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The "f hare often bee* discussed mhhii for the Presidency. We i rc sent, not SO much to refer to the pntjaiplws of that set w to its reception. South and North, after its passage. Who does not remember that itt wmifre oeired in the South, with as near an approach to auaninutT by all paruea, as it is possible to effect *l>on any isolated measure. Each man’s pulse beat responsire to his neighbor’s pulse with pride and satisfaction, as the news was borne with elec tric speed, from the Capital of the Union, to the aamoteat borders of the South. No man’s mind was dark or doubtful upon the subject. The south ern mind, like an electric chain, was lit with ILe same glowing sentiments of joy at the re peal of the Missouri restriction line, and the res toration of the long lost equality of the South. Bach man’s mind was a mirror of hia neighbor’s. Is this picture overdrawn? Is it not true to the eery letter? We cannot spare the time or space to rose over the southern States, to produce the proof of our declarations. Ex uno discs omnes. From one you may learn all. The Georgia Uegis lature unanimously “Besolved, That opposition to the principles of the Nebraska bill, in relation to the subject of slavery, i < regarded by the people of Georgia as hostility to the rights of the South, and that all persons who partake in such opposition are unfit to be recognised as component parts of any or ganisation not hostile to the South.” This was the unanimous declaration of the Sen ate and House of Representatives of the State of Georgia in February, 1854. The consistency of the Democracy of Georgia, in the support of this great measure of deliverance and liberty, needs •o comment. Their opinions then are the same how. The csrtli performed one annual revolution around the sun and more than the fourth of an etlier, bringing us down to the 2Sth of June, 1855. What did the Know Nothing, or self-styled Amor icau party, say then about the Nebraska-Kansas bill? They resolved ‘‘that this Council (while re pudiating the policy of allowing, in the future legislation of the country, unnaturalized foreign era to vote in the territorial elections) regards all opposition to the principles of the Xcbraska-Kan aas act, in relation to slavery ns boatility to the constitutional rights of the South, and all persons who partako in such opposition as unfit to be re cognized as members of the American party." Cau the records of human action allow a greater change than that which has taken place in the opin ions of the American party ? Then opposition to the Kansas bill rendered uny man unfit to be re cognized as a member of the American party; turn such opposition is one of the chief requisites of membership and a badge of fidelity und devotion to it* chameleon fortunes. Did not more than sistoeu months afford suflicicnt time for the Know Nothings to discover that this Kansas bill was the offspring of deceit, hypocracy and treachery to the ftoutii? But more than this. Did not that party adhere to the Kansas bill until the national Know Nothing party met a second time in Con veulion in February, 1855, and repealed tho 12th sectioo of its principles, adopted a year before, and nominated Mr. Fillmosk for the Presidency? The natioual Council deserted the South—Mr. Fiun ions endorsed their proceedings -denounced the Kansas lull and the repeal of the odious Missouri restriction— and straightway southern Councils, among them that of Georgia, modified their posi tion and opinions, and now universally denounce the aforesaid hill aud repeal as boldly and loudly as their candidate for the Presidency. Wlmt broke the spell of their devotion to the Nebraska-Kan sas bill ? What so suddenly swept from their bo soins the memories of the past? What qucuched an completely the fires of patriotism in their heart*? Party, party, and nothing else. The beauty of the bill wus turned into deformity as aoou as the northern wing of the grand Council breathed its deadly Abolition poison upon it, aud Mr. Fillmore inhaled with joy, its baleful and pestilential ezhalatiobs. What ia the plighted fluth of the Amoriean party worth, when its devo tion to a national measure, to equal rights, can be »o aaaiiy chilled, yea, frozen to death, by the breath of anti-uationul Vreesoil fanaticism? Is that the way to defend the cloud-encircled South ? Is that the way to defend our southern homes aud altars? Can the American party South claim the affections and votes of southern men by such cruel and deadly changes as this, wrought by the enemies of southern equality in the Union ? hot the people of Georgia and tho whole South pon der these facts in their inmost souls, and they wi M tee iu them the hand of tho enemy waring a black (lag of evil, manufactured, embroidered aud unfurled, in the infected regions of Abolition ism. We will exhibit the northern reception of the Nebraska. Kansas bill in our next issue. The Compromise ol 1850 re|>enl<>d the Missouri Compromise. So snitl Henry Clay. If there was one man in the Union better enti tled than another to say what wan the intention, 1 and what the effect of the Compromise mea- ! sure* of IS>'. that man was ft em:v Clay. He : was emphatically the originator and father of that plan of pacification, and was called in thnso days "tho great Pacificator." He rejected the Missou ri Compromise then as a mode of pacification, and argued that the Compromise measures of 1830 was better for the South. He urged in the Senate, southern men to accept this adjustment of the ter ritorial question, and to give up the Missouri Com promise bne. T« gire below bis language on Uie subject, in the United Stakes Seuate, Feb., 6th, Hit. “Sir, when 1 was engaged in anxious considera tion of this subject, the idea of the Missouri com promise, as it has been termed, came under mr reriew, was considered by me, and finally rejected, as in my judgment less* worthy of the' common acoeptahce otboth parties of thus Union lhau the project which I offer to your consideration. •’Hut, 1 wish to contrast the plau of accommo dation which is proposed by me with that