Weekly constitutionalist. (Augusta, Ga.) 185?-1877, January 13, 1858, Image 1

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(thin ©SuttttwtialM. BY JAMES (GARDNER. Debate on the Neutrality Laws* We copy from the Washington Unicn, of the 6tb instant, the following report of the debate'on the resolutions offered by Mr. J. Glancy Jones, .. and amended by Mr. Quitman and ethers. Mr. Quitman’s resolution was as follows: Besolced, That so much of the President’s annual message as relates to the duties of an independent State m its relations wun the members of the great family of nations to restrain its people from acts of hostile aggression against their citizens or sub jects, and so much as relates to the present neu trality act of 20th of April, 1818; to the fitting out within the limits of our country of lawless expedi tions ugaiust some of the Central American States; ’ to the instructions issued to the marshals and dis trict attorneys, and to the appropriate army and navy officers, together with the President’s recom mendation that we should adopt such measures as will be effectual in restraining our citizens from cornmiiing such outrages, be referred to a select committee to consist of five members, with power to report by bill or otherwise. Mr. Quitman said tfiat the resolution should be submitted to a select committee because there was no standing committee to whom it would properly and exclusively belong. The whole country de manded that something should be done. They might attempt to get rid of the question, bnt as much as they did it was forced upon them by the country. The people were calling for a modifica tion of the existing neutrality laws. He had come to the conclusion that the greater portion of these laws should be swept from the statute book, and he believed that a large portion of the House would come to the same conclusion, and untrammel the citizens from the restrictions which they imposed upon their enterprise. He would not be content until he could bring the members to vote upon the subject. The proposition of the President to which he al luded in nis resolution involved the most impor tant considerations. It involved the consideration of the duties independent States owe to cue anoth er. He denied that the luw of nations required that independent States should restrain their citi zens from hostile aggressions upon any power. Our government was a limited one, add there were rights which were reserved to the citizen, and those rights could not be invaded by the govern ment. lie would say that no government, though it might possess despotic power, was bound or ob ligated by the law of nations to protect individuals from hostility. On the contrary, a government in its independent state, was only bouud to restrain its authority iu such conflicts between its citizens and those of friendly powers. It would he impos sible to take up and make a national affair of every little aciol hostility that might arise. This question, which was submitted by the mes sage ot Uie President, involved another considera tion affecting both the character and construction of the government and the rights of citizens. Our government was a limited one. Ail its powers were delegated, not granted. Unless they were delegated, the government had no power. Where did they find power delegated to punish crime? The only foundation for the exercise of the powers grunted under the act of 1818, was based upon that short clause in the Constitution which amhonsed Congress to punish offences against the law of na tions. lie held that that law struck at the liberty of citizens. In the ease specified, he would deny that the government had any power to seize the greatest criminal on the face of the earth outside of the waters of the Uni’ed States. II« hoped that the committee would report speedily, and then let every man be heard upon the subject. He had not made these remarks from any unkind feelings towards the Administration. If a majority of the members were disposed to consider these laws—the act of 1818— as proper and .right, he would acquiesce, bui. he would not rest coy! Wu* action should be ‘■liaraefefistie of Unv»i want was that it was a government of P law—international law, statute law, uud common law. He was in favor of refering that portion of the message to the Committee on the Judiciary, solely because there was no other committee to which it properly belonged. In drawing the reso lution, he did not mean to imply any judgment upon the neutrality laws. He did not know that he differed with the honorable gentleman on the subject of the neutrality laws ; but he had choseu a few points wh ch came under his attention. One was, that the President, in his message, had recommended, instead ol a repeal of the present laws, the passage ot* more stringent laws upon this subject. All he wnderstood was simply this: if they expected the Preside nt to carry out these laws, they must clothe him with more power. Mr. Keitt, of South Carolina, was indifferent as to whether the subject was referred to a select com mittee or the Committee on the Judiciary. He did not think, however, that it should go to the Com mittee on the Judiciary if it involved the admis sion that all the legal talent of the House was on that committee. He too* t for granted that a ques tion like this might very properly be made the sub ject of investigation by a special committee, tor the reason that the regular committee might be so en grossed that it might uot have time to give it a pro per investigation. A special committee, hawng more time, would be eminently the proper‘com mittee. The President asked to be clothed wnb new powers to carry out existing provisions of l.»w. Ho has asked that lie shall have the tiny and navy of the United States to do what ? To pun sh citi zens upon the high sea and upon foreign soil! Did he want the army and navy to prevent the sailing of a fleet from our shores-to prevent an expedi tion from going from the States ? VV by, he hud the arm v ami navy for that purpose. If he wanted them, w hat did he want them for ? Whv, to fol low these men upon the water and arrest them up on foreign laud. The neutrality laws forbade that they should he seized upon foreign soil. If the President was allowed to seize them upon water or foreign laud, then he had the right of a despot. The neutrality laws were limited to three miles from ihe shore. If, then, these men could be cap tured, they must be taken for an offence, for which they must be punished by the military power ot the President. He said this in illustration of the fuel that auy pursuit of an expedition beyond three miles was unlawful, and auy capture upon foreign soil vras also unlawful. He did not know the posi tion of the administration upon this mutter. One thing he believed was pretty well kuowu, aud that was, that Captain Cbatard was recalled in disgrace for not preveutiug the disembarkation of Walker within sight of Punta Arenas, aud that Oomuiodor.