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I Corretoonderux ot iht ConotUutionalut.\ GEORGIA LEGISLATURE. Milledgeville, Feb. 12, 1556. SENATE. On motion of Mr. Shuopshike, the Senate re considered the action of yesterday, relaiing to the bill lost, amendatory of the several acts exempting certain property as debtors front levy and sale. BILLS OX THEIR PASSAGE- A bill of a committee to amend the act incorpo rating the Mechanics’ and Traders’ Bank in Savan nah. Passed. , . , , . . A bill to require persons having lands out of the county in which thev reside, to make returns of the number, district and county in which the land lies. bill to compel slaveholders in Effingham conn tv to keep a white person on their farm or planta tion. Passed. A bill to protect the people from the evils re sulting from the establishment of Bank agencies. Mr. Sm»3, of Decatur, offered a substitute, to which an 'amendment was offered. The whole matter was referred to the committee on Banks. The committee on the Asylum for the blind, pre sented a report, recommending an appropriation to erect suitable buildings: representing the insti tution as worlhv of State patronage. A bill to authorize certain persons to grant cer tain lots iu the counties of Appling, Early and Irwin. Lost, _ A bill for better defining the powers of the In ferior Court in Thomas county. Lost. » A bill to define and limit the jurisdiction of the Courts of Ordinary in this State. Lost. A bill to organize a new Judicial Circuit out of the counties of lleard, Campbell, Coweta, Carroll, flarrolson, Spaulding and Polk. Referred. A bill to determine the time of service of Grand and Petit Jurors, and exempting all persons con nected with Cemeteries in Savannah from jury duty. Passed. A bill conferring certain powers on the Mayor and Citv Council of Savannah. Passed. A bill to incorporate the town of Morgan, Cal houn county. Passed. A bill to change the county line between Ran dolph and Calhoun. Postponed. A bill to incorporate the “North Western Bank of Georgia,” to be located in Ringgold. Ayes 44, navs 21. . A bill to incorporate the town of Lamar, m Ba ker county. Passed. A bill to change the North Western terminus of the State road. A substitute was offered by Mr. Dabxet, of Gordon, authorizing the Governor to sell or lease the part of the road in Tennessee. It was made the special order for Friday next. The committee appointed to investigate the cause and course of the lawsuits between Georgia and Ten nessee, about the Western and Atlantic Railroad, reported, recommending a sale of the part ot the road in Tennessee. No action was taken on the report. A bill to regulate the “costs” in the Supreme Courts of this State. Lost. A bill to amend the Cth section of an act incor porating the “Dalton Turnpike Plank or Railroad Company.” Passed. A bill to change the lime for holding Inferior Courts in the county of Worth. Passed. A bill to authorize the investment of trust funds in the Dougherty couuty Railroad. Lost. A bill to compensate the Sheriff and Deputies of Wilkes county for certain services. Passed. A bill to remove certain disabilities from certain persons divorced. Passed. Mr. McMillan moved so to amend as to divorce a couple, one of whom (the husband) is in the State Penitentiary. Mr. Pope raised the constitu tional point, whether or not the Legislature could grant a divorce. The Chair decided not. Mr. McMillan appealed, and upon the appeal the dcri *ion was sustained. HOUSE. Mr. Crook made an unsuccessful motion to re- j consider tlie action of the House relatiug to the Kansas bill lost yesterday. Dr. Phillips earnestly sustained the motion, and Mr. Harris, of Fulton, opposed it. Mr. Tbbhuke moved unsuccessfully to reconsider the rejected bill, exempting physicians from mili tia and patrol duty. BILLS OX TIIFIR PASSAGE. A bill to appropriate $4,000 for the erection of suitable buildings for the Academy of the Blind. Passed. A bill to incorporate the Georgia College of Scieuce and Agriculture. Passed. A Senate bill regulating pilot fees for the port of Savannah. Passed. A bill incorporating the Hydrant Water Works of Columbus. Passed. Senate bills incorporating the Union Coal and Iron Mining Company, the Georgia Coal Mining Company, and the Pocahontas Mining Company. Passed after some amendments. Senate bills forming a new county from Lee and Randolph counties. Passed. A bill incorporating the city of Brunswick. * prorttftng tor the payment of teachers of poor children. All accounts for arrearges shall be examined by t ihe Grand Jury of each county, and reported to ( the Inferior Court, who shall levy an extra tax of 20 7xo* cent, for the payment of these. Passed. ( A bill to incorporate a Savings Bank in the city of Augusta. Passed. j The House had under consideration to-day as the special order, the bill introduced by Mr. Jones, of Muscogee, providing for garnishments in cer tain cases, intended as a retaliatory measure upon , the Northern Abolitionists, for not agreeing to the Fugitive Slave law. A substitute was offered by , the Committee on the Judiciary. Mr. Crook, of Chattooga, offered a substitute, which is ordered to be printed. So the matter rests. A bill requiring Agents at the depots on the Western and Atlanta Railroad to weigh, receipt for, and mark produce, &c. Passed. A bill reducing Sheriffs bonds of Hart county, to SIO,OOO. Passed. A bill regulating the fare of passengers on the railroads in this State from stations, half stations, and quarter stations, so as to be at the same rate per mile that had been established bv the railroad Companies to their through route. Passed. A bill authorizing the Ordinaries of this State to issue cost execution for costs in certain eases. Passed. A bill to incorporate the Hancock Internal Im provement and Banking Company. Lost. A bill to form a new county from Early and Ba ker, to be called Miller. Passed. A. Milledgeville, Feb. 12th, 1856. SENATE. BVEXIXG SESSION. The Senate agreed to the following House reso lutions : Whereas, There is an act of Congress in force compelling, among water crafts, all steamboats on any river to provide themselves with life-preser vers, and Whereas, The steamboats in Savannah liver, plying between Savannah and Augusta, will not provide themselves with the same, and will not take passengers on said river because the passage money will not warrant the outlay necessary for the purchase of such life-preservers; and, there fore, persons living contiguous to said river, are frequently put to serious inconvenience for want of conveyance from and to different points thereon, Therefore, he it Resolved, by the Senate and House of Representatives of the State of Georgia , in Gen oral Assembly met, That our