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[COMMUNICATED.] To F . Three years ago, with aching heart, My hand was clasped in thine, The time had come for fate to part Thy kindred soul and mine. 1 heard thee breathe a long “good-bye,’’ Nor knew 'till thou wer’t gone, How vain in absence I would sigh— How miss the loving tone. Three years ago! and can it be— Three years have passed away Since first you breathed, your vows to me, Beneath the moon’s pale ray? But time in thee has wrought no change, Nor any brought to me ; Naught could this faithful heart estrange From the dear past—and thee. 1 know not.if thine eye still gleams With all the fire of yore, I’ve seen thee only in my dreams For three long years and more. Since last we met thou has’t wandered far, And “won the wreath of fame,” But still thou art my hope — my star, Thy heart instill the same. When stars are glimmering pale above, Shining o’er mount and lea, And others breathe a tale of love, I only thiiJ: of thee ! I curl my lip in scprn—l smile, Ah ! could they hope to win, A heart, where thou, so free from guile, Art fondly shrined within ? Three years! oh, long, and dark they’ve been, But now the pang is o’er; Tbou’lt soon return, thou long unseen, To leave me never more ! Brighter the lamps of Ifeaven will burn, When thou art by my side, Then to thy home, this heart return, Where thou wil’t e’er abide. Rena. Richmond County, Ga. [COMMUNICATED.] To the People of Elbert County. I have heretofore, as is well known to you, act ed with the American party. But recent develop ments having fully convinced me, that it is the duty of every patriot in the present crisis, to rally under the Democratic flag, I shall not hesitate to strike for Buchanan and Breckinridge. And I de sire to give you my reasons briefly, in justification of this course, simply because I hold an office, which was conferred upon me, mainly by the votes of that party which now advocates, for the Presi dency, the claims of Sir. Fillmore. A generous people will at least tolerate an honest difference of opinion. The slavery question is recognized as the para mount issue in the present contest; and the Kan sas bill, in my opinion embodies the correct prin ciples for the South upon this question. I occupy the same position now that I did last year, when the American party declared that no man was worthy to be considered a member es the party, who was opposed to the slavery features of this bill. I have been forced to the conclusion, even against my wishes and feelings, that Mr. Fillmore and his supporters areenemies and not friends of this measure. When he, in his letter of acceptance, endorsed the Philadelphia platform, which denounced the policy of the administration, as “reckless and un wise” in repealing the Missouri restriction, and at the same time referred to his past administration, for his future policy, I flattered myself with the belief that that obnoxious plank did not express his true sentiments, conflicting, as it did, with his acts sanctioning the Utah ana New Mexico bills, which, by implication, actually repealed that re striction in those portions of the Louisiana pur chase, included within the limits of these territo ries. But at Rochester and Albany, he spoke out and left us in no doubt as to his opinions. The Kansas bill which we had been accustomed to look as a measure of “deliverance and liberty,” he de nounced as a “Pandora’s box”—a great wrong—a violation of good faith. This was strong talk ; but so loth was I to quit the American party and unite with the Democra cy, against whom X had done battle for many a long year, that I clung to the hope, seemingly somewhat plausible, that Mr. Fillmore, and his party would give the country some assurance, that they would at least stand by existing legislation, and not seek to restore the Compromise. An op portunity was afforded him to speak out, when the party in Georgia, met at Macon, repudiated the Philadelphia platform, by constructing one of their own, and nominating him upon it. The pro ceedings of this Convention, were transmitted to Mr. Fillmore, and his acceptance requested. The party said in unequivocal terms, that they were opposed to restoration. It was an easy mat ter, if Mr. Fillmore agreed with them to say so. This he refused to do, leaving the inference strong that he did not. Subsequent developments have rendered this almost absolutely certain. His supporters in Con gress, from the North, have actually voted for restoration, side by side with the Black Republi cans. Their opposition to what we consider our just rights and true interests, has been further evinced bv their hostility to Whitfield, the pro slavery delegate from Kansas. Surely the acts of Fillmore’s friends in Congress must afford some index as to what are the real sediments of that party North. But we are not even left to inference and conjecture. We have confirmation in the fact that in some of the North ern States they are actually co-alescing with the Black Republicans and running the same candi dates. . - , . Take these facts, in connection with tne fact that the party in the South are becoming more and more open in their denunciations of the Kansas Bill, and I ask a candid public how any true friend of that measure can consistently support the American party. I certainly should have to stul tify myself if 1 did. I should have to stop my ears and close my eyes. There is, therefore, no alternative left me but to do as our great leader, Charles J. Jenkins, has done—buckle on the Democratic armor, for this campaign at least, and fight side by side and shoulder to shoulder with those who are upon my principles, and aid them in what I believe to be the true interest of the South. In conclusion let me say. that no man can charge me with having changed my principles without uttering that which is untrue. I occupy the same ground that I did last year; and if the American party has seen proper to change theirs, they will certainly not be so illiberal as to require me to change along with them, contrary to my convic tions of right and duty. Simeon Hall. Kuerten. Sept, ldth, 1856. [COMMUNICATBD.J Kansas Meeting. At a recent meeting of the Kansas Aid Aseocia tian of Richmond county, the following preamble and resolutions were unanimously adopted: Having observed, with sincere gratification, the movement now on foot in Georgia to organize a State Association with affiliated clubs