- Paulding from that very spot had sent his men ou shore to make the arrest. By a process ot logic he would say that if the admission of one thing was the exclusion of another, then 'he exclusion of one thing was the admission of another ; and if Cha tard was recalled in disgrace for not deing it, he was legitimately to inter that Paulding was to be retained for doing it. ... . . Mr. Stephens, of Georgia, said that he wished this matter inquired into by some committee that would report upon it. Under his understanding of what Was called the neutrality laws, but laws which bore n » such laws upon their face or title laws wnbb were known as an offense against the United Stales—he did not understand that there had been am offense committed against the United States any crime or even violati >n of these law s which constituted it a crime against the United Stales ; out if there were those who thought that these laws had been violated in a particular ease, he w shed mat they should be amended so jliat -, gome committee should inquire into it, and see il it was true that a nav»l officer ot the Uuiied >tut« 8 % had gene upon a foreign soil and arrested a citizen of that- foreign country or an American citizen, and deprived them of their liberty aud their property. It was a great outrage, unjustified by law or the i semblance of law. Such an officer needed the reprimand of his superior officer. In his opinion, the nefitrahty laws neither gave to the President , nor the naval officers auy authority whatever in interfere with citizens of the United States outside >2 three, leagues; Mr. B rock, of Virginia, held that the law also ' gave the President the use of the ai my and navy J” For the purpose of preventing the carrying on ot .[any - ii rxpediuou from the territoiic*» ot the ‘ i Uoi cd Io- lgum>t the lor: it one.- ••! air. t« i . J gov. i> M.' v. i:’u whom we are at peace. H|r Mr. - .- ■ resuming) s odthai mind " |ig&giHi£Wur up 'p r : übject, and ifim\ such‘omrage h i<i jsHffbecn c Mounted ou the coast or soil ot Nicaragua nPiffil-f* thu s«-.zme either of American citizens <>r oilics a officer, he had done for which he I had no authority. Never would he recommend, 1 under the preteuee of law, to go out on the high |j seas and judge of criminals and call men pirates < who were just as good as he was. It did i not come from that officer with a good grace, i If we were to set an example to nations, let it be I an example worthy of being followed. Restitu- < tion should be made, and it would be an outrage i to our government if it was not done. The men < should oe sent back to the place from which they had been taken. He understood that Walker had left this country in a ship with a regular clearance, and had given his bond. It ill became American representatives to say that he was a fugitive from justice. Now they were to say: Go in peace; we have no charges against yon. If he was a villian, he ought to be punished. It was a national dis grace ; because he had committed no offense. *lt was an outrage and a stigma on the nation. As the matter now stood, and ns he understood it, he' should be put in a ship with all his men and all their property, and taken back to just where he was before this outrage commenced. If the law authorised such proceedings, it was unconstitu tional. No citizen of the country could be punish ed by the government except for a violation of law passed in pursuance of Constitutional authority. This matter should be inquired into. He proposed to amend the resolution by striking out the words ‘‘select committee,” and inserting “Committee on the Judiciary,” and by adding these words : “and that ihe committee shall be required to report upon tho expediency of a repeal or modification of the act of November 20, 1818.” Mr. Quitman —I will with pleasure accept the amendment. Mr. Bocock, of Virginia, stated that be rose to prevent a misapprehension of his position. He regarded the arrest of Walker as unauthorised and altogether improper. He was in favor of having the question inquired into. He held that these laws gave the President unlimited power to use the army and navy wherever they could be legiti mately employed. Mr. Grow, of Pennsylvania, agreed entirely with the gentleman from Virginia, and only asked that the rules laid down for the sea might be applied to the land. Mr. Quitman, of Mississippi, then stated that he bad modified his resolution as follows : Resolved, That so much of said message and ac companying documents as relates to a uniform bankrupt law, aud that so much of the President’s annual message as relates to the duties of an inde pendent State in its relations with the members of the great family of nations to restrain its people from acts of hostile aggression against their citi zens or subjects; and so much as relates to the prescut neutrality act of 2'Rh April, 1818; to the lilting out within the limits of our country of law less expeditions against some of the Central Amer ican States; to the instructions issued to the mar shals and district attorneys; and to the appropriate army and navy officers, together with the Presi dent’s recommendation that we should adopt sueh measures as will be effectual in restraining our citizens from commuing such outrages, be referred to the Committee on the Judiciary, who are hereby required to inquire into and report upon the expe diency of a repeal or modification ot' the said act of 20th April, 1818, with power to report by bill or otherwise. Mr. J. Glancy Jones, of Pennsylvania, stated that he