200 pair of Wim w W dow Shades, including some very hand some Oil and Transparent, suitable for Drawing Rooms, Parlors, 4c., together with all the fixtures to match. For sale cheap, at feblb diw . A. BLEAKLEY’S. -g AAA PIECES OF WALL 1 "I^Wvr PAPER—some of which is very cheap and handsome. Price from 9 to 75 cents a-piece, with suitable Borders to match. For sale by febl6-d2w A. BLEAKLEY’. SJTIIART>B SllGAß.—Stuart’s A and B td7 Clarified SUGAR, just received by feblo HAND, WILCOX & CO J REED’S PATENT CHRONOMETER rWIHIS is an improved Steam Engine, for which ■ Letters Patent were granted to Jdhn A. Reed, of New Yol-k, January 9,1855. The nature of this Improvement consists of the increase of power about 20 per cent, and reducing the weight of the Engine one-half. The saving of fuel is effected by letting the steam in on both sides of the cylinder; doubling the size of the port, and balancing the pressure, removing the friction and weight of the slide valves, eccentrics, cross heads, connecting rods, 4c. The exceeding simplicity of this Engine, renders it much more durable and easily managed than any other, and when placed upon the boiler with wheels it is portable though effective. These Eugines received the First Prize Medal at the great Exhibition in Paris. There are abont Seventy-five of them now in operation, all giving great satisfaction. puces: 1 Horse Engine, $l5O Boilers and fittinga file » “ 800 “ “ 15# « “ “ 300 “ “ 300 8 “ “ 400 “ “ 400 10 “ “ 500 “ “ 500 All sizea from 1 to 100 horse power at the shortest nonce. Also, Reed’s Patent Steam Pump, the simplest and most durable one in use, for raising water or supplying boilers. Further information may be had by addressing. TOUSLET 4 REED, declS d",m 95 Maiden Lane, New York. FOUNTAIN'S INDIA STOEE. it KQ BROADWAY', New Y'ork, is foil of WsJsJ Goods from CHINA, JAPAN and IN DIA, which embrace Novelties and Dress Goods, which are only to be found at the above establish ment. Seersucker, Coacan, Pongees, Satins; also, Scarfs and Shawls from $5 to sßoo. Scarfs, Hand kerchiefs, Dresses, 4c., manufactured from the fibres of the Pineapple, handsomer and more dura ble than silk. Fashionable Bonnets madeof the same can be washed and remodeled to suit the taste, and worn for years. Also, thousands of Eastern I Asi atic; articles, well worthy of the attention of all. Milliners will be supplied per mail with samples of the Pineapple, or, can liave Pattern Bonnets of the latest fashion, black and colored, sent by express to any part of the country. P. S.—lndia China in sets and single pieces, Vases, 4c., 4c. my 29 WOOLEN MACHINEEtT 0. L. GODDARD, NEW YORK, ONLY' manufacturer of the original STEEL RING and TOOTH BURRING MACHINES j and F LED ROLLS, to be attached to First and also Ito Second Breakers and Finishers of Woolen j Carding 31achines. The attachment to Second Breakers and Finishers is new and very important. These Machines are in successful operation, on First Breakers, in most of the principal Woolen Factories in the United States, Canada and Mexico, and are deemed by experienced manufacturers, as the most perfect machines used, and indispensable to the enenomical and successful manufacture of wool. They are in fact the only strong, durable and suc cessfully operating machines in use. No carding machine should run an hour without them. The Feed Rolls are strong and durable, and wor thy of attention. Circulars explaning these Machines and Rolls, references to mills having them in use, &c., mav bo had by addressing C. L. GODDARD, No. 3 Bowling Green, New York, to whom or ders should be directed. sept 13 ly COMBS, FANS AND FANCY GOODS. WILLIAM TASKER, jA 4h PARK PLACE, Aw York, invites the I -O. V attention of Southern and Western Mer chants to his new slock of FANS, COMBS, Hair Tooth and Nail BRUSHES, Ladies’ RETICULES PERFUMERY, SOAPS, I’ORTMONNAIES, Jet and Bead BRACELETS, POCKET-BOOKS, Dress BUTTONS, PINS and NEEDLES, HOOKS and EYES, Watch GUARDS, Wax, Coral and Glass BEADS, NECKLACES, 4c. India Rubber Combs, Canes, Ralls and Toys of every description. Scis sors, Razors and Cutlery, Gold and Gilt Jewelry, Accordeons and Violins, including a general and very large stock of English, French and German FANCY GOODS, which will be sold at the very lowest prices for (huh or Approved Paper. Orders by letter selected and put up in the best manner. WILLIAM TASKER, 10 Park Place, New Y'ork. l P. S.