which m offered by the Missouri line, to be extended to the Pacific ooeau. and to ask gentlemen from the South and from the Korth, too, which is most pro per, which must just, to which is there the least cause of objection ? Whst was done, sir, bv the Missouri line? Slsverv was positively mhibted North of that line. The question of the admis sion or exclusion of slavery South of that Una was settled. There was no provision that alaTery ahould be admitted South of that line. In point of fact, it exialed there. In all the territory South of 34 degrees JO, embraced in Arkansas and Loo ts’ana, slavery was then existing. It was net ne cessary, it is true, to insert a clause admitting alaTery at that time. But, if there is a power to interdict, there is a power to admit, and 1 put it to gentlemen tiom the South, are they prepared to be satisfied with the line 36 degrees 80, interdict ing slavery Sonh of that line, and giving them no security for the admission of slaverv South of that line? When I came to consider the subject, and to oompare the provisions of the line of 86 degrees JO—the Missouri compromise line—with the plan which 1 have proposed for the accommodation of tins question, »aid I to myself, if 1 offer the line of St* s* l , to th* truest ion of North of it, and to leave it unsettled and open South of it, 1 offer that which is illusory to the South—l offer that which will deceive them if they suppose that slavery will be received South’of Wist line. Uit better for them—l said to utvself— it is better for ihe South, that there should be nou action as to slaverv both North and South of the Uao—far better that there should be uen aeiion both aides of the lme, than that these should be action by the interdiction on the one side, without actiou for the admission upon the other side of tiie line la it noi ao v What is there gained bv the South, if the Missouri line extends to the Pacific with the interdiction of slaverv North of it, Ac. I hope then to keep the whoie of these mailers •_itouched by any legislation of Congress upon the subject of slavery, leaving it open and undeci 4ed Son-action by Congress u peat for th« )South, and beat for all the views which the South I have disclosed to ns from time to time a* corres pottumg to their wishes. I know it has been said t™ regard to the territories, and especially has ffjt been said with regard to California, that non- I legislation upon the part of Congress implies the thing as the exclusion of slavery. That we taunr.t help. That Congress is not'responsible for. If Nature has pronounced the doom of slave ry in these territories—if she has declared bv her immutable laws, that slavery cannot and shall not be introduced there—who can you reproah but na ture and nature’s God ? Congress you cannot.— Congress abstains. Congress is passive. Con gress is non-acting, South and North of the line ? or rather, if Congress agrees to the plan which I propose, extending no Rne, it leaves the entire theatre of the whole cession of these territories untouched by legislative enactments, either to ex clude or admit slavery. When, therefore, the apologist* at the South of Mr Fillmore's denunciations of the Kansas bill are telling you that Mr. Fillmore signed the Compromise bills of 1850, and is entitled to the thanks of the country for doing so, reply to them that these denunciations are in bad faith with his own work. When they report that language of Mr. Fillmore in bis speech at Rochester, saying that when he signed those bills he necer dreamed he woe disturbing the Missouri Compromise, read to them tbs foregoing language of Mr. Clat. Is it possible Mr. Fillmore when he signed, did not know what he was signing ? Is it possi ble he was a mere automaton and did not know what were Ihe provisions of the territorial bills? Was he ignorant of what Mr. Clat was saying and doing in the Senate during the seven months that ques tion was under discussion? It would seem, under this view, less strange that during all that time it was not known in Washing ton city, as stated by Mr. Toombs, what Mr. Fill more's opinions were on the subject, and that bets were made in the streets on hia signing or not signing the bills. It seems he really did not un derstand what Mr. Clat was proving and trying to do. The Kansas bill, in 1854, did no more than em body in emphatic words the intention and design of the Compromise of 1850. It declared that that Com promise was inconsistent with the Missouri Com promise and thsrefore alsrogat-'d it. Theac empha tic words were inserted in the bill by Mr. Dixox, Whig Senator of Ky., and successor to Mr. Clay! He knew what Mr. Clat said in 1850, and by his amendment but repeated Mr. Clat’s own ideas. Hoar Mr. Fillmore’s Friends. The New York Commercial Advertiser is an en thusiastic admirer and supporter of Mr. Fillmore. Read what the editor says: “As between Mr. Fillmore and Mr. Fremont in the matter of prerequisites for the Presidency, no comparisons are admissible. Even on this very slavery question, which the Courier at present re gards ns the main and only issue, it is unwise of the Republicans to provoke a comparison. The only vote or public act of Mr. Fillmore that can be perverted into a seeming favoring of slavery was the Binning of the fugitive slave law, which was signed because constitutionally pasted by the Representatives of the people in Congress assem bled. It was an integral part of a grand compro mise measure which the (Jcutirr <r Enquire r has often endorsed heartily and unequivocally. Is our contemporary prepared to say that Mr. Fremont ever expressed his disapproval of that compromise, fu gitive slave law included ? Or that he would not have signed it, in the same circumstances ? We imagine it is not prepared to make any stand upon equal ground. The reader has only to look at the votes of each gentleman when respectively in pub lic life, to find that Mr. Fillmore in immeaturaoly a fatter anti-ilavery extension man than John C. tre nwnt.” • The New York Krprtu, edited by the very gen tleman that haa been nominated by tho Know Nothing party in New York, as their candidate for Ooverner, in anawer to an enquiry whether Mr. Fillmore was opposed to the extension of alavery or in favor of it—tho writer replica : “ Whv ask this question’ What reaaon uflorda Mr. fill more a life for the asking’ Look at his votes in Congress, when representing the Erie District, New York. Contrast them with Fre mont’s when only seventeen working days in the United States Senate. Mr. Fillmore is tho only President, under whose administration frte terri tory /«w been onnear. Ito tht Union. Louisiana, Texas, Floridu were slave territories--but Cali fornia, under Fillmore, came into the Union ' free.’ Why doubt ?” The nbove arc the opinions of the two leading i illmoke papers in New York. Is there any reason why any further doubts should be enter tained!’ Fremont nml Fillmore Fusion in In diaua. Much virtuou» indignation was exhibited by the Know Nothing papers of the South at the allega tion that the Fillmork men and the Fiikmontkrm had coalesced on one electoral ticket for President iu Indiana. But they were discreetly silent on the undeniable fact that tho Fillmokk men and the Black Republicans had coalesced on, and wero sup porting one State and Congressional ticket, ami were thus working fraternully together to send Black Republicans back to Cougress. Tlioy have no indignant comments to make on this subject. They sav uot a word in rebuke or disapprobation. Their silence would indicate that they are secretly pleased at this infamous combination. Is not such sileuce in an indirect, but most significant way, giving aid and comfort to our enemies’ We invito attention to an article on this subject, from the lsiuisville (Ky.) Democrat. Its disclo sures ought to make Fillmoriism, that is thus con taminated with traitors, odious throughout the South: From tht LouistiUe Demo-rtf. “Stupendous and infamous fraud,’’ screams the editor ot the mob orgau in this town, over the charge published, falsely alleging that the Fill more men and Fremont mon have the same elec toral ticket iu Indiana. The Nashville Patriot pronounced the store an “imposture nailedbut the editor of the Journal, he has to overtop all others ill the way of exaggeration. So he must get ahead, in astonishment and horror, of all civ temporaries. In his vocabularv, it is a “ttupen- Jou* ami infamou* fraud." Oh! how wronged are the Fillmore party of Indiana, by this false hood somebody has published. They are charged with stealing a horse, when they have, so far, only stolen a sheep, and have not vet stolen the horse; inasmuch as they couldn’t hide him if thev did »<*»' lmn - We condemn the falsehood that the Fillmore and Fremont men have the same elec toral ticket; but it is laughable to sec the Fillmore papers over here taking tits as if a prodigious wrong hid been suffered by them, in the injurr done their brethren in lndi’ana. Their wire pul lers iu that State will feel sheepish enough when they read these expressions of indignation at what they have not quite done, but are very anxious to do. How wronged thev have been, indeed. Can't an outburst of indignation and grief be gotten up over injured innocence? Prentice has exploded too, somewhat; let’s have a general howl. If i the brethren can’t otherwise get indignant, let i them be bitten by a mad dog; and if thev can’t cry for sheer griet; let them get snuff and red pei>- pcr. Dear me.’ how these Fillmore men in Indi ana are wronged !! They are voting and support r mg, with all their might, a whole Abolition State ticket -a perfect woollv horse and wool I v head ■ ticket, a freedom shrieking ticket. But thev hate ; a Fillmore electoral ticket! Thev are supporting, in brotherly effort, with the Abolitionists, Fre mont mon for Congress, in the whole eleven dis tricts; not au avowed Fillmore man in the whole batch; and each one shrieking for freedom; but they have a Fillmore electoral ticket!' Thev are supporting freedom shriekers for the State Senate and Legislature, who have two United States Senators to elect; but oh! they have a Fillmore electoral ticket! *.Thev do, indeed, profess to staud on the Indiana Fusion Platform of ISM -Abolition, as everybody knows; and they do sav that Fillmore will do for freedom as well' as Fremont, and on that ground they support him ; but they have, oh! yes, they have a Fillmore electoral ticket!! 1 Dn the other dav the Evansville Journal, the em bodiment of all Kill morel sm in southwestern Indi ana, published a leading editorial in behalf of a i Union ticket. He held up the idea that there was a large uumber of Fillmore men in Indiana; if not enough to elect him, enough to beat the Black i Republican ticket, by dividing the vote. lie com plained that the Black Republicans had made a mistake, in refusing to notice them, and making terms with them. And signifies very plain that they will be beaten, if they don’t unite their forces. It is well known that Gregg, the verv much wronged individual, was and is for a coalition on an electoral ticket between the Fremont and Fill more parties. He will not undertake to deny that in Indiana. Let all southern men take notice how all the southern Know Nothing papers rush forward to defend a party in the free States from one false charge, when thev know that this same party is now engaged in close brotherhood with the Black Republicans, in abolitionizing their State Admin istrations, in abolitionizing their State legisla tures, and in abolitionizing the Congress an<f Sen ate or the United States. Are a party South to be trusted, who show themselves thus affiliated with Abolitionists? The spectacle in Indiana, to-day, to any man who looks at it, is sufficient to make any southern man ashamed that there is anything but a Democratic party in the South. We have attended several Democratic meetings in that State—monster meet ings they were. Read the mottoes on their thou sand banners, “The Constitution and the Union” —Union of white men, not black”—“ Our whole country not a part”—“Thirty-one States, not six teen”—Equal rights of States”—“Down with sec tionalism.” Listen to the bold, manly, patriotic speeches, in defence of the southern part of this Union, and