would accept the modification. Mr. Maynard, of Tennessee, granted that this was a question of great and grave import, and should be discussed upon its own merits. He ex pressed the hope that the gentleman from Missis sippi [Mr. Quitman] would adhere to bis amend ment to refer this subject to a special committee. He approved of the conduct ol the naval officers of the country. They belonged to a noble and and.be cWu i. i v ‘ ~finur instruc *u'pursuing the course w hich they had, and ’ if they were acting under instructions, he thought they should not be condemned for it. It struck him as a noble act, entitling him to high consider ation, that when Walker saw the power of his country arrayed against him, he bowed in submis sion to that power, and yielded himself, willing and ready to go when and where that power might determine or assign. For that act, if for no other of his life, he would honor him as a noble spirit. In his opinion, supposing the facts to be stated, the proceedings had been authorised by the act of 1818. In exclusion, he renewed the motion to refer the subject to a select com nil t tee. Mr. Lovejov, of Illinois, protested agaiust the attempt to lift up a pirate who had been attempt ing to disturb the peace of neighboring nations for years. He protested against the idea i f mak ing a man a martyr when he was simply a rascal. Mr. Stan ion, of Onto, said that he had under stood the gentleman from Georgia [Mr. Stephens] to say tliat inasmuch as there was no special power conferred upon the President to arrest parties charged with a violation of the neutrality laws, therefore no such power existed. He desired to inquire of the gentleman if he held the doctrine that any man charged with a violation of the criminal laws of the United States, who escaped beyond the three mile limits, was thereby exempt from arrest, trial, and conviction. His construc tion of the laws was, that every nation had the right to pursue its criminals upon the hign sea, and arrest them under its owu flag or the Hag of another nation. lie waDted to know whether the high seas were one grand sanctum where crime was protected, and where it might not be mterfered with without a violation of the law of nations. Mr. Stephens asked the gentleman to tell him by wliat law the President had a tight to arrest any person charged with crime when he had given bull? r. Stanton replied that he apprehended that he would have no difficulty if his bail-bond was broken. Mr. Stephens asked whether the gentleman knew that Walker’s bond had been broken ? Mr. Stanton replied that he did not know any thing of it. Mr. Stephens then inquired whether Commodore Paulding, Captain Chatard, the President of the United States, or any other person, had any right to assume a man untier bail to be guilty of any of fense ? Mr. Stanton held that when a party forfeited his bail they had a right to issue further process. He asked whether the gentleman held that there was no power to arrest a fugitive upon the high seas ? Mr. Stephens replied that he would admit it un der process of law. The Constitution declared that no man should be arrested but by due process of law—that no man should be deprived of life, liberty, or properly, but by a violation of the laws of the land. After a further coloquy, the committee rose, the Chan man reported that they had under consider ation the President’s Message, but had come to no conclusion thereon, aud the House resumed its session. Letter lrom Gen. Walker to President Buchanan. Washington. Jan. 4,1858. Sir .* —On the 15th of June last, l had the honor to address you a letter relating the manner in which I emigrated from California to Nicaragua, the events which followed auy presence in Central America, and the unjust and illegal acts by which I was forced for a time to abandon my adopted country. , . , _ . _ In that letter l s ated facts which I defy my ene mies to controvert; and 1 then hoped your Excel lency would take steps tor the punishment of the grievous offences against right, justice and public law, commuted by United States officers, in the seizure of a Nicaraguan vessel in a-Nicaragjmn port. Commander Davis has, however, gone uuWboked, so far as I am inhumed, for his violation of inter national law, and of the Constitution of ihe United aud it grieves me to say ti.afc 1 am again obliged to approach you with a complaint against another and yet higher officer of the United States uavv. . . In approaching you as a supplicant for justice, I know that it is necessary for me to remove errone ous impressions which have been made ou your mind concerning my conduct in connection with Nicaraguan affairs. Corrupt aud malignant per sons have surrounded ycur Excellen v, and pourqd into your »ars false stories concerning events iu Central America. And now, to you, the President of the United States, I directly charge, and stand ready to prove what I say, that your officers of the navy, not only I YTT CRUSTY, Gx\., WEDNESDAY, JANUARY 13, 1858. by irresponsible statements through the press, but j also in official communications, have misrepresent- 1 ( ed facts xnd falsified events. Feeling and believ- ing, as I do, that you would net willingly wrong any individual, no matter how humble, lam satis- $ tied that the summary judgment you pass on my } conduct m your annual message to is I the result of incorrect information ; and I trust and ] confidently expect, that when“tbe truth is placed < before you, your judgment will acquit me of the i grave charges brougnt against me.. i Permit ine, then, if you please, before I proceed to call your attention to the conduct of Commodore ] Paulding, to deny moat unetfuivocally, that I have j ever been engaged at any time, or in any manner, with any unlawful expedition against Nicaragua. In your message to Congress you seem to imply that my first departure from Ban Francisco was , illegal, for you say: “when it was first rendered probable that an attempt would be made to get up another unlawful expedition against Nicaragua. ’ With all deference I beg leave to repeat what I said in a previous letter and to again inform you that I left San Francisco in May, 1855, with the sanction and approval of the federal officers of it*e port, and that the captain of the