Senators and Repre sentatives in Congress be, and are hereby request ed, to use their immediate exertions to procure the repeal of said law, so far as it relates to said .Sa vannah river, and the steamboats plying on the same from Savannah up said river, and down to the same. And belt further Resolved, That His Excellency, She Governor, transmit to each of our Senators and Representatives in Congress a copy of these reso lutions. BILLS ON THEIR PASSAGE. A bill to incconiorate the town of Warsaw. A bill to extend the charter of the Savannah In stitution for Savings. Passed. A bill to lay out a new county from Cass, Pauld ing, Floyd and Polk. Passed. A bill to repeal an act defining the duty of the Inferior Courts in relation to the building oi bridges iu Jackson county. Passed. A bill to amend the law in relation to the taking cf Bonds in the Courts of Ordinary. Lost. HOUSE. BILLS ON THEIR PASSAGE. A bill to reduce the Sheriff’s bond in n&rt coun ty to SIO,OOO. Passed. A bill authorizing Ordinaries to issue fi. fas. for costs in certain cases. Passed. A bill to make Administrators, Executors and Guardians liable for costs in certain cases. Passed. A bill to provide for the preservation and trans cribing of Public Records at Milledgeville, now in decay. Passed. A bill to incorporate the town of Morgan, in Cal houn c-onaty. Passed. Milledgeville, Feb. 13th, 1856. SENATE. On motion of Mr. Peeples, of Clarke, the Senate reconsidered the bill lost yesterday, to provide for the payment of teachers of poor children. The’ Senate also reconsidered the bill lost for better defining the duties of the Inferior Court of Thomas county. Mr. Knight successfully moved to reconsider the action relating to the bill passed confining the ju risdiction of the Courts of Ordinary. The bill was referred. The Senate reconsidered its action relating to the bill adding an additional section to the act of incorporation of the Georgia and Florida steam boat Company. The Senate also reconsidered its action rela ting to the bill authorizing the investment of trust funds. The Senate also reconsidered the bill allowing certain persons to practice medicine. BILLS ON THEIR PASSAGE. A bill, reconsidered, exempting certain proper ty of debtors from levy and sale. Mr. Shropshire offered a substitute, which was received and the bill was passed. The Committee of Public Education, reported this morning in favor of further endowing the State University. Mr. Peeples made a few remarks explanatory of and sustaining the report He stated they had a large library, and it was increasing daily from do nations and purchases, and the budding now con taining it was not sufficiently large for all purposes, and an appropriation of $25,000 was required for the erection of a Hall for the library, contain ing lecture rooms also, SIO,OOO should be added to the Terrill endowment of $20,000, the interest of the latter not being sufficient for the employ of a competent professor. Much was said in favor of this by Mr. Peeples, showing a liberal, generous spirt to aid the cause of education. Mr. Wellborn, of Whitfield, arose, and asked what he (Mr. Peeples) would do in case they asked a further donation from the State in the year 1857. Mr. Peeples —l a*n not disposed to dodge the question, but will answer openly. I would give it to the Institution, I would do anything to aid in the general diffusion of knowledge, and the ad vance of the cause of Education. Edmund Burke, the great statesman, characterized it as thej**clieap defence of nations/’ worth more than forts and fortifications. Aid could not be asked for a more worthv or important object, and there is nothing to which I would more cheerfully make an appro priation. The Committee, to whom was referred the bill requiring persons holding lands out. of the coun ties in which they reside, to return the number of the lots, the district and county, reported a substi tute altering the original, by the proviso that the returns shall be made unless the titles have been lost, thus rendering it impracticable. After being amended, a little and desultorily discussed, it was passed. BILLS INTRODUCED. By Mr. Swinxey, of Kinchafoonee, to change the act of incorporation for Hardmouey, and change the name to Weston. By Mr. Harris, of Troup, to authorize the Infe rior Court to levy an cxira tax to build a Court House. AFTERNOON SESSION— nOI'SK BILLS ON TnEIR PASSAGE. A bill to confer certain privileges on Chas. R. Garret. Passed. A bill to authorize persons holding lands on wa ter courses, to build banks and dams, under cer tain restrictions. Passed. A bill to change the name of Augusta and Wavnesboro’ railroad, to the Augusta and Sa vannah railroad, and to enlarge the charter. Passed. A bill to relieve James Mitchell, of Muscogee count v. Passed. A V>ill to authorize Justices of the Inferior Courts of Liberty and Mclntosh counties, to ap point the county Surveyor to draw oft’ the county line. Passed. A bill to make a final disposition of the assets of the Central Bank. Passed. A bill to incorporate the Columbus Fire Com pany, No. 4. Passed. A bill to incorporate the 18th and 19th sections of the Ist article of the Constitution, disqualify ing persons for Senators, convicted of haying ac quired office by unfair means, and requiring each member to take oath. Lost. A bill to incorporate the Atlanta Gas Light Com pany. Passed. A bill appropriating $3,000 to remove obstruc tions in the Satillo river, for the quicker passage of rafts of woods, Ac. Passed. Several amendments were proposed but voted down. There was one appropriating SIO,OOO t Conasanga l iver, and another for the Oconee. A bill to allow certain women to be free dealers. Lost. One amendment directed that all female free dealers should dress a l<i bloomer. A bill to incorporate the Columbus Iron Works tampanr. J^jrL, ornonttc , he „ank of Madi soih tooc located in Madison, Morgan county. Passed. A resolution was agreed to, requiring the com mute on Hanks to ascertain the amount of taxes due the State from the Hank of Augusta. A bill to amend the patrol laws of this State so far as relates to the county of Glynn. Passed. A bill to reduce the number of Jurors required for inquest in Chatham county. Passed. A bill to allow Trustees to make returns to Courts of Ordinary. Lost. A bill to incorporate the White Path Gold and Copper Mining Company. Passed. A bill to authorize Inferior Court of Catoosa county to levy au extra tax for county purposes. Passed. A bill to incorporate the Bibb county Orphan Asylum. Passed. A bill to authorize the Inferior Court of Bald win county to levy an extra tax for county purposes. Passed. The House took up the reconsidered Iliwassee Railroad bill this morning, and after a lengthy