their bold denunciations of the whole Black Republican movement. Listen to the gal lant Willard, the Democratic candidate for Gover nor of the State, in his excorations of Abolitionists and niggerism, and the whole Abolition crusade in Kansas. Just witness all this, and then go to a meeting of the opposition, and the southern man feels that he is in an enemy’s country; he hears only shrieks of freedom, and denunciations of the Democracy as part of the slaveocracy, the allies of toe South, interlarded with falsehoods and low abuse. Then ask yourself, after witnessing all this, where are the Know Nothings of that State? Where are the Fillmore men ? Well, they have no candidates of their own for State officers, Con gress, or the State legislature; but who do they sup port; and who will they vote for? The answer from all quarters is, that they are in the freedom shrieking crowd. They vote, nine out of ten of them, that ticket. They swell the wave of Aboli tionism that is threatening to roll over the whole of the free Slates. They are for Morton & Com pany, not Willard; they are for Abolition Con fressmen against the Democrats in every district. hey are the Abolition candidates for the State legislature und Senate, book at that spectacle, ye southern men, and then rush to the defense of the Fillmore party of Indiana; get indignant—do trv and get indignant at the wrongs they suffer. What worse can these men do lor the South ? They smile and pretend to be her friends, and stab her in the crowd. What need the South care, whether they vote for Fillmore or Fremont, if, at the same time, they Abolitionize their State ad ministration, Abolitlonize the Congress andSenatc of the United States ? All honest, intelligent men, see that they arc with the enemy. We have seen several Kentuckians who have been over in Indi ana, and witnessed the spectacle presented by the liolitie t of that State, and they are done with any >ut the Democratic party in the Presidential con test. If they have a separate ticket for Fillmore, they are doing their best for the Black Republican party. Mr. Fillmore’s Confidential Friends. The Chronicle cuul Sentinel published on Wed nesday morning last a leading article from the New York Buffalo Cmtnercial Advertiser, of 17th inst., which the editor lakes great pleasure in pre senting to his readers, and considers it as expres sive of the opinions of Mr. Fillmore; in fact that it “ was submitted to Mr. Fillmore's inspection before it appeared in the paper.” The article to which we refer is written with the evident inten tion of being construed in one way at the North and another way at the South. But there are some of Mr. Fillmore’s friends at the North who are too honest in the expression of their views to leave any room for doubt or cavil as to Iheir thor ough knowledge of Mr. Fillmore’s opinions. Mr. Ketciium of New York is one of those men. Mr. Hiram Ketciium, of New York, says the Richmond Enquirer, is among Fillmore's most confidential and influential friends, in a personal as well us a political sense. If any man in the North is entitled to know and is authorized to de clare Fillmore’s opinions on public affairs, Mr. lliram Ketciium is that individual. Justified by, the intimate relations which have long subsisted between himself and the Know Nothing candi date, Mr. Ketchum ventured, some time since, to define Mi. Fillmore’s position in regard to the ex tension of slavery. The following letter, from the New York Courier awl Enquirer, of the 3d of Sep tember, will be understood without further com ment : To the J&iilort of the Courier and Enquirer : In your leading article of .Saturday morning you have seen lit to make free use of mv name, con ncctihg it with imputations which 1 feel bound to repel. In my speech at New Haven, speaking upon the subject of slavery extension, I said: y Hut I do not intend to ignore that subject on this occasion. If there is any man here, or in the State of Connecticut, that has ever opposed the extension of slavery more than he who addresses you to-night, or bus' ever done more to give the slave his legal and constitutional rights, then I would like to see that mau. (Applause - ) Gentle men, I attached myself early in life to that party which was always and ever' opposed to the exten sion of slavery. And I say here to-night, that the Whig party of the North has always had that creed, and these Republicans can’t take out a pat ent for it for many a long year—(merriment und applause)—and I say that Millard Fillmore has been true to that party, and has never had, since he entered into political life, any other principle but that which would prevent the further exten- i sioti of slavery. (Applause.') Hut upon this subject of the extension of slave ry what are Mr. Fillmore’s principles ? Why, he thinks just as we all think. I will venture to say if my friend will allow me to use his name, that if the Rev. I)r. Taylor of this city, uow present, and Mr. Fillmore, should sit down together, they would not disagree a particle, and I only exempli fy bv these distinguished persons the common feeling of the North. They think alike—they would act alike. Now, what is Mr. Fillmore’s opinions upon the present crisis? I read from one ot his receut speeches : "I haveno hesitation iu saying that the most of you know already, that l was decidedly opposed 'I I ®. . repeal of that j Missouri] Compromise. Uood faith, as well as the peace of the country seemed to require that a compromise which had stood tor more than thirty years, should not be wantonly disturbed. Those were mv sentiments then; fully and freely expressed, verbally and in writing, to all my friends. North and South, who solicited my opinion. This repeal seems to have been a Pandora’s box, out of which have issued all the political evils that now afflict the country and scarcely leaving a hope behind. Manv. I per’ ceive, are ready to impute all the blame to our southern brethren. But is this just? No, no! It must be borne in mind that the measure origina ted with a northern Senator, and was sustained and sanctioned by a northern President r Ap plause.] Now, my friends, what would Mr. Fillmore do? Well, I cannot undertake to say what he would do, but, in my judgment, he would exercise all his power and influence in favor of limiting slavery to where it is. In my judgment he would do all he could to see fair play in Kansas, and if he would do as I should recommend to him, Kansas should not be admitted as a State under two years from this date. We have had enough of admit ting these unfledged States. lam utterly opposed to admitting any other States, since we have ad mitted California, until we see how she behaves herself as a Territory, and whether the people are capable of governing themselves. Therefore, upon this subject. 