revenue cutter sent his sailors to bend the sails which carried ns . from California to Central America. Allow me, also, to suggest that the Government of the United States recognised and legalised Hie immediate results of the emigration from CftliffHr nia, in the reception of Padre Vigil as Minister from the Republic of Nicaragua. Not only was the first expedition, as it has been called, to Nica ragua entirely lawful in its origin, but all its con sequences were marked by strict adherence to lsw and justice. Some have told you, I know, that I am a man “without faith and without money,” but from the beginning to the end of my career in Nic aragua, I challenge the world to produce a single violation of public faith —a single deviation from the great principles of public right and public jus tice. On the contrary, the Americans in Nicaragua have always maintained the faith and honor of their race, in the midst of falsehood and treachery on the part of their enemies—in the face of count less hosts arrayed against them—no less than in the presence of famine and of pestilence. Our con duct in the midst of trials and of dangers is suffi cient answer to the epithets which have been hurl ed against us; and when the passions and preju dices of the present have died away we calmly await the judgment of posterity on our conduct. But an officer of the United States navy forced us to become exiles from Nicaragua; ana let me remind you of the fact that from the moment we touched our natal soil, we protested agaiust the illegality and injustice of the act, and declared our intention to return to the laud whence we bad been wrongfully brought. Everywhere—before the functionaries of the government—in the presence of assembled multi tudes of the sovereign people—we declared that no effort should be unused in order to regain the rights wrested from us by fraud and illegality. Do you suppose that if we had been conscious of any violation, or intended violation, of law, we would thus have proclaimed our objects and inten tions ? Is it the habit of offenders against public right, or of conspirators against public justice, to herald their acts on the corners of the streets aud publish their wrong doings in the market place? Would we have violated the public conscience of this nation by calling on the people to disregard their own enacted statutes? No, Mr. President, let all your District Attornies exhaust their energy and their ingenuity—let them attempt to pervert the law to purposes for which it never was intend ed—they cannot make good the charges which have been made against us. * Once the District Attorney attempted to cqnjgcj, me of a breach of to-' gain a tort would be crowned with alike result. After long effort and much patient endurance, we at length sailed from Mobile for San Juan de Nicaragua, on the 14th day of November last. The vessel in which we sailed was regularly cleared by the Collector of the port, and a special inspector was sent aboard to examine the cargo and the passengers. Our rights, too, as Nieara guaos were acknowledged, for the Collector re fused to clear the Fashion with Captain Fayssoux commanding, on the ground that he was a citizen of the United States. With a regular register and clearance we sup posed when once on the high seas we were beyond the possible interference of any United States au thority ; for even if we were admitted belligerents against'a power with which the United States was at peace, ihe owners of the neutral vessel had a clear light to carry warlike persons as well as con traband of war, subject only to the risk of capture by the enemy’s cruisers. We did not for a mo ment imagine that uaval officers would undertake to place restraints on American commerce in the absence of federal law and of Congressional au thority. The deference, too, we know your Excel lency has for the Constitution of the United States pre iuded the supposition that any orders had been issued to detain or Capture an American vessel whose papers showed she was engaged in a lawful voyage. Satisfied as we were of the entire legality oi our voyage, we did not hesitate to enter the port of San Juan de Nicaragua, although we knew a U. S. sloop-of-war was present in the harbor. But we h«iu seal cel v landed before we were subjected to a series of illegal and insulting acts of the command er of the Saratoga. These acts have been detailed in two letters addressed by me to Commodore Paulding, and now on tile, I presume, in the Navy Department. ~ Wnile we were being embarrassed by tbe action of the Saratoga we had not been idle. Col. An derson, who had served his native country through out the Mexican war, at the head of fifty men bad ascended the river and gained possession of the stronghold, which in the last century had for days defied the genius of the proudest naval name in British annals. Not only this, but he had regained possession of valuable American property, unlaw fully held by Costa Rican soldiers, aud I had given the order to restore it to the ageut claiming it for the owners. Peimit me to ask whether it. is such acts as these which authorise your naval officers to applv to us the vilest epithets of the language? Scarcely, however, had the possession of Castillo Viego opened to us the way to Lake Nicaragua, and to the regaining of alt we had lost by Capt. Davis’ interference, than a most grievous wrong was again inflicted on us by Commodore Paulding. On the Bth of December the latter officer sum moned me to surrender to him, and the Nicara guau flag was a second time hauled down on Ni caraguan soil, by the orders ot the United Btates navy. It would be supererogatory, sir, for me to say that the act of Commodore Paulding was without warrant of law. Much, too, as we felt the wrong, it was not the act itself, as much as the manner in which it was done, that cut us to the quick. We knew that the act was in violation of the sacred charter—the Constitution of the United Btates. We knew that an authority higher thau that of any Commodore—higher, even, than the President of the United Btates—would vindicate the sanctity of violated law and punish the offenders against the American Constitution. We felt, too, that the august and most potent sov ereign —the people of the United