de bate, it. The speeches were repetitions of those made during the first consideration of the bill. The vote was, ayes 63, nays 52. The bill next taken up bv the House, was one appropriating one hundred thousand dollars for the purpose of suitably repairing the State house. Mr. Crook, of Chattooga, offered a substitute, appropriating $500,000 for the erection of a new Capitol, leaving a blank, to be filled out with the locality. Part of the morning, and the whole of the afternoon was consumed in a rambling, inef fectual, general discussion of this matter. Nearly all spoke, and disregarding the will of the majority of the people of Georgia, expressed in the result of the late gubernatorial election, to have the Capitol permanently located at Milledgcville, many other places were proposed to fill the blauk. To locate Capitol at Milledgeville, ayes 57, nays 60. “ Macon, “ 50, “ 70. • 4 Atlanta, “ 44, “ 67. “ “ Indian Springs, Ixist* “ “ Griffin, Lost* “ " Stone Mountain “ 31, “ 65. “ “ Savannah, “ 21, *• 70. “ “ Brunswick, Lost* The ayes and npys were not taken upon the places marked with a star. Pending action on the matter, the House adjourned. It is to be hoped that the House will take no has ty inconsiderate action on this bill. Let it be re membered that the people in tlieir sovereign capa city distinctly and unmistakably willed, by their suffrages, that the Capitol should remain at Mil ledgeville, and consequently any bill removing the Capitol to any other place will be directly contrary to the wishes of the majority of the constituencies in this State. A. P. S.—A very laughable occurrence took place to-day in the Senate chamber. The gallery was filled with pretty ladies, and several of the mem bers, unable to resist the temptation, left the dull arena of legislation, to go and breathe a lighter, pleasanter atmosphere, and whisper softrnothing to the fair. While thus enjoying themselves, some envying, less fortunate member, interrupted the proceedings of the House, by moving to grant leave of absence for the remainder of the day, to the members in the gallery, supposing they could not sufficiently compose their minds to come down to dull business. The permission was loudly and unanimously granted, mnch to the discomfiture of the “ladies’ men.” Muscogee Railroad. It will be seen by their advertisement in another column, that the* Muscogee Railroad Company have declared a dividend of 4 per cent., payable the first of March next. This road has been doing a profitable business for the last six months, as will be seen by the following statement : Gross Earnings for the six months ending January 31st, 1856 $104,900 73 Expenses 46,489 11 Nett Profit* $58,411 62 Columbus Sun, Feb. 12. Major-General J. B. Harrie, who died at Rich mond, Va., on Friday last, was wounded at the siege of Tripoli, and served his country on other occasions. Reported for the ConstUutionalist. Debate on the Kansas Bill. Milledoyille, Feb. 11, 1856. HOUSE. The bill was introduced by Mr. Crook, of Chat tooga, and its object is to aid in its settlement with a slavery population, by an appropriation of $50,000 from the Treasury of (Georgia. A bill to promote the settlement of the territo ries of the United States. It appropriates $50,000 in aid of Kansas emigra tion, to be raised by a special tax on slaves, to be expended at the rate of SSO to each grant Mr. Crook moved a suspension of the rules this morning, in order to consider this bill; and open ed the discussion with a few explanatory remarks. Mr. Jones, of Muscogee, moved to strike out the feature requring the imposition of a special tax on slaves, and defended his by some observa tions explanatory of the deleterious effect this fea ture would exercise in arousing jealousies between white and slave labor, and the incipiency of a species of Kansas excitement in Georgia; and he was, also, opposed to class legislation. Mr. Crook, energetically repudiated any wish to engender such jealousies or to legislate for classes. His chief reason for the insertion of the words “ on slaves,” was that, as they were the great ob ject and cause of the act, they might be the ones to act on the defensive, though he would not de sire to let the burden of taxation rest on them, and have them bear the responsibility. Another rea son for his so doing, was to stop the palaver of northern Abolitionists; as by assessing slave pro- Eerty, they could not say to the southern white la orers, the tax of slave labor falls on you. The motion to strike out was carried. Mr. Irwin, of Wilkes, considering that this was a gratuitous donation, thought a majority of two thirds was necessary to carry it He characterized the whole matter us improper and unsound, for re cognising the truth and wisdom of noninterven tion, it would be inconsistent to meddle with home affairs of a distant State or Territory. Mr. Lewis, of Hancock, proposed a substitute, authorizing the investment of $1,000,000 in Kansas lands, the monev to be raised by the sale of State bonds, and a Commissioner to be appointed to purchase the lands. Lost. Mr. Crook again strenuously supported the bill, pleading the great necessity of some action on this really important matter. The proper time had arrived for the acquisition of Kansas to the ranks of slaveholding States; the tempting fruit was lying before our eyes, ready for our grasp, and we must be laboring under a strong hallucination to refuse the splendid prize. The speech abound ed in tine patriotic sentiment, and glowing appeals ■ to Southern interests and Southern principles. Mr. Jones, of Muscogee, differed from the gen tleman in his estimation of the character of this bill. He did not consider it in the light of a do nation—a gift. If this was to aid in the perpetua tion of slavery, it was no donation, lie did not consider it necessary to prove that our interest and the perpetuation of slavery were convertible terms, or that the birth of new Abolition States militated against Southern weal. He denied the existence of such a principle as non-intervention. Legal charters have been granted to Emigrant Aid Socie ties, and thus indirectly countenanced intervention. He was in favor of making an open or d bold man ifestation of our intentions, by legislating in our own Assemblies. These measures are self-protec tive, and we have undisputed right to adopt any means for our future safety, lie had been told that we had endorsed the non-intervention princi ple. He admitted it, hut asked non-intervention on the part of whom? Why, Congress, of course. Congress does not, nor never did, possess the pow er of interference in the settlement of territories, and the establishment of their forms of govern ment ; and why is this? Congress is our