in every Bounty to raise men and money for Kansas, Resolved, That we cordially respond to the ob ject had in view by our fellow-citizens in other portions of the Sate, and that we will unite with them in the employment of every honorable means to secure its speedy and certain success. Resolved, That to initiate the movement above referred to on our part, the Chairman of the Kan sas Aid Association of Richmond county, appoint s, delegation consisting of twelve members of said association to represent us in the Convention pro posed to be held at Atlanta on the first of October next. Received, That the collecting committeeappcint ed at the last meeting be, and they are hereby re quested to continue their exertions :c the premi ses, and report at a meeting of this association, to be called bv the chairman after the adjournment of the Atlanta Convention. Under the second resolution the Chair appoint ed as delegates to the Atlanta Convention, Messrs. J. V H. Alien, E A. Sibiev, Julien Camming, J. D. Reilly, A. M. Rodgers, V. W. Boiselair,_ Geo. T. Barnes, James Brandom, Esq., Jno. David Walker, Robt. W. Schley, E. J. Walker, and Jos. E. Burch. On motion Resolved, That the delegation have power to £ll any vacancies that may occur in their body. After ordering the foregoing proceedings to be published, the meeting adjourned. A, M Rodgers, Seme—“t. Letter from New York. New York, Sept. 20th, 1556. To the Editor of the Constitutionalist: As this is a rainy day and I cannot attend to out doer matters, I will give you a few “pints” as to politics. I find npon talking with our Georgia friends that a majority of those that left home, Fillmore men, have concluded to vote for Buchanan and Breckinridge on their return; as they say that they .are now perfectly satisfied that Mr. Fillmore has no strength anywhere North, out of the State of New York, and he has not the “shadow of chance,” even here. He is bound to be the hindmost man in this State. I have been told by several of the city merchants here, who are Americans and prefer Mr. Fillmore personally, that they shall vote for Buchaaan as they say he only can beat Fremont. I find that merchants from Maryland, Tennessee and Kentucky are doing the same thing. I do really believe, that if it were so that every man South could come here and see for himself— attend the meetings of the several parties, and see who are their true friends, and which of them all is the only one that stands square up to the rack and defends our rights, that Buchanan and Breckinridge would receive a nearly unanimous V °l C see that the Chronicle & Sentinel devotes a stnng of rigmarole in trying to make little of the great Democratic procession here of last week, and then in the next column copies from the Express their account of the Fillmore and Donelson pro cession, stating that it was the largest ever seen in this city, and heads the extract with “New York for Fillmore,” as if the lying statement of the Express could give the State to Fillmore. Now the truth is the Democratic procession was near ly if not quite twice as large as that ot the Know Nothing. I timed them both, and the former was one and three quarter hours in passing a given point, while the Know Nothing was hut fifty minutes, and the Democrats were more compact and in the same space would exceed the Know Nothings one fourth. I am satisfied with one thing about this State, if the soft Know Nothings cau be kept in the traces so as to keep them from vot ing for Fremont; that Buchanan will carry it by a handsome majority; but should they fly the track and go over, soul, body and breeches t» Fremont, as I fear they mav, he is bound to carry the Stale. As to Sfew Jersey and Pennsylvania I have no fears but that they will cast theirelectoral votes for Buchanan, however the State election may go; for the Fremonters and Fill uore men cannot agree on an electoral ticket as easily as they can on the State tickets; for in State matters they can divide, but they cannot divide a President. In that case it is all or more. So between their bickerings on this question, Buchanan is good for these two States, which without any other northern votes will elect him, if the South stands united as present in dications seen they will. I have got a large num ber of papers supporting Fillmore in which are articles to prove that he is a letter, (yes, better is the word,) anti-slavery man than Fremont, which I will give you when I get home. Thev also prove conclusively that he only signed the “Fugitive slave act” in obedience to his views of the veto power —that notwithstanding he was opposed to it, as his advisers (Mr. Critten tenden, Ac.) decided it to be constitutional, lie could not withhold his signature. G. Chronicle and Sentinel—Squatter Sover eignty. To the Editor of the Constitutionalist: The political fight in Georgia has narrowed down the gibbering of this paper to empty and senseless denunciations of what its editors con ceive to be the Squatter Sovereignty of the Kansas Bill. Nothing lias been left in its columns which merits the consideration of an intelligent and hon est man,except its dolorous complaints against this one single idea. To prop the falling fortunes of itself and followers, its editors resort to misrepre sentations and denunciations of the Kansas bill, which, when exposed, will but aid in sinking themselves to the dirty level their cause, with its defence, so richly merits. To all who agree with them in rejecting this great southern “boon” we have to say, that they have either been sleeping over their rights as they now understand them, or they have submitted to injustice too long Tor their present clamour to rekindle hope of redress.