Btates—would ren der justice for the injuries sustained. But far more grievous than the surrender —far more galling than to see our own flag lowered on our own soil—was to be told that we were there to the dishonor of the United States. There were men on that sandy beach, Mr. President, who had carried your flag aloft amidst the thickest of the foe, and one had been promoted by a predecessor in your office for first planting your colors upon the heights of Cerro Gordo. Others among them had led your soldiers across the Continent, nod alwa\s in the path of duly and of honor. For such men o» be told tliat they dis graced the •ouiilry hey «>n e had served so nobly and so well, was a pang sharper than that of death, and might have w« ting a «v'ar from men harder and more callous than he who inflicted the irreparable injury. I need not tell you that I was unable to antici pate the act of Coin. Ponding. Military necessi ty required me to hold Puuta Arenas, and tin? idea never entered nay mmd that an American officer, pr< fesjiMig to execute die law, would so far f’cgt t his duty as to infringe, uot only well established international law, bui also the requirements nt that instrument with which are involved the best hopes of mankind—the Constitution of the United Btates. Even could I have foreseen the action of Com. Paulding, military reasons would have pre- 1 vented me from leaving the Poiitf. But it was impossible to imagine that so violent a step—marked as it was in its details by conduct worthy of soldiers in the sack of a town; would have been taken by an officer of the U. S. Navy. And. Mr. President, in the name of the official oath which you have taken in the presence of Almighty God, I call npop you to punish the offender, and to right the wrong. I presume not to direct your wisdom in the*c«-urse it shall pursue; but, in the name of the men whose rights your officers have Infringed, and whose honor has been most harshly and heedlessly trampled in the dust, I call for the justice it is your high prerogative to bestow. But permit me to conclude by adding that in all events, and under all circumstances, there are du ties and responsibilities from which I and the offi cers and raen I represent will not, dare not, shrink. No extreme of illegal interference—no amount of hard words and unjust epithets, can deter us from following the path which is before us. The func tionaries of the government may exhaust upon me the expletives c» the language—they may insult the public cowsc an( l degrade their own char acters by applying to us all the epithets their mor bid imaginations suggest; but, conscious of the right ana justice of our cause, we shall not relax our efforts nor be driven into a violation of the law. As long as there is a Central American exiled from his native land aud deprived of his property and civil rights, for the services he rendered us, in evil as well as good report, so long shall our time and oar energies be devoted to the work of their restoration. As long as the bones of our companions in ar.os, murdered under a barbarous decree of the Costa Rican government, lie bleach ing and unburied ou the bill-sides of Nicaragua, so long shall our brains contrive and our hands labor for the justice which one day we will surely obtain. Permit your officers, if you can, to trample under foot the Constitution and the laws ; pass unnoticed, if you will, the most violent invasions of indi vidual rights and public duties; treat with scorn and contempt, if you choose, the demands for jus tice which we humbly and deferentially place at your feet—we will not be cast down or dismayed. We fight for the rights of our race, w hich have been denied us by an ungrateful and degraded aristocra cy. We strive to Rain unsullied the device some of our ancestors ha/e borne on many* afield—“ None shall wound us with impunity.” And so long as ottr faith in right endures good—our confidence in the God of our fathers remains unshaken—so long shall we use all just and proper means to regain what has been wrongfully wrested from us. I have the honor to remain, With high respect, Your obedient servant, • Wm. Walker. His Excellency, the President of the United Btates From the Boston Post , Dec. 29. Spicy Correspondence—A True Wife. We are assued by a triend who is personally cognizant of what he states, that the following pi quuot correspondence is genuine. A gentleman whose business calls him a good deal from home, is accustomed to give tbe custody of his corres pondence to his wife, an intelligent lady, who, in obedience to instructions, opens all letters that conueiu her husband’s absence; answers such ot them as she can, like a confidential clerk, and for waids the rest to her liege lord at such places as he uiay have designed at his departure. During a receut absence of her husband, the lady received 'Sk letter, of which th« *ottf>w»ug (omitting names, data* and place*,}, is * true eopy i iff JJtar Sir ; \ Sjiw > fine picture of you yes terday and nil fin love with it, as I did with the original in W last winter, when I saw you more than hour, though I suppose yon did not see uie among so many. I fear you will think me for ward in thus addressing you ; but I trust you are as noble and unsuspecting as you are handsome and brilliant. Perhaps you would like to know something about me, your ardent admirer! Well, 1 am not very good at description, but 1 will say I am not married, (though you are, lam told). My friends tell me I have uot a pretty face, but only a good fignre lam rather petite, have black eyes, black hair, and a dark complexion—that is, 1 am what is called a brunette. I am stopping fora few weeks, with my brother-in-law ana sister in this town, and I dearly wish you would meet me there before I return to W . At auy rate, do not fail to write me at least a few words to tell me whether I shall ever see you ugain, and know you more intimately. Forgive boldness, and be lieve me, “Your friend, .” To this letter the wife, who, by the by, has not the least knowledge of the person to whom she is writing, made the foilowiug answer : “ JJiolemtnselle : Your letter of the inst., ad dressed to Mr. , was duly received. Mr. -, who is my husband, directed me, when he left home some days ago, to open all his letters, and to answer any of them that 1 conveniently could. As you seem to be rather impatient, I will answer your letter myself. I do not think your descrip tion of yourself will please Mr. . I hapnen to know that he dislikes black eyes, and hates bru netts most decidedly. It is quite true (as you seem to suppose) that he judges of women as he does of hor»es ; but I do not think your inventory of your “points” is complete enough to be satisfactory to him. You omit to mention your height, weight, wind, speed, and there the word is illegible]. “Taking your cnarnis ai your own estimate, I doubt whether tbev will prove sufficiently attract ive to draw him as far as B rperely for the sat isfaction of comparing them with the schedule. You say you trust my husband is ‘unsuspecting.’ I think tha< is his nature, but yet he is used to draw lug inferences, which are sometimes as unkind as suspicious. You say you are unmarried. My ad vice to you is, that you marry somebody a9 soon as possible. In most cases, I would not recommend haste; but, in vours, I am convinced there is truth iu the proverb which speaks of tbe danger of delay. Should you be so fortunate as to get a husband, (which may God mercifully grant!) my opinion is that you w'ill consider any woman, who should write him such a letter as this of yours, imperti nent, and perhaps immodest. “1 will deliver your note to Mr. when he returns, and also a copy of my reply, which I am sure he will approve. I am, with as much respect as you permit, Mrs. The Leviathan. The attempts to move this monster ship were re newed on Tuesday, the 15th, but were again un successful. At half past three all the chains weie hove taut, including the great cables laid across the river, and hydraulic presses and numerous screw-jacks were set in motion, but not the slight est effect was produced. W hen the strain was at the highest, one of tbe smaller chains gave way, and a feeder of an hydraulic engine burst. Oper aiions were suspended, and at five P. M. arrange uieaiß were being made to drive in piles near the aiit-r cradle, probably with ihe view of fixing anot » r press. . , On We inesday morning, after a few minuses application of the rams, the Leviathan moved thir iv-eight inches aft and fifteen inches forward, the effect being to place tbe vessel straight on the rails, and to remove all suspicion of obstruction of the wavs. Two hydraulic cylinders then broke, and up to half past two no further progress had been made. Mr. Robert Stephenson was again Jpresent, aud txpressed his approval ut the proceedings. Further proceedings will probably be postponed until after Christmas, when vastly increased power i* to be employed*. It is now said tliat the Leviathan will cost only fr in twenty thousand to twenty-five thousand pounds stei linir in the launching—not seventy thou »:nd or eighty thousand ponds steriing, as re ported. — L. Uerptwl l iltitS, DtC. 19. Yellow Fever and Flowers.—A writer in oue of the New Orleans journals argues that the poison producing velhnv fever is fungi diffused through ihe arm Sphere, just as the odoriferous particles of ;t r .se, or other fragrant flower, are diffused through i , and known by their saluting our ol factories on • . .actnng fln-m But neither chemical analysis ii t, itecope is able to detect the exceediug i tn unr<- •ailicles of matter that make such an tin ue-sioii ft t» toe senses. Neither have they been able to d •tect .th j subtle poison that produces yel- I low fever. I j From the Washington States, Jan. 5. The Financial State of Enrope—Fail ures, Debts, and Deaths. The financial panic that swept over the Atlantic j, from this country, and broke with wild fury on the , shores of Europe, temporarily inundating all the western cities, has, it would appear, left them in a a promising, even if drenched, condition. The wave l has sped over them, and, at last accounts, it was splashing against the eastern cities, culminating in € the South-east, and raging in the North. ( The Niagara brought us some heavy failures in j Leeds, London, and Mancl»ester, the suspension of , a batik, and the promise of contingent tailures ; but J the general/eeling was one of increasing ease. All the liabilities of the houses reported as having fail- J ed, or suspended, are not given : those we have , amount to two hundred and fifty-five thousand , pounds sterling, or one million two hundred and seventy-five thousand dollars. On the 16th De cember there was a decided tendency towards re laxation in the London money market; the Atlan tic’s news and specie on the succeeding day con tributing to make the confidence more apparent. In Ireland they have been peculiarly fortunate. One of the Dublin papers thus speaks of the healthy look of financial affairs there : “We can hardiy«be grateful enough for the high position our own Ireland holds. Here no banks have stopped payments; nay, by wisely assisting trade, they are paying unheard of dividends. No manufacturing establishments have failed, Qirow iug out of employment numerous hands. The storm reached us and passed over, leaving us un ; scathed. Possibly, as we are deprived of-the profits ' resulting from gigantic factories, so also are wq free from their fluctuations. Probably the terrible 1 lessons which our country learned at so fearful a price in former visitations wrought their effect, and we are wiser and better men. Thanks be to 1 God, our harvests were great. What trade we have is steady; our people have abundant work; the necessaries of life are cheap.” Money matters in Pari9 continue to improve; and there is also some favorable signs in Ham burg, which are welcome on this side of the water. A Berlin letter dated December 1, pictures the crisis as being at its height, and the results iu some instances as being tragically fatal. The ca tastrophe commenced by some great failures ot houses in the corn trade, simultaneously in Stet tin and Berlin, which are connected by water and railroad, and have heavy commercial affiliations. The fall of a noted Jew speculator and corn-dealer, Hirscb Moses, knocked down several other houses iu Stettin and Berlin. Tbe correspondent of the New York Herald reports that Moses has been ar rested for fraud—the laws of Prussia providing that