—Please cut this out. ly- mvl MERILLO IRON WORKS. j MERRILL A JACQUES, 142 Centre Street, A T . York Manufacturers and Dealers in Wrought lion Pipes, Fittings, Tools, and every description of apparatus connected with Steam, Water and Gas, for heating and lighting Steamers, Churches, Hotels, Private Dwellings, Hospitals, Asylums, Villages, Factories and Ilafis. Also, Valves, Cocks, Pumps, Ullages, Boilers and Boiler Flues, made to order. f aSfcftSßi" •"ontajrwj. work of any other invention. Orders solicited from all sections of the country andjiromptly attended to. ly je26 SNUFF AND TOBACCO. PETER LORILLARD, Kn. 42 Chatham Street , Xew York, of Petek * GSorgk Lorillard, offers for sale all kinds of SNUFF and TO BACCOS ill general use. For particulars, a Price Current can be obtained by addressing as above. This establishment is one of the oldest of the kind in the United States. ly febl3 GUNS, PISTOLS, POWDER, SHOT, &c, IH AVE just received a large addition to my former stock of GUNS, PISTOLS and GUN NING APPARATUS, which makes my assort ment complete, and superior to anything in thia market, and respectfully invite the attention of all who are in want of any article in the line. It con sists of— RIFLES, of my own manufacture; Double GUNS, by the best, makers, Steel Barrel* ; “ ** Stub Twist, all varieties; Single Barrelled GUNS, Twist Barrels; Deane, Adams 4 Deane's Repeating PISTOLS, a superb article; Colts PISTOLS, all sizes; also, Allen's Six Bar relled PISTOLS; Single Barrelled Self-Cocking PISTOLS, Ivory and Wood Handles; ’ Single Barrelled Rifle PISTOLS, Steel Barrels- Powder FLASKS, Shot BELTS, Game BAGS, Dog CALLS, Percussion CAPS, all varieties, Gun WADS, Drinking FLASKS and CUPS, Elv's Shot CARTRIDGES, POWDER and SHOT, Bar LEAD; Also, a good assortment of I’ocket and Pen KNIVES, SCISSORS, RAZORS, 4c. Thankful for past favors, and solicits a continuance. ZPv Guns Re-stocked and Repaired neatly and promptly, and Rifles made to order and warranted E. H. ROGERS, 205 Broad-st Angnsta, Ga., Dec., 17,1855. ts decl9 FURNITURE ! FURNITURE ! Benjamin & Goodrich, Broad street, opposite Lambuck 4 Cooper’s, respectfully announce to their friends and the public, that they are now receiving daily a choice and well selected assortment of all kinds of FURNITURE, such ax BOOK-CASES, SOFAS, CHAIRS, TKTE-A-TETES, CENTRE TABLES, BED STEADS, YVINDOYV SHADES, 4c., of the latest and most fashionable designs, which they guaran tee to sell as low as can be bought in this'citv, and mvite all who wish to purchase, to call and oxamine their stock. ALL WORK WARRANTED. Mattresses and all kinds of Furniture, maniifac tun i and repaired to order, with neatness and dis patch. BENJAMIN & GOODRICH. Augusta, Nov. 1,1855. novlT HNEW CLOTHING STORE, AS NOW open, next doorto Thos. Richards 4 Son s Book Storee, Broad street, an entire new and extensive stock of READY’-MADE CLO THING, and every variety of articles belonging to gentlemen’s furnishing es'tablisemeuts, made up of the best materials ana latest styles, which I will sell cheap for caeh. My old friends and customers, and all others wanting articles in my line, would do Well to give me a call before purchasing elsewhere, as I am prepared to give them the best of bar gaincs <U*c ISAAC MAYER. SEED OATS,—-500 Bushels Georgia Seed Oats, just received. Apply to JOHN CASHIN, febli No. 4, Warren Block, RICE,— 25 Tierces of Rice, now landing. Ap ply to JOHN CAftHIN, feb!4 No. 4, Warpen Block. HAVANA ORANGES Ten thousand Choice Oranges, in fine order, now Landing and for sale, by GIRARDEY, WIfYTE 4 CO., febl? General Commission Merchants,