— They may to-day plead ignorance and confess that thev made jubilant by a deceptive poison. Be this as it may—the fact still exists, that they have drank of their own accord, drank deeply, drank to the very dregs of the cup which they say contains Squatter Sovereignty. Whether their shouts of joy over this principle, to the tune of “ fair, liberal and just,” were the ebulitions of stupid ignorance, or the frantic screams of a victim maddened by concealed poison, we leave for them to determine. We do know and intend by this communication to prove that if the Kansas bill contains Squatter Sovereignty, the editors of the Chronicled; Sentinel, together w'ith every Union man in Georgia, not only endorsed it in 1851, but said it was lair, lib eral, and just. We will prove before we are through, beyond all question, the perfect identity of the Kansas bill and the Utah and New Mexico bills. We promise, if we do not, to make a public recantation of our errors, and to take an open stand for Mr. Fillmore. Now to the law and the testimony. There is a clause in the first section of the Ltah and New Mexico bills which read thus: And when admit ted as a State, the said Territory, or any portion of the game, shall be received into the Union with or without slavery, as their Constitution may pre scribe at the time of their admission. This clause is contained word for word in the first section of the Kansas bill. It will be perceived that this clause has no reference whatever to the jiowers of legislation conferred on the people of Ltah or of Kansas. It does not specity the time when, nor the maaner in which the existence of the institu tion of slavery in the territories shall be determin ed. It neither grants nor restricts the fcgislative power of the people of the territories. It only lays down a rule by which the Congress which mav be in session when they apply for admission into the Union shall be governed. It simply de clares that Congress shall not refuse them admis sion because their Constitution does or does not establish slavery. Many have supposed that this clause of the Utah and New Mexico bills forbade the people of the territories from touching slavery until they framed a Constitution preparatory to admission into the Union. Such is by no means the case. It is true that it acknowledges their right either to admit or exclude slavery at that time, but certainly no intelligent man will say that it denies their right to legislate on the sub ject before the Constitution is framed. This posi tion could nut be maintained, because it says nothing whatever about their powers of legisla tion, which are to be exercised whilst in a territo rial condition. The only section of either the Kansas or the Utah bills which confers legislative power on the people of the Territories is the sixth, and is framed m exactly the same words, in both bills, viz: “That the Legislative power of the Territory shall extend to all rightful subjects of legislation consistent with the Constitution of the United States and the provisions of this act.” If the people of the Territory of Kansas have the power to exclude slavery by any legislative act, it is de rived from the above clause. This is the only sec tion of the Kansas bill which confers on the Ter ritory power to legislate on any snbject. There cannot be found the flimsiest shade of a shadow of legislative power in any other section of the bill. Be it remembered, ss we proceed, that this section is word for word the section which confers legisla tive power on the Territories of Utah and New Mexico. Now, we call upon any member of the Fillmore party, be be stump orator, newspaper editor, or lay member, to show that there is legis- j lative power conferred on the Territory of Kansas, ! which is not conferred on tbe Territory of Utah, | and we will make good the promise made in the ; outset of this communication. The Constitution ; of the United States and the provisions of their organic law are tbe only restrictions placed upon the legislative power of either Territory. If these restrictions were taken off, their powers of legisla tion would be as unlimited as the inherent free will of the people. If then there is any difference in the extent of legislative power conferred od j the people of Utah in 1850, and on the people of j Kansas in 1854, it arises from a difference in the ! severity of the restrictions found in the provisions j of the acts themselves; for we do not imagine; that the most illiterate would suppose that the Censtitution of the United States was more bind- : ing in Utah than in Kansas. From a careful ex amination of the two acts, we say, without fear of contradiction, that there is no restriction placed upon the legislative power of tbe Territory of i Utah bv anv provisioo of its organic act, that is not placed' also on the legislative power of the r i Terr. -i j Kansas by its organic act. If there 1 is any one who doubts this, (and I know there will be some\ we insist that they shall get the two acts and examine them for themselves. We do do not _sav that the Legislatures either of Kansas or of Utah have the power to exclude slavery, for ; the Constitution of the United States is hung over I both bodies, but we do say that if it can be done i constitutionally under the Kansas bill, it can be accomplished in like manner under the Utah bill. Pending the consideration of the Ist section of the Utah bill, on the 7th Sept., 1800, Mr. Seddcn, 1 of Virginia, in the House of Representatives, of- i sered an amendment to the clause which declared , that, “when admitted as a State, the said Territo- , ry, or any portion of the same, shall be received into the Union with or without slavery, as their Constitution may prescribe at the time of their ad- ' mission,” the amendment read thus: And that prior to the formation of a State Constitution, . there shall be no prohibition by the action of a Territorial Legislature of the emigration of any citizens of the United States with any property re cognized as such by the laws of any of the States of this Union. This amendment was voted down, and in lieu of it the Constitution of the United States was placed over the action of the Tengtori al Legislature prior to the formation of a State Constitution. The same thing was done by the Kansas bill. The framers of both these acts said to the people of all sections of our country, go to these Territories, and you shall not be deprived by a Territorial Legislature of any right guarantied by the Constitution of the United states. We wish to notice, in connection with this argu ment, the section of the Kansas bill which repeals the Missouri restriction, for fear that unless we do, some one will say, that this portion of the Kan sas bill confers legislative power on the people of the territory of Kansas, which is not conferrred on the people of the Territory of Utah by its organic act. The repealing clause" reads thus: “That the Constitution, and all laws of the United States which are not locally inapplicable, shall have the same force and effect within the said Territory of Kansas as elsewhere within the United States,"ex cept the eighth section of the act preparatory