any person carrying on business for three years without capital, is subject to imprisonment for fraudulent purposes. His liabilities ainouut to upwards of a million and a quarter thalers. Alex ander Renh, of Stettin, failed for about the same 1 amount. Abraham and Elkanah Spiegee, Lesser Brothers, and others, for smaller sums ; and from Dantzic we learn that the greatest corn-dealer there, S. J. Joel, had gone, with liabilities amount ing to no less than three millions ot thalers. The merchants and manufacturers soon followed in , the wake of the corn-dealers. We. give the fol lowing from the Berliu correspondent as present ’ ing a graphic view of the crisis and its results in i his locality: l “ The first great bankruptcy of this class was t that of Palmie Brothers, wno carried on the drug . business on an extensive scale, and were largely interested in mining operations. Their liabilities are computed at one million four hundred thou sand thalers, the assets being quite trifling In com parison. Thev were followed by Ehroabaum & Co., silk manufacturers, and several other firms of less bote. * # * Julius Coho, a shawl manu facturer in a large way, presented a check of eigh teen million thalers on a joint stock concern called the Cassen-Verein, bearing the signature of one of the first banking firms in this city, (Rothchild’s agents), to the cashier of another monied institu tion, (Disconts-Geselschraft), persuading him to cash it, paid some of his creditors with the pro ceeds, aud then shot himself. “ The check was discovered to be a forgery. The unfortunate man had expected to receive remit tances from Hamburg to cover it, but being in formed instead that his Hamburg correspondents had stopped payment, he anticipated detection by blowing out nis brains. Another woolen manu facturer on an extensive scale, by the name of Seldis, is said to have committed suicide by cut ting his throat. A great establishment in the same line, employing four hundred bands, in which a well-known capitalist is chiefly or partly interest ed, and whose engagements are stated exceed a million of thalers, has also been obliged to suspend. There are some hopes of its being propped up. “ Besides the firms enumerated above, those of Blumenthai A Kob, Hermann Schlessinger, Zoell ner, (calico printers,) Ac., stopped payment in the course of last week ; and yesterday, (November SO,) the failure of twelve houses, including some of very good standing, was reported on ’Change. To increase the consternation, intelligence arrived from Thore that the President of the Chamber of Commerce, and head of the firm of Daweuon A Cordes, one of the oldest aud most respectable mercantile establishments in Prussia, had been found dead in bis bed, soon after receiving a tele graphic message announcing the suspension of Palmie Brothers, with whom he was deeply in volved.” To meet the disaster, the Bank of Prussia has announced that it is prepared to make advances on manufactured goods, the property being pledged to the bauk, and the owners receiving part of the value as a loan. Discount continues at seven and a half per cent. The government is doing all it can to prohibit the exportation of silver, aud the usury laws are temporarily suspended. Tlie Burgesses of Hamburg nave authorised a new loan, and the rate of discount has receded to seven and nine per cent. In Sweden, the crisis continues unabated-. Several heavy failures have taken place; and the government has proposed lo borrow twelve millions of thalers, to assist the merchants. Such is the state of Europe; while here, in the words of the Journal of Commerce , “the old year dies out as quietly as if it had fallen asleep in the lap of luxury, instead of the hard bed of adversity.” The Banks and the People. A w riter in the Charleston Mercury of Tuesday la9t, over the signature of “ Mercator,” asks “what has become of the relief which the banks were t« afford the community, if ihe legislature should release them from the penalty of suspension, and authorise the non-suspeuded banks to use the cur rency of the suspended banks ?” We intend, ere long, to ask the same question of our banks. Every interest in our Srate is now depressed for the want of bank accommodations. Our planters need them ; our merchants need them; our me chanics need them. Will the banks respond? We hope so, but fear the contrary. As yet, nothing comparatively has been done to relieve the peo ple from the pressure that is upon them; and if this state of things is continued, we must say, as “ Mercator” says to the Editors of the Mercury, “if our banks pursuethis policy much longer, they will have no friends without their parlors. Their supporters in our legislature will beput to shame, as the dupes of a crafty selfishness. They have on ly to continue in this policy, and by the time our next legislature meets, they will staud apart from ihe people, useless and unnecessary to them, and perhaps deemed by them injurious or dangerous in their power to the interests of the State. The short-sightedne-s of the New York banks seems contagious.”— Atlanta Intelligencer, Jan. 9. The Area op Utah.—lt may be a matter of some interest to our readers to know something of the comparative extent of that Territory of the United State®, whose chief officer is bidding defi ance -•iment. According to Colton, ihe are** of Utah is two hundred and sixty thou sand one hundred aud seventy square miles. To engineers, uud.a few others, this will give a ]ust idea of its vast extent, but the majority of people will form a better estimate bv being told that it is as large as the whole of the New England Stages, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Kentucky, and Tennessee. Or-, to com pare it with European countries, it is equal in ex tent to Great Britain and Ireland, Switzerland, Prussia, and Denmark, with the Islands of Guern- I sey, Jersey, and Man, and the lonian islands j |added. VOL. 37—3STO. 3. The Midjtight Son as seen by Bayard Taylor* The New York Tribune, of Ist inst, contains a letter from Bayard Taylor, dated “ Steams Gyller, Artie Ocean, July 27, 1857.” We quote a passage which will be universally read with keen relish: It was now eleven o* clock, and Svaerholt glow ed in fiery bronze lustre as we rounded