creature, and consequently can exercise no power not ex pressly accorded to it by us. From us it received its vitality and strength, aud by us was it restrict ed of the’ power of interference. Hut with a free independent sovereign State, intervention is an in herent right, whether by money, by the press, by legislation or other just means,’ in order to perpet uate existing institutions, and all the Free-soil, Abolition States, possess the same right. They have the same right lo organize “Emigrant Aid Societies” that we have, and we have the right to repel force with force. The existence of slavery, and the existence of the Union, are closely connect ed; when one falls the other follows it. Domestic slavery, as it exists in the South, is a conservative and preservative element. Look at the Free-soil States. With what rapidity are they becoming in corporated with anarchical and despotic elements. Their Society is a hot-bed for the germination of all kinds of extravagant insane “isms.” Their educated men are fanatics, and their ignorant, are fanatics’ tools. Our Southern country is unpollu ted bv the ivild disorderly scenes that are enacted at the North. African Slavery is necessary to the preservation of Republican principles. Sir, lam a propagandist, and would not hesitate to plant the “Black Flag,” us it has been sac on ugly tinn ed. in the ceuifp as ■»... ♦**■*•*• » prove* tlie continued existence of slavery from time immemorial. If white men cannot have black slaves, they will have white ones. The South has her blacks’ the North her whites. Let the world pass judgment upon the condition of the two. They are not to be compared. While the South enj’ovs the blessings of peace and tranquili ty, the North trembles with the throes of tumultu ous passion, and is threatened with ruin. And if the gloomy prospect of disunion is realized, which must take’pface, unless some miraculous, unfore seen circumstance shall arise equal to the dread emergency, the Black Flag will wave over New York city, and will be welcomed as a substitute for anarchy and despotism. If, Sir, our wisdom ad vises, and our interest demands an effort in self-de fence, who can better take the lead than Georgia— rich, prosperous, powerful, standing foremost among the Southern States in her advocacy of a correct policy for the whole Union—let her lead the van. Mr. Ward, of Butts—Sir, I do not approve of this plan, and oppose it, because I am a friend to Kansas. A wiser and more politic plan will be to organize Emigrant Societies in every county. A fellow countryman of mine, some time ago,' who has been to Kansas, addressed the people of Butts, and he recently returned with seventy true men. No difliculty was experienced in getting funds, or men. This, Sir, is the proper plan to work out your purposes. Trust in the noble sous of the South, and their wannest wishes, and greatest ef forts will not be wanting. Establish AiS Societies, and appeal to the Southern feelings of true Geor gians, and as the danger increases that necessitates this action, so will increase the efforts. Your men, too, will be true men, upon whom you can depend. This, Sir, is the true plan, if you would succeed. Mr. Thornton of Muscogee: Sir, my efforts for Kansas will compare with the efforts of any mem ber on this Moor. lam a member of an Aid Socie ty, and my whole influence has been used in the accomplishment of its object. But, sir, I cannot fully endorse the sentiments of my colleague, that such societies are morally right. I deny the right of Massachusetts to send her paupers and incendia ries to Kansas. If she has a right, it is the right of the mule to kick one over. I consider these so cieties as wrong in principle, and not the legiti mate children of Republican principles; but it is necessary to tight the devil with fire. Massachu setts commenced the battle, and we must tight to conquer. Besides, sir, there is a wide difference between State and individual entciprise. Suppose Massachusetts should invest her surplus millions in the colonization of a Territory, to be admitted as a non-slaveholding State, into the Union, in the existing state of affairs, I would willingly arm my self to aid in the redress of such an outrage. But let Georgia pass this bill, and T ask if we could with consistency, even protest, much less tight, against such an act. We set the precedent, they but follow in our track. This rule, then, must work both ways. If Massachusetts cannot, conso nantly with right, enforce her institutions on the Territories, Georgia is similarly bouud. The Tei ritories arc our mutual property, are neither the sole property of the one or the other. The grand leading principle in the Georgia Platform of 1850, is non-intervention—intervention at the hazard of disruption. Such a contingency as the necessity of the platform to keep Georgia from “laying on violent hands” was never dreamed of. Shall we, then, as Georgians, the constructors of this glorious fabric, sound enough to bear upon its broad, deep surface, the whole Union, and upon which fifteen sovereign States already stand, be the first to strike the death blow? I trust not, sir. Let Georgia pass the bill, and her proud position will be lost— ner prestige gone. Sue would feel deep reproach were she to yield her foremost position; but how much deeper would be her shame, were she to violate her honor, by repudiating this platform. Sir, I trust for the honor of the State, this bill will not pass. Mr. Crook : Mr. Speaker, the idea of executing your project by private effort, is somewhat chemen cal. The original settlers of Kansas were pro slavery men, and now a government has been es tablished there, or attempted to be established, which they despise and condemn. Massachusetts has commenced the war of intervention by flood ing Kansas with her creatures. Aye, sir, already has the reckless spirit of Abolitionism been turned upon the sacred pillars of the Georgia Platform. They tremble ’neath the sacriligious touch, yet those who rest their security on this Platform are unconscious of the trembling; no warning is given of approaching danger. I consider, sir, that the time lias come when action is necessary, when re sistance is a defensive measure. Let Georgia pass this bill, and lead the way, and fourteen sister States will support her in her onward course^—in a short time nearly a million dollars will be raised for the defence of our dearest rights and our homes. Mr. Harris, of Fulton: Mr. Speaker, while I sanction the noble sentiments of the gentleman just preceding me, I do not agree with liis judg ment. No one can advocate Southern rights, as warmly and boldly as lie has done, without exci ting a* thrilling response in my bosom. I honor his