to the admission of Missouri into the Union," ap proved March the sixth, eighteen hundred and twenty, which, being inconsistent with the princi ple of non-intervention by Congress with slavery in the States and Territories, as recognised by the legislation of eighteen hundred and fifty, "com monly called the Compromise measures, is hereby declared inoperative and void; it being the true intent and meaning of this act not to legislate slavery into any Territory or State, not to exclude it therefrom, but to leave the people thereof per fectly free to form and regulate their domestic in stitutions in their own way, subject only to the Constitution of the United States.” The first part of this clause declares that the Constitution, and all laws of the United States which are not locally inapplicable, shall be bind ing on the people of Kansas; the second part re peals the Missouri restriction; and the third part is a declaration of what is the true meaning oj the act. No part of this section confers any legisla tive power whatever on the people of the territory. It declares that the Missouri restriction, or action bv Congress on slavery in the territories is incon sistent with the Utah and New Mexico bills,and that in the Territory of Kansas as in the Territo ries of Utah and "New Mexico, Congress shall have nothing to do with slavery, but that the peo ple of the Territory shall settle it as they think best. The latter part of this clause points out by whom slavery shall be regulated in the Territory, but it does not define when, nor how. It does not say that it shall be decided only bv a territorial legislature, neither does it say, that they shall wait until they get in Convention to frame "a Con stitution before the subject is touched. It does say that their regulations for their domestic insti tutions shall be subject to the Constitution of the United States. Hence, it is evident that this clause does not add to, nor detract from the legis lative powers conferred on the Territories of Kan sas and Utah by the sixth section of their organic acts, which are" the same, word for word, in both bills. There is not a ten thousandth part of a fraction difference in the extent of powerover the • subject of slavery conferred on tne people of Kan sas by their territorial law, and the people of Utah by theirs. If Squatter Sovereignty is contained in the territorial acts for Kansas and Nebraska, Squat : ter Sovereignty is contained in the territorial acts i for Utah and New Mexico. If the Kansas bill is worse than the Wilmot pro viso, the Chronicle tf* Senlinel has said that a prin ! ciple worse than the Wilmot proviso, “is fair, ! liberal and just.” If a man was a traitor to the ' South, who would not stand by the principle • of the Utah nnd New Mexico bills in 1851, the edi tors of the Chronicle iP Sentinel are traitors to the South to-day. We appeal to these gentlemen, and ask them, in all candor, if they have been asleep i for the last six years? If not asleep, were they . maniacs or fools, when, in 1851, their shouts of , “fair, liberal and just,’ 5 over this very principle, were echoed and re-echoed over the State of Geor \ gia by the very men who to-day denounce it as a fraud upon the rights of the South. Whence came this flood of newlight on this old principle? Was it shed forth when the editors of the Chronicle, fol lowing the banner of Messrs. Stephens, Toombs and Cobb, with this principle for their motto, rolled up a majority for its endorsement of eigh teen thousand? Was it poured over their lazy motioned brains, when the Georgia Legislature declared, a few years afterwards, that opposition to this principle was hostility to the South ? Was in showered upon them when Mr. Fillmore assert ed that he would abide the operation of these measures in principle and in substance ? Were they enlightened last year, when the American party, in Conventien at Macon, put the handwri ting upon the wall, that any man who opposed this principle was unfit to be recegnized as a mem ber of any party not hostile to the South ? I doubt not that the editors of the Chronicle ((■ Sentinel, if they had been accused last year of holding po sitions they maintain this, would have instituted a suit for slander. They would have denounced any one who could have had the boldness to have said last year what they have written this' as a traitor to the South. Never did any party in Georgia think of maintaining the positions the American party are now defending, until they, the American party, were committed to the support of Mr. Fillmore. And they never would have attempted it then even, if they liad not been driven to it, step by step on account of positions since assumed by their candi date. I know well, that though there were qpmc in my county who were opposed last year to that fea ture of the Kansas bill which allowed foreigners to vote at their first election, there was no one who ever murmured a syllable of complaint against the principle which is to-dav denounced as squatter sov ereignty, until Mr. Fillmore made his Albany and Rochester speeches. It was then, that their Chief tain informed them that this Kansas bill was a Pandora’s box, it granted the South a boon they did not as!: for, a northern Senator and President ought to be blamed for it, he was opposed to this bill, and did not like the disturbance of that sweet, balmy, oily, wound heeling Missouri restriction. His friends in Georgia having previously commit ted themselves to bis support, rather than de nounce him immediately as an enemy of their in stitutions, a foe to their firesides and rights under the Constitution, instituted an examination of their own stomachs, for food that had nourished and sustained for six years, and began very soon to vomit up declarations they had swallowed time and again ; until to-day, some of them stand on the soil of my own native ’State washed of the last ves tige of true southern sentiments, and are ready to wallow in the dirty sophistry of freesoilism, if to defend their warning cause it is required. It is high time that the honest yeomanry of Georgia, who have been duped and deceived into the sup port of Mr. Fillmore by the misrepresentations of such papers as the Chronicle. Sentinel should pause, and in all seriousness address to their own hearts the question, whither are we tending? Where will our leaders carry us ? Our country is now passing through an ordeal such as the