1 believe Mr. Fillmore to be entirely sound, and I am sure I would not advo cate him here to night if l did not.” Bv every word that I then said, I stand, and shall say it again. 1 support Mr. Fillmore for the Presidency, because of his well kuown antecedents as a public man, and because I have seen no evi dence - that he rejects those antecedents, and be cause 1 am satisfied that he abides by those ante cedents. and distinctly places himself upon them before the country. What are his antecedents upon the subject of the extension of slavery? You know them, gen tlemen, as wcil as I hare ever ar.J tutcaue been opfwe.i to the eite/uion of tlur-ery. While he was in public life, that was a settled question un der the Missouri Compromise. By this Compro mise. all territory North of “S’ 30 was made free Territory, and all South might be made alave Ter ritory. "The only questions, therefore, upon which his principles upon the subject of the extension cf slavery could be tested, were questions as to the acquisition of Territory which must become slave territory. To such acquisitions, Mr. Fillmore and the whole Whig party of the North were opposed. I have shown above what were Mr. Fillmore’s opinions of the repeal of the Missouri Compro mise. Ndw the only question is, has he changed these well known opinions? Has he altered nis posi tion ? * He has accepted the nomination of the Ameri can party. I have never been a member of any party but the Whig party. When he received the nomination, he was in Europe, where he had been many months previously. The platform of the principles of that party accompanied the letter in forming him of his nomination, and requesting his acceptance of the same. He replied to that letter while in Europe. He must, I admit, be re garded asgiving his general approval of the platform upon which his friends nominated him. Now, gentlemen, I ask you to publish that platform, or any clause or paragraph of it, in Which, by a fair con struction, Mr. Fillmore has repudiated any of his antecedents upon the subject of the extension of slavery. You did not quote that platform, but one of a prior date, and with the history of which I have no knowledge. Hiram Ketchum. This letter is notable for four things. Ist. It shows upon what grounds Mr. Fillmore is sup ported by the most conservative of his north ern friends. They all indignantly repudiate the idea that he would consent to the extension of sla very. They claim that he has always opposed the acquisition of slave territory. 2d. The letter is remarkable for the declaration that Mr. Fillmore does not reject “his antecedents.” The assertion is precise and emphatic that Mr. Fillmore abides by his antecedents ; that is, the antecedents which convict him of antagonism to the extension of sla very. The supporters of Fillmore in this State, pretend that he had abjured his anti-slavery faith, and has made atonement to the South for bis hos tility to its interests. But the fnend of his bosom proclaims that he abides by his antecedents. 3d. The letter is remarkable again in this: it adduces Mr. Fillmore’s denunciation of the repeal of the Missouri restriction in proof of his unchanged and unchanging convictions against the extension of slavery. 4th. Finally, the above letter proves that Mr. Fillmore accepts the Know Nothing plat form of Philadelphia with the distinct understand ing that it commits him against the repeal of the Missouri restriction and the extension of slavery. This letter is one of the most significant develop ments of the canvas*. It will afford a text for further comment in this paper. Meanwhile, let Democratic speakers file it among their “docu ments.” liogus Convention nnd Enthusiasm. Since the meeting of the bogus Convention at Baltimore, and the farcical nomination of Mr. Fill more, a portion of the newspaper press and tele graph agents have been employed in efforts to de ceive the people with the belief that there is a “ghost of a chance" for the election of Mr. Fill more to the Presidency. A very small affair in New York has been made the subject of great rejoicing and enthusiasm. The bolters from the bolting Know Nothing Con vention, that bolted again from the bolters of the bolters, after refining itself down to such infinitely small proportions, by its bolting, has found a rest ing place in the bosom from which it originally bolted. This is the Lilliputian or pigmy accession that the Fii.lmoreites have obtained in New York, and is the cause of so much enthusiasm or glorifi cation, and has been considered sufficiently impor tant to he telegraphed throughout the country. The “little acorns” have grown into massive oaks with most astonishing celerity. Mr. Fillmore Thoroughly Nominated. Mr. Fillmore was nominated for the Presiden cy by the Know Nothing Convention in Philadel phia, in February last. He was nominated by the Executive Committees of the several chapters of the Order of United Americans, in New York, on the 21st of July last. Again, nominated by the bogus Whig (but really Know Nothing) Convention, of Virginia, t Again, by the bonafidc Know Nothings in Geor gia, in Macon, on the 9th of July. Again, nominated by the bogus Whig (Know Nothtng) Convention, in Baltimore, on the 17th Sept. That Mr. Fillmore is thoroughly nominated, there cannot be a doubt, and yet all his nomina tions, first and last, are “dark lantern” manifesta tions. Since the first announcement of the nomi nation in February