intentions, but disapprove his policy. Sir, the object of this bill is to make the State of Georgia a great “Colonization Society,” intent upon forcing our political institutions ui>on a Territory, the common property of the whole Union. I advocate the establishment of private, monied and physical enterprises, for the perpetuation of our Southern Institutions; but the principles laid down in this bill, I consider, as radically non-conser vative, and pernicious. I admit there is a storm raging about us, but let us be calm and self possessed, and have perfect control of our ship. We want no buncombe speeches on clap-trap ha rangues. Let us bring this measure test of sound dispassionate statesmanship. What is the object of the bill? “to promote the settlement of the territories of the United States.” This is un precedented in the history of our State. Georgia, m her sovereign capacity, is to embark in the gen eral colonization scheme. Allowing that this is lawful, and just, and proper, is it prudent and po litic, to send forth the bone and sinew, the muscles of the country, the bulwarks of our liberty, the pil lars of safctv’and security to our wives and mo thers, the vitality and life of Georgia, to permauent lv locate in a distant laud ? Is it good policy to depopulate the country ? Another argument urged by the supporters of this bill is, that the poor and destitute of Georgia are sent where they can make fortuues. Why do we wish to ship oft* our poor? Let the legislature of our State show a considera tion and eare for her needy. Give them sym pathy at home. They are ascapable of devotion to the interests of the State as any, and will stand by you in danger. Sir, my postion is one which may be looked upon with suspicion, but consciousness of right nerves me to its support. In the settle ment of new territories, slave labor depreciates free labor; and the larger the number of laborers, the less will be the wages. Applying these truths to Kansas, we see that every man there who owns no slaves, has two reasons’ for opposition to their introduction; and more forcibly will they be felt by the destitute we send there. Our object in sending them there being, to prepare the way to introduce slaves. 1 here disclaim all imputations on the poor man, for I am the poor man’s friend. But, Mr. Speaker, what is Georgia called upon to do, in this bill ? To enter, sir, into a contest with Massachusetts, who is sending forth her paupers and beggars to Kansas, in a body. Can we main tain tlie contest? Would it not be stooping, for us to do so ? Massachusetts is pouring out and relieving herself of her corruption. Georgia is parting with her very fife-blood. Gentlemen have al luded to threatening dangers that are about to rise, thick and heavy from the dark future. I feel the truth of their gloomy forebodings; the Union in in danger. Is this the time for depopulating our land ? jVo, sir. If our people need sustenance, wrench and tear oft* the Treasury doors, and let the tide flow out. Give them labor in works of internal improvement. I never shall advocate any measure that contemplates the depopulation of Georgia. If our destitute wish to try their fortunes on the rich, fertile soil of Kansas, I am willing to aid them bv private donation ; but this bill, a bill hiring them to leave the homes of their childhoods, and the graves of tlieir parents, I shall oppose. 11' you pass this, you open the way for Massachusetts to aaopt a similar policy. Sir, it does not become me to approach that tem ple where lie enshrined the ushers of Calhoun, yet I can gaze at the monument that commemorates his greatness. The South is beginning to discern his worth. He laid down the great principle, that concurrent majorities obviate and counterbalance numerical majorities. He was treated with deris ion, and he would have done, by an equitable ad justment of powers, what you would uo by viola tion of existing agreements. By consulting the pro ceedings of our Congress, toarecent period, you will find that the American Union totters to its fall. Who is there that, like Sampson, would precipitate to the dust the noble structure? Our policy should be eminently self strengthening, bv the encourage ment of everything capable of improvement, by schemes of education, internal improvement, Ac. A few days ago I urged this course, but to no pur pose. Now you tear down the ramparts of your State by sending oft* your population. Sir, the times are gloomv. Empires, Kingdoms and Prin cipalities are falling in rapid succession. “ Ilow little do we know that, winch we are! ivm wnaf we snail op. TUB Eternal surge Os time and tide rolls on, and bears afar Our bubbles; as tlie old burst, new emerge Lashed from the foam of ages—- While the graves of empire heave, But as a passing wave.” Let us be calm, and wise as a “serpent, but gen tle as a dove.” Mr. Smith, of Union—l confess Mr. Speaker, I have been disappointed in ray expectation, of not hearing one anti-Kansas speech, on this floor. Tlie gentleman from Fulton, sir, is opposed to emigra tion, as our country will be depopulated. If this is true now, it was years ago. Where would Texas be if it were not for emigration? The doctrine of anti-emigration was not in vogue then. Our fathers beheld the rich, smiling, waving lands which stretch out to tlie Pacific ocean, and they went hither, and made them their own. lam in favor of this bill, of securing Kansas to ourselves. It is a pearl of great price, and it is only necessary for us to stretch forth our hands to obtain it. I am surprised at the avowal of Mr. Harris’s senti ments, that slave labor is antagonistic to free labor. Is not this the argument of the Northern Aboli tionists? If this assertion is true, then, in order to advance the interests of her citizens, Georgia should abolish slavery. Mr. Harris— Didn’t you understand Mr. Wiiitk, the Kansas lecturer, to say that many emigrants from Tennessee and some from Gordon county, had turned against slavery after going there ? Mr. Smith —I did hear it, and with deep mortifi cation. But the gentleman does not mean this as an argument; that eighty out of every eiglity-nine emigrants will prove traitorous to our cause. If so, i deny that such is the truth. Such a charge would be a slander upon the honesty and truthful ness of the South. But to return to the argument of slave labor versus free labor. Is it so in Eng land ? In England laborers earn from $lO to $lB per month; aud in New York the wages are less than they are in the South, for the same work. Mr. Harris— The gentleman misunderstands my position. lam applying the principles to new ter ritories. Slave labor is only profitable where it is continuously employed. Mr. Smith— ls the gentleman means to intimate that slave labor is not profitable in Kansas, lie is mistaken. Hemp bands get more than the cotton hands of the South. I hope, Sir, that this false idea of slave labor, as opposed to free labor, will not induce us to give up that magnificent territory. But, Sir, it has been asserted this bill proposes a crusade. 