history of our government furnishes no example. A great struggle is pending. The parties in this trying contest, are the friends of the Constitution of our fathers, and its open and avowed enemies. It is a struggle between pat riots, and traitors; it is a struggle on your part, ! for your homes and little ones, your hearth shines ; and tiresides; and it is for you to determine wheth j er or not this struggle shall distract the country ; with fratricidal war. It is for you to determine whether or not, in this dire event, your wives and babes shall be left tc the mercy of an infuriated negro race, and the many hill tops of your awn sunny State made the resting place for the bones of your own beloved countrymen. Let me en treat you then, by all that is loved or sacred, on i earth, or in heaven, if you would save your coun try from civil war, your homes from destruction, and our Constitution from the traitor’s foul grasp, , to lister, no longer to the syren song that Fillmore is ft’mode! President, and tbathe knows no North, . South, East, or West, for T assure you that he and bis party are powerless to protect either; but rally , to the banner of your country, around the Consti- > tut ion of your fathers, and shoulder to shoulder ; with the true patriots of our land, whether they < be Whigs or Democrats, struggle manfully to save ( our Union from dissolution ant? our land from . civil war. Truth, j Lexington, Ga., Sept. IStb, 18 ,0. [COMECNICATSD.] Warren-ton-, Ga., Sept. 28, 1555. 1 Jfr. Editc-r: The quiet of our village was ves- 1 terday disturbed by the announcement of a death 1 from Tellow Fever, and we deem it our duty to i the public to report the case with all the facts ao- i companying it. On Wednesday last, a man by ! the name of Frederick Smith (a German), arrived J from Savannah, and was employed as a cook by a gentleman of this place. Very soon he com plained, and took his bed, and supposing his case was one of Bilious Fever, he was treated for it by Dr. Johnson. On Monday afternoon he died, , black vomit having ensued on the morniug be- i fore liis death. After death, upon a full consulta tion, it was agreed that it was a case of Yellow , Fever—which opinion was concurred in by the at tending physician. The young man before his death gave the foi- 1 lowing account of himself: Was a native of Wur- \ temburg, twenty-three years of age, and first left the steamship Keystone State, a Philadelphia and ■ Savannah packet, and was a cook on board the ship on the last trip. On arriving at Philadel phia the ship was put under quarantine for five days, the fever having made its appearance on board. He returned to Savannah, and the sick ness on board was reported to be Billious FeVcr— on his arrival he left for this place. To the citizens of the county and others in clined to visit us, we are constrained to say that we do not apprehend the spread of the disease from this case. The town was never more healthy, there being no case of fever of any description within our knowledge. E. V. Culver, M. D., Sterling Gibson, M. D. A Card, A Card by J. W. Jones appeared in the Consli tutionaliet, of the 24th inst., purporting to be a narration of the facts and circumstances which led to the publication of the Card of G. A. Snead, in the Constitutionalist on the 14th inst., and as it is not strictly correct, I feel it my duty to give my version to the facts. It is incorrect in this, that he (Mr. J.) stateß that after lie had made his explanu nation, I pronounced it “ perfectly satisfactory no doubt,” but “subsequently requested him to make the statement in writing.” The facts are these: When Mr. J. made his explanation I asked biin to reduce it to writing. This he declined to do. I then told him if he would write it I had no doubt that it would be satisfactory, but I would not car ry a verbal message. He again declined, and re peated bis explanation, adding that if Col. Snead would call at his office lie would repeat it to him. I then left. I however returned in a few minutes, fearing that Mr. J. would suppose, afterhis last re marks, that I would give bis explanation to Col. S.—and being better satisfied that I was right, in refusing to bear a verbal message—and asked Mr. J. if he would allow me to write down his expla nation, under his approval. This lie also declined. I still adhered to my determination not to hear a verbal message, and told him I did not regard it as an explanation, nnd would not repeat it to Col. S. He (Mr. J.) thought I was wrong. I gave him my reasons for refusing to receive it in any other than a tangible form—that the code of honor re quired it—and that a written communication of any nature, by the rules of common etiquette, called for a written reply. I thought so then and now. My object in making this statement is to place Col. S. and myself in the right position; and as Mr. J. “ pretends to give the substance,” I wish to correct him in the detail. My version, I assert to be correct in fact, and I believe to be the words used. JOHN D. REILLY. Augusta, Sept. 25, 1856. Dissolution ot the Union—lts Immediate Consequences. To the Editor of the Constitutionalist: That an event of such magnitude as the dissolu tion of our Federal Union should bring with it no troubles, no evils at all, were scarcely to be ex pected. Some would say the experiment of free govern ment had failed—that self-government had been proved impossible. Except on certain conditions we grant it. Slavery (at least political inequality) is the necessary reservoir for the material which in the North makes "isms.” Many would feel that they had lost their moor ings—what the moorings of the South would per manently be we endeavored to show in the last number, and they seemed to be by do means intol erable. In discussing the immediate consequences of disunion, we shall consider civil war to be one of them. It may not be a necessary—it certainly is a probable accompaniment, whether consequence or cause. We deplore the probable necessity, but think it will be short lived, and the South far from getting the worst of it. Suppose civil war, then, to he the cause, conse quence, or accompaniment of disunion ; its legal incidents would he Ist. Confiscation (during war) of debts. The South would for the time being lose debts due from the North. The North would lose the far greater amount due her —debts due for mer chandise would go unpaid. New York and Boston would break in a day. What would become of the merchant princes ? Os the Banks ? 