last, or as soon thereafter as it was generally known throughout the country, up to the present time, there has not been a single accession to his ranks that has not cost a dozen desertions from his standard. Democratic Mass Meeting at Atlanta. Let it be borne in mind by our Democratic friends throughout the State, that the Mass Meet ing of the Democracy at Atlanta takes place on the 17tb and 18th October next. Let all make ar rangements ia time to be represented. Speaking at Washington, in Wilkes. A gentlemau writing to us from Washington, in Wilkes county, says: “The Hon. Robt. Toombs ad dressed the people of this county on the 23d. Hon. A. 11. Steruens spoke on the 24th. Recorder Gibson, from Augusta, is announced to speak on Thursday. Judge Thomas, I understand, will fol low on Friday. Wilkes, it is generally believed, will give the “Buck and Breck” ticket from one hundred to one hundred and fifty majority. This will be a large gain on Judge Andrew's vote in October last." Mr. Toombs at Warrenton. A friend writing to us from Warrenton, says, “Mr. Toombs delivered a powerful and effective speech in this village on Saturday the 20th inst. There were between five and six hundred persons present at the Court House. He spoke about an hour and a half. It was oue among his ablest ef forts, and was most enthusiastically responded to by his audience. Old Warren is all right, and will show a result of eight-tenths of her votes in November in favor of Buchanan and Breckin ridge.” Ex-Governor Washington Hunt, one of the prominent members of the late Know Nothing (or bogus Whig) Convention, in Baltimore, in an address to the people of New York, in August, 1855, says : “My opposition to the introduction of slavery into free Territory is unalterable. As a representative, I resisted it to the best of my ability; as a citizen, I will sustain all just and reasonable action to confine the institution within its present limits." David Paul Brown, another prominent speak ing member of this bogus Whig Convention, is the volunteer lawyer for all fugitive slaves that reach Philadelphia) Hiram Ketchum. of New York, another of the , leaders of this bogus Whig Convention in Baiti | more, in a recent letter, says: I “I support Mr. Fillmore for the Presidency, be cause ot his well kuown antecedents as a public j man. What are his antecedents upon the subject jof the extension of slavery? You know, them, gentlemen, as well as I do — they hare erer and al ways been apposite to the extension of slavery —and I ask you to' publish anything, in'which, by a fair construction. Mr. Fillmore has repudiated any of his antecedents upon the subject of the extension of slavery.” I By such men, the bogus Whig Convention at ■ Baltimore, were addressed—by such men, the people of the South are called upon to endorse their proceedings. The delegates from Georgia and the South lis tened to addresses from thetc men—but in al! the proceedings of the Convention, not one reproving word was uttered against such men or such seati utneute. Nebraska-Kansas Act—Then and Now. We showed yesterday the reception given at the South to the Nebraska-Kansas bill, after its pas sage, and the adherence of the Know Nothing or American party to it up to the period of the nomi nation of Mr. Fillmore for the Presidency. That bill was a3 universally opposed by the Abolition ists and Freesoilers at the North as it was support ed by all parties at the South. The mere mention of this fact will bring its truth vividly to the re collection of every one who read the papers in 1854. It would be about as reasonable for us to undertake to prove that the sun rises, or the stars shine at night, as to prove the truth of this decla ration to those who saw the combustibles piled upon the blazing altars of northern fanaticism* The bill was denounced in their public meetings and at their firesides—from the hustings and the pulpit—by candidates for office, public speakers and lecturers, ministers of the Gospel, letter wri ters, newspapers, secular and religious, and papu lar writers in the walks of literature. Language affords no terms of abuse, no bitter and poisoned phraseology, which was not brought into requisi tion to denounce the measure and its supporters. It was termed a hell-invented scheme against hu man liberty, an infamons union of northern and southern Democrats to lend the aid of the govern ment to the extension of the atrocities of slavery. It was denounced as an accursed law, an infamous statute, and the people of the North were called upon to demand its repeal, and to that end to rise in their majesty and doom to political death and execration all the northern members of Congress who had dared to give it countenance and support. Who does not know the result? Our northern friends—the glorious, national, constitutional Dem ocrats —after the severest struggles, were swept down by the tempests of Abolition fury. What did those gallant Democrats do? Did they turn pale and yield like cowards to the invincible Know Nothing and Abolition legions ? Did they give up the Constitution and the rights of the South? Did President Pierce quake and tremble before the blasts which swept down the noble political army which had borne him to power? History, to their eternal honor, will record their heroic devo tion to the Constitution and the equal rights of all sections of the Union. The northern Democrats stood firm, struggling amidst temporary misfor tunes, eclipsed for a while like the sun by clouds and storms, but destined, by adherence to truth and honor, and right, to shine with accustomed beaufv and splendor. No sooner had the Nebraska-Kansas bill become a law than the Freesoilers and Abolitionists com menced organizing their Emigrant Aid Societies to make Kansas a free State by the potent agency of Sharp’s rifles, and immense sums of money raised to arm and equip and support their bloody minded tools who were sent to seek the blood of southern men in that previously peaceful territory. Thus spoke General Webb, the Editor of the New York Enquirer, in the Philadelphia Convention. He is now a leader of the Black Republicans. “ They ask us to give them a nomination which, when put fairly before the people, will unite pub lic sentiment, and through the ballot box, will res train and repel this pro-slavery extension, and this aggression of slaveocracy. What else are they doing? They tell you that they are willing to abide by the ballot box, and willing to make that the last appeal. If we fail there, what then ? We will drive it back, sword in hand, and so help me God : believing that to be right, lam with them. [Loud cheers, and cries of * Good ?’ ” | Why need we repeat, what we have often shown, that the Convention of the Know Nothing party in February, 1856—the Convention which nomina ted Mr. Fillmore for the Presidency—denounced bitterly, the Kansas bill and the repeal of the Mis souri restriction line—that Mr. Fillmore accept ed their nomination and endorsed their pla’form —that in his Rochester speech, he bitterly de nounced the aforesaid bill and repeal as a Pan dora’s box of evils. Thus we find that the south ern Know Nothings, stood l»y the Kansas act for more than two years up to February, 1856, that then they denounced it for the first time, and fell into line with the northern Know Nothings who had consistently opposed it from the time of its passage until the above mentioned period; and now the northern and southern wings of the Know Nothing party are acting harmoniously together in their opposition to that great measure of equal ity and justice. There is a wide, radical, extraordinary difference between the positions of the southern Know Noth ings then and now. The northern Know Nothings in the great mass consistently opposed the mea sure from its passage to the present moment. The instincts, the judgements of the southern wing im pelled them to sustain the measure for more than two years as one of justice to the S>juth. The in stincts of their northern friends led them to op pose it from the beginning, because it u-as a mea sure of justice to the South. Southern Know Nothings, then, have lowered their crests—have come down to the footstool of northern preiudice, have deserted their own rights and attempt" to es cape from ‘his palpable dilemma by self-siultifica tiou. For more than two years they had the same act oefore them—the same Constitution—the same means of judging—the same force of intellect to bear upon the question. Were they blind for two Tears? Were they under the baleful influence of the moon for that long period ? Was reason be clouded for so long a time, yea, dethroned, until northern fanaticism winged the arrows of light which restored them to their senses ? The people of Georgia and the South, will conclude that thev were right alfirst, and that party influences have blunted their intellectual powers and their patriotic impulses simultaneously to the detriment of their own interests and those of the other portion of the people of the South. These facts should inspire southern men with thoughts which we shall not utter, and with a firm resolve to stand to the ori ginal position they unanimously maintained. Pa triotism will prove stranger than party, and will exhibit the people of the South standing together as one man on the question in November. l3£~Tb.e Hon. Percy Walker, who was so uncere moniously tried and condemned by the Know Nothings in Mobile, before his return home, has had a hearing before the people of that city. A numerons assemblage of both parties collected at the Odd Fellow's Hall, on the 20th inst., and for three hours he demonstrated the consistency of his political position, and the necessity for the South to rally to the support of Buchanan and Breckinridge. We feel satisfied that Walker will triumph before the people; he has already achieved a glorious triumph, by his late speech in Mobile, and when his clarion notes are sounded in the rural districts, he will gather thousands of de voted southern men to his support. Our telegraph correspondent, in sending j us the news that the National Intelligencer had run up the Fillmore and Donelsox flag, was “rather fast." The Intelligencer has done no such thing, but tamely compliments Mr. Fillmore, as that pa per always has done, while at the same time it evinces its repudiation of the “proscription and religious intolerance ” of the Know Nothing party. IST' On the first of October members to a new Territorial Legislature are to be elected by the people in Kansas. ISTTbe dwelling and several of the out houses of i William Wilbt, in Hancock county, were recently destroyed by fire. There were eighteen deaths ia Savannah the past week. Know Nothing Braggadocio. The Chronicle <k Sentinel, the Know Nothing pa per of this city, is making itself positively inter esting to both sides by its ludicrous assertions and predictions. We make extracts from both of its editorials of yesterday. The first is as fol lows: “Although New York, Kentucky. Delaware Maryland, Tennessee, Florida, Louisiana ami California have declared in an unmistakable man ner for Fillmore, still the northern and southern Democracy swear that all the States that do not so for Fremont will certainly rote for Buchanan. he New York Herald gives the majority to Fre mont, and the Richmond Enquirer awards it to Buchanan; while all the time it is notorious that unless they coalesce, the election of either is not even probable. If New York alone votes for Fill more, the election of Fremont bv the people will be an impossibility, and that New York will do so there is not the shadow of a doubt. If Penn sylvania rejects the Buchanan Democracy next month, and that it will do so few sane men'really doubt there is no chance for Buchanan carrving a single free State, and consequently he cannot be elected by the people.’’ Query : When did New York, Delaware, Mary land, Tennessee, Florida, Louisiana and Califor nia, declare in an unmistakable manner for Fill more? Have there been any electious in. those States this year? What did Kentucky declare "in an unmistakable manner ,” last month ? She declared eight thousand Democratic majority. The Chronicle <£• Sentinel does not mention what North Carolina. Alabama, Missouri, Arkansas and Texas declared last month "in an unmistakable manner .” Oh no! It never mentions them. That New York will vote for Fillmore says the Chronicle, “there is not the shadow of a doubt.” Indeed? In deed ! Is this the truth ? If Pennsylvania rejects the Buchanan Democra cy, which, says the Chronicle “few sane men really doubt,” “there is no chance for Buchanan- carrying a single free State.” Indeed' There must be then a great many insane men in and out of Pennsyl vania. As to the chance of Buchanan- carrying a single free State even in the contingency named, the public will wait till they hear from New Jer sey, New York, New Hampshire, Connecticut, In diana, Ohio, Illinois, Michigan, lowa, Wisconsin, and California. They will in the meantime give liitle heed to the say so of the Chronicle rs; Senti nel. We think that sagacious paper has said on sundry occasions, this year, that Buchanan has no chance to carry Georgia. In another part of that paper yesterday occurs the following veracious disclosures and predic tions. “The defeat of the Administrative ticket in Octo ber, is now beginning to be looked upon as a cer tainty. The opposition in Pennsylvania are not only confident of a triumphant result upon that occasion, but they anticipate a majority of at least twenty thousand. The effect of such a vote can not but prove electrical. It will prove beyond the shadow of a doubt that the Cincinnati'nominee has not a chance in this State. Throughout the entire South, the Democratic electoral tickets will then be virtually abandoned, while the accessions to the Fillmore banner will be overwhelming. This is the prospect at the present time, and it cannot but improve during the few weeks that in tervene before the election. In Philadelphia our friends were never in better spirits. They feel that they have the game in their own handstand they are determined to play- it manfully, honorablv and boldly.” To this, as to much else that appears in that bragadocies sheet, we would say the public will want to hear of those twenty thousand majority being counted out before they attach much value to the prediction. If the Black Republicans and the Fillmore Know Nothings combined, calculate only on twen ty thousand majority in October, how do they cal culate on their respective tally sheets, compairing with the Buchaxan vote in November? Or do they intend to keep up the fusion and vote but one Elec toral ticket in November? The Chronicled- Sentinel virtually confesses in the above that such an infa mous coalition is intended. If the Black Republicans and Know Noth ings Only aspect tyventy thousand majority, we think the presumption a fair one that it will be just about twenty thousand the other way, in an aggregate vote yvhich is not likely to fall short of of four hundred thousand. But the State election will not be conclusive, no matter hoyv large the majority of the Fillmors and Fremoxt coalition. They can divide out State and county offices, and Congressmen, among their retainers, but they can’t divide the Presidency. There can be no cordial fusion on the Presidential question, for there can be no har monious division of the spoils. Would southern Know Nothings tolerate Fillmore giving any part of the spoils to the Black Republicans? Would Seivard, Greelt, Bexxett, Theodorr Parker, Ward, Beecher and Fred Douglass agree that Frrmoxt should divide out with the Know Nothings? There will be a jolly quarrel and kick ing outof traces, on this hunt, long before the elec tion all over the country. Already Bexxett has come out in the Herald in favor of Judge Parker, the Democratic nominee for Governor in New York. We will see queerer things than that burst ing out in the midst of the fusionists, when even in the separate factions, making up the Democrat ic opposition, there are juStsuch wig-warm trouble* all the time breaking out. “ Throughout the entire South the Democratic Electoral ticket will then be virtually abandoned, while the accessions to the Fillmore Banner will be overwhelming." Oh, dear! who wrote that— yvas it the Oglethorpe Editor er the English Ed itor ? Quoth the Chronicle, “ • Our Jr lends ’ in Phila delphia feel that they have the game in their own hands, and they are determined to play it man fully, honorably, and boldly.” Who are -“ our friends?” Among the fusionists? Does not the list embrace Thadoecs Stevexs, Pollock, David Wilmot, G a ex's a a Grow, and the entire string of Abolitionists, as well as the sound Americans '! Is this fusion with such men “ the game ” referr ed to, and is this mode of playing for the Presi dency what southern men will endorse as “honor able ?” The people of the old Keystone State will answer this question in November very emphati cally in the negative. So will the entire South. Mr. Cramptox. —A London letter states that Mr. Cramptox is named as the successor of Mr. Bligh a3 British Envoy to Hanover. This favor is byjno means a promotion, and may serve to show the ex act estimate the British government has of Mr. Cramptox. The post is only a secondary Conti nental Mission. Judge Catrox, of the G. S. Supreme Court, has written a letter to Axdrew Jacksox, Jr., showing that Gen. Jacksox (the old hero) urged the nomi nation of Mr. Bcchaxax to the Presidency in 1?44; after the publication of Mr. Yax Burkn’s anti- Texas letter. Judge C. says he was one of those to whom Gen. Jacksox expressed himself in favor of Mr. BrcHAXAX. Religious Movements ix Europe. —The grand Protestant Synod, which is to establish an inde pendent organization of the Protestant Church, and form a kind of constituent assembly ot that church, is to be convoked by the superior ecclesi astical council of Berlin, and will assemble in that capital in January next. i3T Thomas Swax has been nominated as the Know Nothing candidate for Mayor of Baltimore In a public address, accepting the nomination, he I said: “My friends, in the coming election you must consider the name of Thomas Swaxx as a mere circumstance. It is the platform upon which he U placed—the great American pjattbrta —i cheers) —which you are called upon to support, and I know you will do is.”