1 deny it. It simply proposes to meet force with force. lam in favor of the bill, and if my county should refuse to bear her part in the expense, I will bear it for her. In conclusion, I would sav, let us sustain the gallant State of Mis souri. Snc is battling for the South and Southern institutions. Men can be obtained to send to Cu ba, to Texas, and when a sister State is bravely contending for our rights, we should breast the storm with her, even if we do it alone. The bill was put and lost, ayes 43, nays 63. Sale of Negroes—High Prices, A sale of negroes took place in Quincy, Fla., on Mondav last, at which prices were paid in no de gree indicative of the “hard times” so much croaked about in certain circles. The first lot sold consisted of fifteen, the bulk of whom were adults. They brought, in cash, $12,260, being an average of $Bl7 each. One fellow a field-hand brought $1315 another field-hand, $llOO. Another lot, numbering sixtv-five, of all ages, sizes and sexes, averaged s7‘lo each. These were sold on a credit of one, two and three years, with 8 per cent, interest, and brought the handsome sum of $43,900. Some of them were knocked off at round prices, as for instance —Jinsey, field-hand, $1230; William, $1252; Archie, $1201; Leonard, $1300; Matthew, $1201: Angelina, $1040; Harriet, and 4 children, $3150; man, wife and 4 children,. $4002; woman and 4 children, $4150 —all field ne groes.—Florida Journal, Feb. 9. Mr. Disraeli is a novelist of the third rank—a poet the thirtieth ; in the House of Commons, he is a great power. Montague 'would have ranked below Prior as a poet; as a man of affairs, he beat Godolphin. T. B. Macaulay has retired from Parliament. The Whigs intend to put forward Adam Black, the publisher, to represent Edinburgh in his stead. From the Richmond Examiner. ! Retaliation—-A Rightful Remedy-./ Constitutional Measure of Redress* The question of the rightfulness and tionality of retaliation as Between State aj»d State of this confederacy, is now before Virginia- Re taliation is a righful remedy and a constitutional measure of redress. It is not only a rightful, but is the right remedy for the South- Not that we want the goods of the Yankees, but that seizing their property touches them on the tender point. The South wants her right*, and no more. She does not want the goods, wares and merchandise of the North, except for an adequate compensation; but she means to obtain her rights and the redress of he t crougs, by the exaction of value for value, if she cannot’obUtn it by argument. She will proceed upon the doctrine of ’9B, that each party to the fetleral compact has an equal right to judge for itself\ as veil as of infractions as of the mode and measure of redress ; and she will exercise her right of redress, in the mode she may deem suited to the emergency, as a constitutional and legitimate, and not as a rebellious or revolutionary resort. It is a fallacy to suppose that all measures of defence and resistance are unconstitutional which are not enumerated in that instrument. It is a compact between sovereu/n States, clearly express ing all the stipulations which create their mutual rights; but, trom its very nature, containing no enumeration of remedies for the wrongs thafmay be committed by State against State, or section against section. Os these remedies for these graver wrongs the States themselves are the sole judges, and the Constitution is not the schedule. When one State, or set of States, violate a right conferred upon another, by the Constitution, the remedy is to be sought, not in the Constitution, but in those powers appertaining to sovereign States, which were reserved by them to be exercised ac cording as they might deem necessary and expedi ent. For wrongs committed by or upon individ uals, within federal jurisdiction, the federal courts supply the requisites and proper redress. But for the redress oi wrongs of State against State and section against section, there are no regular pro cesses or established tribunals; for the States themselves are the sole judges of the mode and measures of redressing them. It is a fallacy to suppose that the right of redress appertaining to the States as sovereign powers, is only the single and extreme right of secession. The doctrine of ’9B is much broader than this. It not only asserts the ultimate right of seceding from and abandoning the Union for just cause, but it asserts also the mediate right of adopting such measures, while remaining in the Union, as the State may deem necessary and proper, to procure redress or prevent the necessity of the ultimate resort. It follows, from these principles, that there is no limit to the discretion of the State in devising remedies for the wrongs inflicted by its associates, and that those remedies may be resorted to with out reference to the limitations of the Constitution. If the aggression which the State would resist or punish is in express violation of the Constitution that instrument is no restriction upon it in devis ing the most efficacious remedy; the State itself being the solo and arbitrary judge of the “ inode and measure” of redress. The wrong it suffers mav be unconstitutional, but the remedy requisite and necessary for redress cannot be unconstitution al. No measure of retaliat ion, which the State may deem necessary and proper, for the redress of un constitutional wrong, can itself be unconstitution al, though it be precisely of the same nature as the °fhe municipal law denounces murder as a felo ny, and makes hanging the punishment. But yet it admits the citizen’s right of killing in self-de fence. Tlu* same principle runs through the whole system of legislation, and, of course, is inherent in our federal constitution. That is felonious in acts of aggression which the law respects as a sa cred. inalienable right in acts of defence. Fools and fauatics have looked to World’s Peace Socie ties as the all-sufficient arbiters between nations and sovereign States; but until these provide u preventive of aggression, the right of self-defence must continue to be respected as a sacred, inalien able right of sovereign States menaced with ag gression. This sacred right is not restricted in the ease of States as it is in the case of individuals. For all minor offences against the individual, redress is provided him b\ law in the courts of justice. Against all injuries short of injuries to liis