2d. Commerce between the sections would be suspended. Tbe importation of cotton ceasing, what would become of the vast investments in cotton manufactures, and ofthemultitudesengaged in them ? The South being by far the largest (almost ex clusive) purchaser of northern manufactures, what would become of the general manufacturing in terest—the factories broken and the workmen dis charged. The coasting trade, its most profitable branch, would be lost to the marine interest. Under the recent stipulations of the great pow ers of Europe, abolishing paper blockades and confining captures to articles contraband of war, our own carrying trade would but be transferred to other hands. Communication between the North and South being cut off—direct importation would'he made to the South, and a large portion of the revenue from duties soon change its channel. New modes of taxation upon an impoverished people would need to be adopted. The sinews of war gone—oppressed by unusual burdens, the eyes of the North would be open too late to the" consequences of their folly. Not many months would elapse before the North would sigh for re union, and (unless restrained by pride; sue for it, too, and npon terms. And now (briefly) as to the war itself: If Kan sas should choose to go with the South—as she doubtless would—Kansas would be the first and chief theatre of war. Upon that war we should enter wi iL a clear conscience, “He’s doubly armed who hath his quarrel just.” We have never asked in Kansas or in any other Territory, for more than equality. We have never said to tbe men of Massachusetts —“We alone shall mould Kansas, giving you no voice in the mattor.” We have claimed our equal right only—and are just in maintaining it to the bitter end. Great as are the evils of war, there are greater. Great as the evils may he to us, ..to the North they will be greater. And here let it be considered that delay would not probably prevent, but only postpone these evils and greatly aggravate them when they come. Prompt, decisive action is our safety, as well as our duty. Delay would but allow the powers of the government for intrigue and force to be col-* lected and set in array against us. The precise course and end of civil war we can not predict. We can only say that having em barked in a just cause, at tbe best time, and with ' every ground of hope—we would conduct it with j the spirit of southern freemen and come out of it ( eulv when its just ends had been subserved. The South deprecates blood, but she is not afraid of it, nor need she be. To almost every distinguished General this country has produced she has given birth. Washington, Jackson, Scott, ' Taylor, the heroes of every war have been her 1 sons. The legitimate fruits of her system, to wit: The aggrandisement of the master though not at < the expense of the African, who has been also elej rated, have appeared in due season alike in Cab- < inet and field. i In all this sectional controversy, the moderation i prudence and courtesy have been shown by the party aggrieved. But while there is no where more aversion to war than at tbe South, nowhere ' is there less fear of it. The justice of our cause and the necessities of self-defence would be the prime incentives to ani mate us. We have shown the reasons why Free soil is yet in its minority—we have pointed out its elements of growth. There is as little hope ol re-action as of re-action in the growth of a healthy stripling. And now what does Freesoil propose to do ? What is its platform ? True it is not always necessary to resort to a platform to learn the "position of "a party. In time of Indian wars, should one meet an armed Indian at his door he would scarcely stop to accost him with—“ Sir, what is your platform ?” However, we are left to no conjecture. Our adversaries have a platform and a policy. A convention was called of the people of the United States without regard to past political dif ferences (for the issue is one and naksa) who are (among other like things) opposed to the re peal of t the Missouri Compromise—to the ex tension of slavery into free territoir—in favor of the admission of Kansas as a free State and for the purpose of nominating a President and Vice President? That convention, so called, merging all minor questions into this one—forgetting past differ ences, was as honest as fanaticism usually is. Its objects are undisguised. The Ist and 2d resolutions are in keeping with, nnd embodied in the 3d. The 3d resolution is as follows: Resolved, That the Constitution confers on Con gress sovereign powers over the territories of the United States for their government, and that in the exercise of this power it is both the right and the duty of Congress to prohibit in the territo ries those twin relicß of barbarism—polygamy and , ‘slavery.” No more unqualified or insulting claim of right could be framed in language. The 4th resolution is a precious array of fictions on the subject of the wrongs of Kansas. And the sth resolves that “Kansas should be immediately admitted as a State of the Union with her present free Constitution,” referring to the informal, irreg ular minority Constitution adopted at Topeka. The 6th is against the Ostena Circular. The 7th in favor of the Pacific railroad. The Bth of Internal Improvements. And the 9th invites the aid of all who concur. Fremont’s letter of acceptance is worthy of the party and of the man. He, born and reared in the South, a pro-slavery man from infancy, and so in California and in the U. S. Senate, shame lessly says. “ The declaration of principles embodied in the resolves of your Convention expresses the senti ments in which I have been educated, and which have been ripened into convictions by personal observation and experience.” When we consider his birth and education, liis associations and habits, his early life, his earnest opposition to the prohibition of slavery in the California Constitution, his defence of himself against the churgfof affiliation with Col. Benton’s questionable views, his votes in the U. 8. Senate, (always with the South) we can but he amazed at the impudence of his perfidy. In the course of his long postponed and elabor ately considered letter of acceptance in speaking of the evils of slavery extension, he declares “a practical remedy” to Be “the admission of Kansas as a free State.” Adding that the South should, in his judgment, earnestly desire such consumma tion,” ana that “the North having practically the benefit would he satisfied.” Well, indeed she might be. He says further: " Tbe only genial region of the middle latitudes left to emigrants from the northern States for homes cannot be conquered from the free laborers * who have long considered it as set apart for Diem in our inheritance without provoking a desperate struggle." This, same genial region, the common purefiase of North and South in liis judgment should be surrendered by the South, not only . without a desperate struggle, but ns a consumma tion ‘to be earnestly desired.” To the great body of non-slaveholding free * men—“including those of the South upon whose ) welfare slavery is an oppression” he proposes a j bribe out of the common fund— i e. —he proposes “to advance their interests and secure their inde pendence” bv a beneficial exertion of the power ol the General Government over the public lands,” and promises in aid of the national will, all the > authority of the Government. One portion of his fellow-citizens, “that small but compact and powerful class of men interested in slaasry," seems alone to have no part in “a * heart capable of comprehending the whole enure > try with all its varied interests.” . This is the man—this shameless and impudent renegade—who is proposed as the President of this great nation and ourselves, lie and his in ' famous policy, supported by men who abandon | all political differences in common opposition to i the equality of the South—distinctly pledged to do those two things which tbe people of Georgia and the South are pledged to resist—prohibit slavery in the Territories and force a Freesoil Constitution on Kansas. And yet there may be those who will say (hat if such a maD uud such a platform shall be endorsed by every northern State—we of the South ought to wait, wait, wait. We are for no such policy. Never should the South submit to see the chair of State once hon ored and filled by Washington, shrink to the di mensions and be polluted lay the contact of Fre mont. Practically he could not govern this coun try. In all free governments there must be sonic 00-operation on the part of the governed. Who ought to—who would accept office under Fro mout? The southern inuu who accepted a seat in his cabinet would be accounted a brother rene gade. Subordinate olßccb (few, it is true, in the South where little federal money is expended) wouldremain in like manner unfilled. The South meanwhile refusing all participation in the government, would have nothing to do but sullenly to await *• overt acts.” What a spectacle to mankind would the patient South present— governed by a President and Vice President, Cabi net and Subordinates, one and all northern men of northern principles! Suppose the Black Republican President and party to forbear their policy, the South would not consent to accept equality as a boon, and as a poor inferior receive favors from the condescension of Black Republicanism. What love, what fealty would she ever again bear to the Union ? But never will this degradation be—never shall the North look upon ns with pity ; nor shall the words of warning uttered to the North by those noble pa triots, tbe veterans of the Democratic party — Buchanan, Gags, Douglas, Richardson, who know the Union to be in the issue -be belied. Nor shall Mr. Fillmore (within whose ranks most of the trrdy are to be found) have cause to blush for the South as “ less sensitive than the North to her honor and her rights.” When every northern State shall have given its endorsement to the declaration of our inequality, the South, with the spirit of a free people, the self reliance of a just people, the dignity of a great peo ple, will show to tbe worthier sods of the North that she is not herself unworthy of tbe estimate they have placed upon her. Sentinel. Tbe Bogus Whig Convention. Had tbe Convention simply declared that they desired to preserve the organization of their party, and to that end thought it advisable to support Mr. Fillmore; had they placed upoD the ticket with him, some respectable southern Whig, we might have been induced to believe that there were some genuine old line Whigs among them. But no one, who is not born a fool, wouldbeheve that a body of genuine Wbigs could, under any pressure of circumstances, be induced to swallow Andrew Jackson Donelson. Faugh! their stom achs would revolt at the dose. There is another evidence, if any is needed, to demonstrate the political character of that body. One of tbe resolutions declares : “That even now, there is imminent danger that the name of America will be blotted out of tbe family of civilized nations.” There is no mistaking the Samuelistic squint of this. Tbe meaning, though veiled in those misty adumbrations, characteristic of the propbesyings 1 of Sam, is clear enough. It needs but the addi- 1 tiOD of a single letter to be so plain, that he who runs may read—‘Even now there is imminent danger that die name of American, i. e. Know Nothing, shall be blotted out,” Ac. Yea, verily! great danger, nay absolute certainty, and the char- 1 acter of the gas now escaping, indicates that the decomposition is far advanced! Mobile Register, Sept. 21. Parties in tbe next Missouri Legislature.— Tbe Amsrican Citizen thus classifies tbe parties in the next general assemby: Senate— Anti-Bentons, 12; Bentons, 7; Ameri cans, 12 ; Whigs, 3. Hvuse— Anti-Bentons, 60, Bentons, 35; Ameri cans, 30; Whigs, 7. On joint ballot the vote will stand: Anties, 72; Bentons, 42; Americana, 47 : Wbigs, 14. This classification is about conect. Fremont and Dayton- will carry that State '-7 fifty thousand majority. The writer in refer ngjo the Fremont State Convention at Worcester, ajlr “ Tke American Convention behaved in t very courteous and straightforward manner toward the Republicans, to whom they certainly accorded all that the Republicans had a rigjt to ask—a full union on an electoral ticket, and on the re-election of Sumner. On both the points the Americans acted promptly and unanimously.” The Nicaragua Accessoht Transit Compact.— Corxeuus Vaxorrbilt, the President of the Com pany, has brought suit in the Supreme Court, New York, to obtain redress from the Republic of Ni caragua for the grievances sustained by the com pany “since the invasion of that Republic.” COMMERCIAL. CHARLESTON, Sept. M.—Cotton.