person, the municipal courts afford him a sufficient protec tion. His right of self-defence is only allowed in cases of imminent danger of life or limb. But, as between sovereign States, the right of retaliation stands in lieu of the individual’s re course to the judicial tribunals for minor injuries; just as the right of War stands them in lieu of the individual’s right of killing in self-defense. From the nature of the case, there can be no tribunal clothed with authority to compel the redress of wrong as between sovereign States, and these are obliged to be left the «uJ **.bin-ary judges of The mode and measure of redressing their wrongs, that being an attribute of sovereignty. Our fede ral Constitution is a compact between Sovereign States, and, as such, is only a schedule of stipula tions in the nature of contract, creating mutual rights, but, of course, prescribing no redress for their violation, and providing no means of enforc ing them. It stands to the confederate States pre cisely in the relation in which the Law of Nations stands to nations at large. It clearly detines the duties and obligations obtaining between States; but, of course, provides no “sanctions” to enforce them; and is destitute of those “vindicatory” pro visions which Blackstone declares to be “the prin cipal obligation of human laws.” Os all the parts of law the most effectual is the vindicatory. For it is but lost labor to say, “do this, or avoid that,” unless we also declare, “this shall be the consequence of your non-compliance.” We must, therefore, observe, that the main strength and force of a law consists in the penalty annexed to it. Herein is to be found the principal obliga tion of human laws.” It is precisely this pemlty for violation of its provisions, in which the federal Constitution—as a compact between sovereign States —is necessarily wanting. It follows that the whole subject of re dress belongs to the sovereign States as among their reserved rights. It is somewhere; for there can be no rights without adequate redress for wrongs —it is not surrendered in the federal com pact--it is therefore inherently and constitutional ly with the States. And the only limitation upon the States, in devising remedies for aggression is, that these must in their judgment be incessant and proper for the exaction of redress. If retaliation will suffice, they may retaliate. If more violent re course be requisite, that, too, is constitutional. The reason and logic which sustain these con clusions, are confirmed and supported by the prac tical consideration, that the State which perpe trates unconstitutional wrong, is, ipso facto, beyond the pale of the Constitution —is virtually out of the Union—is estopped from pleading the Constitu tion against the redressive measures of the injured State—and may be dealt with as an alien and stran ger to the federal compact. Massachusetts, by her “personal liberty act,” for instance, is virtually out of the Union, is a stranger to the Constitution which it has set at defiance, and may be legally retaliated upon by measures apparently in the teeth of the Constitution which it has abrogated. Tt would be strange if she could invoke the protec tion of a Constitution which she has wantonly spurned and spit upon. We are not, therefore, embarrassed by any con stitutional scruples on tins subject. Retaliation is a constitutional remedy; and the State of Virginia is the sole judge of the mode and measure of it as it respects herself. If Pennsylvania imprisons our citizens for attempting the recovery of their property within her jurisdiction, Virginia may lay imposts upon her commerce, seize her ships, and retaliate upon her in whatever manner and degree she may deem expedient, in her sovereign discretion. It is her right inherently ; it is her right morally; it is her right constitutionally to retaliate; and sink or swim, survive or perish the Union, we go for the most efficacious and summary measures of retaliation. John Miller, who was burned to death in his store at Rome, New York, lost his life by going in after some $1,200 in gold, which he had hid under the carpet in his sleeping room. George W. Foster, Esq., of Florence, Alabama, has endowed a professorship in the college of that place with SIO,OOO. This endowment fills the mathematical chair, and is called the Foster Pro fessorship. Lord Elgin, in his speech at Glasgow, said that the people of the United States are really full of sympathy for the Canadians, and that if Canada is to join the British in fighting their battles, she ought to be represented in the Imperial Parlia ment. Said Effendi, Jester to the Sultan, has just died, in Constantinople, at the astonishing age of one hundred and twenty years and seven months. He held the post of buffoon under four Sultans, and retained his comic powers to the last Prince Paskiewitch is still alive, but beyoed the possibility of recovery. His diaeaiie is internal cancer. [From the Washington Union.} A Proclamation. 11 y the Prendent of the United State of Whereas, indications exist that public ti.inqm..- ty ami the supremacy of law in the Territory .4 Ivausas are endangered by the reprehensible act* or purposes of persons, both within and without the same, who propose to direct and control its political organization by force: It appearing tha. combinations have been formed therein to resist the execution of the territorial laws, and thus ill el feet, subvert by violence all present cnnsn-u-m.ml und legal authority: It also appearing that per sons residing without the Territory, but near it. borders, contemplate armed intervention m‘Beat fairs thereof: It also appearing that other persmib inhabitants of remote States, arc collecting engaging men, and providing amis for th purpose: And it further appearing that combina tions within the Territory are endeavoring by th. agency of emissaries and otherwise, to induce in dividual States of the Union to intervene in the af fairs thereof, in violation of the Constitution of .h< whereas, all such plans for the determination of the future institutions of the Territory, if earned into action from within the same, will constitute the fact of insurrection, and, if from without, t oat of invasive aggression, and will, in either ca > justify and require the forcible interposition of the whole power of the general Government, as well to maintain the laws of the Territory as those ot the U Xow, therefore, I, Franklin Pierce, President of the United States, do issue this, my proclamation, to command all persons engaged in unlawful com binations against the constituted authority ot tne Territory of Kansas, or of the United States, to dis perse and retire peaceably to their respective abodes, and to warn