—We "Cannot undertake, at present, to give a list of quotations, both on account of the unsettled state of the mar ket, and the want of an assortment to make up the different grades, but it was a pretty general (y es tablished fact, that at the close of business the good middling aud middling fair qualities were worth 12@12%c. The receipts are on the increase and reached this week some 5,471 bales, against the sale in the same time of 2,541 bales, at the sub joined prices, viz: 7 bales at 10; 43 at 10%; S 5 at 10%; 284 at 11; 39 at 11%: 189 at 11%, 162 at 11% ; 164 at 11%; 22 at 11 9-10 ;24 at 11% ; 120 at 11% ; 82 at 11 18-16 ; 205 at 11%: 721 at 12; 583 at 12%; and 83 bales at 12% cents. Rite. —The transactions harp been at a runge of figures within the margin of *3%@f4%. Among the transactions was a lot of 80 tierces new, which brought 4%; and 70 tierces do. qualitv not so good were sold at 4% hundred. Cbrn.—Booo bushels Maryland, imported by a dealer, and 1500 do. North Carolina, were sold at 70c. In addition to which we note the sale of a store lot of some 1200 sacks Baltimore, at 75c., sacks to be returned. Flour. —About 50 bbls., among the best brands received, were taken for export at #7% ft bbl. The receipts bv railroad comprises 1800 bbls. Bacon.— Sides and Shoulders have attracted some little attention this week. The transacting, how ever, have been in a small wav, atlo%@llc. for the former, and 9%@9%c. for the latter. Bagging and Hope. —These articles have been very much neglected this week. SAVANNAH, Sept. 26.— Cotton. —Arrived since . the 18th inst., 5902 bales Upland, and 60 do. Sea Islands. The exports for the same period amount to 2458 bales Upland and 9 do. Sen Islands— leaving on hand and on shipboard not cleared, a stock of 6947 bales Upland, and 907 do. Sea Island, against 9,744 bales Upland and 428 do. Sea Islands at the same time last year. This week the feeling continued good through out ; all ofTejing stock waa freely met, and holder* obtained good prices. QUOTATIONS I Ordinary to Good Ordinary.. .11 @ll% Low Middling 11%@11% Middling 11%@ — Strict Middling 11%@11% Good Middling 12 @ — ' Middling Fair 12%@12% The sales of the week foot up 2483 bales. 1 Rice. —There is not much doing in this article. I The only sales reported arc of a retail character, ? at $4.50 100 lbs. , Wheat. —None offering. Good Red would com : maml (1.35@t1.40, and White, tl 45<&|1.50 * v bushel. * Flour. —Transactions have been made at t7.2f>@ $3 for Superfine, according to brands; Extra $8.50 @9 ; Family t‘J@tlo. ® Corn. —We have no new feuture to report this ** week. Sales have been made, in quantities at 78 ® @3O cents, and by retail at 90 cents $ bushel, j liny. —Northern Helling from wharf at tl, and „ from store at t 1.25; Eastern from wharf at fl .25, and from store $1.50. Stock fair; demand limit e ed. ~ Bagging.— Not much doing in this article. We ‘1 hear of small sales in bales at 22 cents per yard, which is the rate holders are askingfor a good arti ) cle of Gunny. Sea Island is held at 82 cents. Rope —Is in very little resqest. Tbe only sales . making are from store, to supply tbe orders of - planters, and at our quotations, to-wit: 18@12% cents per lb. II COLUMBUS, Sept. 25.—Cotton for.the past few 3 days lias commanded very foil prices, and all of -3 sered has met with ready sale. We quste Mid- J dling 11%; Good Middling 11%; Middling fair j 12 cents. . NEWNANj Sept. 20.— Cotton —Our Cotton mar ket still continues to exhibit considerable anima tion-planters generally manifesting a willingness to sell at ruling prices. We quote: Low Mid dling, 10 a 10%: Middling to Middling Fair, 11a 11%; Fair, 11#. COLUMBUS, Sept. 26.— Cotton. —The demand yesterday was very active as will be seen by the sales, which reached 811 hales. We continue quo tations at 11% to 11 %c. for Good Middling to Fair. Receipts of the day 835 bales. BALTIMORE, Sept. 24.— Remark. —The late European advices, published by us yesterday, have deprassed breadstuffa. Flour has declined. fh<rstock on hand, however, is moderate. Ship pers art! buying cautiously. Wheat slightly de pressed but a lair demand. Provisions remain very quiet und prices irregu lar. Sales mostly to supply the consumptive de mand. f. The leading articles of Groceries are firm. Tobacco-AComea in freely and commands full prices. An active business in Dry Goods. Whisky is firm and prices upwards. Stock di . mimshing. Tbe money market presents no change. Rates of discount as last quoted. Exchange on J-ondon i 9%@3% prem. NEW ORLEANS, Sept. 22.—The weather be ing unfavorable, with more ample receipts yet to - be sampled, only a moderate business was done, I the sales comprising about 1800 bales, and prices : generally tending still further in favor of buyers. i Low Middling 10%@U; Middling 11%@11%; • Good Middling 11%@12 ; Middling Fair 12%p0 12%; Fair 12%@13. I STATEMENT OP COTTOK. , Stock on hand Ist September, 1856..ba1e5.. 7,198 - Arrived since 40,168 . Arrived to-day 9,082 ! 56,443 Exported to date..... 12,308 Exported to-day 2,901-15,209 Stock on hand and on shipboard, not el’d.. .41,239 ■Sugar and Moltmet.- -W e beard of no transac tiohs in either article. Hour. —Only 50 bbls. Superfine were sold at $6 75 y bbl. tbrn.—One lot of 8500 sacks white was sold in the afternoon at 61c. t? bushel, and 1300 Backs in six or seven lots at 82@68c. for white and 50@53e. for inferior Creole. Bacon.—'We noticed a sale of 15 casks prime ribbed Sides at 10c. and a few casks Ordinary Shoulders at B%c. ft tt>. Bale Rope. —6o coils fancy (Louisiana Manufac turing Company) sold at 11%C. cash. NEW YORE, Sept. 26.—The cotton market has advanced %, and the sales of tbe day reach 2000 bales, with a very small stock on band. Tbe rates now current are: Uplands, middling, 12%; Up lands, fair, 18%. Orleans, 12%. Flour has also improved, and commands for Ohio 16.40at6.50, with no positive advance in oth er grades. Wheat. —An advance has taken place, chiefly in White, which is now quoted |1.68; Red sl-50. Cbm.—Mixed is held at 66c. In naval stores or rice there is no change or im portant movement. Freights continue easier. MARRIED. On the 11th inst., by Rev. A. A. Morse, Mr. A. M. Bkett, of this city, to Miss Victoria Ltthooe, third daughter of G. B. Lytbgoe, Esq., of Ander son C. li., S. C. DIED. On the 9th inst., in Lowndes county, Ala., at the residence of her father. Mr. Edmund Harrison, Mrs. M. J. Sappold, wifeef Milton J. Saffold, Esq., aged twenty-four years.