all such prrsous that any at tempted insurrection m said Territory or aggres sive intrusion into the same will be resisted, not onlv by the employment of the local militia, but also bv that of anv available forces of the United Stetes*; to the end of assuring immmunity trom violence and full protection to the persons, proper ty, and civil rights of all peaceful and lnw-iyiiding inhabitants of the Territory. „ _ . .. If, in any part of the Union, the furv of faction or fanaticism, inflamed into disregard of the prin ciples of popular sovereignty which, under tne Constitution, are fundamental in the whole struc ture of our institutions, is to bring on the country the dire calamity of an arbitrament of arms in that Territory, it shall be between lawless violence on the one side, and conservative force on tne other, wielded by legul authority of the genera ° I call on the citizens, both of adjoining and of distant States, to abstain from unauthorized inter meddling in the local concerns of the Territory, admonishing them that its organic law is to be executed with impartial justice; that all individ ual acts of illegal interference will incur con dign punishment; and that any endeavor to inter vene by organized force will ho firmly withstood. I invoke all good citizens to promote order by rendering obedience to the law; to seek remedy for temporary evils by peaceful means; to discoun tenance and repulse the counsels and the instiga tions of agitators and of disorganizes; and to tesiify their attachment to their country, their pride in its greatness, their appreciation of the blessings they enjoy, and their determination that republican institutions shall not tail in their hands, bv co-operating to uphold the majesty of the laws und to vindicate the sanctity of the Con stitution. In testimony whereof, I have set my hand, and caused the seal of the United States to be affixed to these presents. Done at the city of Washington, tlic eleventh dav of February, in tha year of our Lord [seal. ] one thousand eight hundred and lit -1 J tv six, and of the independence of the tlnited States the eightieth. Franklin Pierce. By the President: W. L. Marcy, Secretary of State. Appointments at the Capitol. Mr. CtTLLOM, the Clerk of the House of Repre sentatives, made the following appointments on the 11th inst. William I’. Ingram, of Kentucky, in the place ot William V. McKean. John M. Barclay, of Indiana, rc-appointed. Daniel Buck, ot Vermont rc-appomted. Thos. DeKalb Harris, of Georgia, re-appointed. Isaac Strollm, of Ohio, in place of John Bailey. William Haslet, of Pennsylvania, in place of William Lee. . _ _ , , . James C. Walker, of the District of Columbia, in place of John Galpin. _ , _ N. B. Markle, of Indiana, in place of Robert S Sproule. E. A. Acton, of New Jersey, in place of R. JL G. Martin. John Harvey, of South Carolina, in place ol John A. llunnicut. C. B. B. Adams, of Connecticut, in place of Mat thias Martin. Robert W. Bates of the District of Columbia, (messenger), in place of John It. Queen. M. M. Hitcheox, of Virginia, (messenger', in place of Francis lteilley. Clerks in the Land'Office, under resolution of May 4, 1848; A. F. Parker, draughtsman. William Bailey, of Pennsylvania, in ’place of William Flinn. J. 0. Greenlease, of Missouri, in place of J. Pennybacker. Joseph N. Gordon, of Maryland, in place of An drew ,1. Higgins. William 1). Washburn, of Wisconsin, in place of D. L. Dalton. Rufus Prentice, of Michigan, in place of Wm. A. Steel. Cuthbert P. Wallacli, of the District of Colum bia, in place of John C. Boyer. John J. Burnett, of Alabama, in place of John S. Holfsman. Charles F. Hurlbut, of New York, iu place oi Lewis Plitt. From the Richmond Examiner. The Parsons Bill. A novel and remarkable bill has just been intro duced into the House of Delegates, by its slow coach Committee on Retaliation. The bill indi cates some pluck and spirit in the committee, and so we are not inclined to enquire how so very slug glisli a committee could have reported so efficient and spunky a bill. There is nothing good that comctli out of Nazareth; but here is something very good coming out of the Rip Van Winkle leg islative committee on retaliation. The provisions of the bill alluded to, and known as the “Parsons bill,” are the following, in sub stance, ns we have heard them stated ; for we have not been able to examine it; Parsons was in pur suit of five or six runaway slaves. Overtaking them on some railroad in Pennsylvania, lie seized them on the spot and attempted to secure them. The mob interfered, rescued and carried off the negroes, and caused Parsons to be arrested for kidnapping. Parsons gave bail for $2,000, re turned home, and petioned the Legislature for re lief. This bill commands Parsons, as a citizen of \ n ginia, to forfeit his recognizance, and not to return to Pennsylvania. It directs Parson’s surety in that State to plead this act in defiance of proceedings against him for the bail money. It further pro vides, that, in case the plea is overruled, and judg ment goes against this surety for the bail nionev. the Trvasurer of Virginia shall discharge it with all costs and damages; and that thereupon the Governor shall have power to seize the body or the property of any citizen of Pennsylvania in this State, until the amount thus paid by Virginia shall be refunded by Pennsylvania. Such is the purport of the bill and it smacks of the right spirit. It contains provisions, if what we hear be true, which are unnecessary, if not ridiculous, that ought to be stricken out of it; but the spirit and aim of the bill are proper and commendable. Yesterday the bill was modified in the House, so as, instead of allowing the Governor to seize Penn sylvania men and goods, to call the Legislature to gether. Thre were also new provisions added au thorizing similar proceedings in all like cases. The bill thus modified, passed the House late yes terday by almost a unanimous vote —a few voting against ft, as legislating on more than one object in violation of the State constitutional provision on that subject. The Senate was to have consider ed the bill last night. The Savannah News, of 18th inst., says: Georgi a Historical Society.— At the seventeenth anniversary meeting of the Georgia Historical So ciety, held last evening at the Hall of the .Society, the following officers were elected for Jie ensuing year. President, Hon. James M. Wayne ; Ist Vice do. Hon. Chas. H.|Henry; 2d Vice do. Itt. Rev. Stephen Elliott; Corresponding Secretary, I. K. Test; Re cording Secretary, R. C. Mack a) I; Treasurer, A. A. Srnetts; Librarian, Rev. Wm. Epping. Curates. —W. Thorne Williams, A. A. Srnetts Wm. Duncan, John Stoddard, Wm. E. Hodgson Sol. Coheu, Jos. 8. Fay.