it, tbe ed dies ot returning birds that had been frightened from their roosts by the firing of the steamer’s gun gleaming golden in the nocturnal sun, like drifts of beech leaves in the October air. Far to the North the sun lay in a bed of saflron light over the clear horizon of the Artie Ocean. A few Lara ofdazzliDg orange cloud floated above him, and still higher in the sky, where the saffrons melted through delicate rose color into blue, hung light wreaths of vapor, touched with pearly, opaline flushes of pink and golden gray. The sea was a web of pfaeslete color, shot through and through with threads of orange and saffron, from the dance of a myriad shifting aid twinkling ripples. The air was tilled and permeated with the soft, myster* ious glow, and even the very azure of the southern sky seemed to shine through a net of golden gauze. The headlands of this deeply indented coast—the capes! the oLuxe and Porsanger Flord«, and of Magerce—lay around us, in different de grees of distance, but all with foreheads touched with supernatural glory. Far to the North-east was Nordkys, the most northern point of the mainland in Europe, gleaming rosily and faint in * the full beams of the sun, and just as our watches | denoted midnight, the North Cape appeared to : the westward long line of nurple bluff, presenting 1 a vertical front of nine hundred feet in height to * the Polar Sea. Midway between these two mag } nificent headlands stood the Midnight Sun, ' shining on us with subdued fires, and with the : gorgeous coloring of an hour for which we had m name, since it is neither sunset nor sunrise. : but the blended loveliness of both; but shining at the same moment in tbe heat and splendor of noonday on the Pacific Isles. This was the midnight Sun as I had dreamed it—as I had hoped to see it. Within fifteen minutes after midnight, there was a perceptible increase of altitude, and in less than half an hour the whole line of the sky had chang ed, the yellow brightening into orange, and the saffron melting into the pale of dawn. Vet it, was neither the color, nor the same charac ter of light as we had, half an hour before mid night. The difference was so slight as scarcely to be described, but it was different between evening and morning. The faintest transfusion of one whole expression of heaven and earth, and «o*im prevailing tint into another, had changed the per ceptible and miraculously that a new day was already present to our consciousness. Items of news from the last issue of the Ma riana, (Florida) Patriot : A man calling himself W. L. Hunt, small in i stature, red face, very presumptuous and familiar i in his actions, wearing a cocked hat, after nerpe ■ trating sundry petty thefts at the Nickles’ House, - succeeded in makiug his escape. t A man named Harrod was killed in Jackson county recently, by a man named Cowart. * A Mr. Strickland was recently shot and killed 5 in the same county, by a Mr. Dawson. y * Brasov that Makes Me* Howl.—The man who was at once fort unate enough to get a drink of good i brandy at a stage bouse betweo* Shasta and riac r rvvmento, on presenting himself the sanctum of the Shasta (Cal.) Pourier , will be rewarded with a ' very extensive piece of gold bearing auartz. Since (( j the’days of *4O, wayside hotels have kept villam ie ous stuff. Now, however, it :s said to be preler »s naturally diabolical. It not only kills at the coun lm ter, bnt occasionally “ fetches ” a fellow fifty feet [Q distant, with a stream of water between. A per feet idpa of its quality may be obtained from the following incident, which* occurred between twe doing business at stands five miles apart, t . between Shasta and Red Bluffs : j* Upper Stand Man—(Standing before the counter J of “Lower Stand Man”) I say, oldfeHow, you don’t sell such stuff as I do. Mine kills a hundred yards, without rest!” Lower Stand Man—“ Well, I don’t know wheth er mine kills, eventually, or not; but I always no g tice that after thev take a * suck ’of it, I can hear 4 them 4 bowl ’ all the way to your stand.” i Unfortunate Affair.—We regret to hear that . an unfortunate difficulty occurred at the Race Course yesterday, between two worthy young mem f of our city, Messrs. C. A. L. Lamar and Henry Du- Bujnon. A ball from the pistol of the former took i effect in the right eye or the latter, inflicting a r most serious, and, perhaps, dangerous wound. » Mr. Dußignon was brought to the city, and surgi cal aid immediately called in, but at latest accounts I they had not succeeded in ascertaining the lodg f meat of the ball, or the exact nature and probable , result of the wound.— Savannah Republican, Jan. 8. Drowned.— A young man named Patrick Mur phy, engaged at work on board the ship Old Do minion, which is lying down the river, accidental ■ ly fell overboard Thursday night last, and wa* drowned. His body has not been recovered. On the 29th ult., John Miller, of Effingham . county, and his horse, were drowned in the SatiUa river, six miles from Waresboro’. He was intoxi ; cated when he attempted to cross the river. His , body was found and taken out by the citizens on ; the 30th. So says the Brunswick Herald , sth inst. Savannah Republican, Jan. 9. , Fourteen Hundred and Seven. —We understand j (from Mr. John M. Martin, conductor on the . road,) that the Alabama and Florida road has , brought us, up to the end of last month, fourteen ; hundred and seven bales o cotUn. Next season l it will bring us thirty or forty thousand. Montgomery Mail, Jan. 7. i The acknowledgement of weakness which we make in imploring ,1° be relieved from hunger and from temptation, is surely wisely put in our daily prayer. Think o it, you who are rich, and lake heed how you turn a beggar away. ’ t Thackerag. * Melancholy Casualty—Seven Men Killed I * We learn that a terrible accident occurred on Fri * day night last, about twelve o’clock, at the iron ’ furnace of tbe Hon. Mark A. Cooper, in Cass 3 county. By ihe destruction of a roller in one of * the furnaces, seven men were so severely scalded r with the molten metal, that their recovery was * considered impossible. There was but one white ‘ man auiong the number. We shall ascertain fur i ther particulars by our next issue. AiiaiUti Examiner, Jan. 10. Secretary Cobb’s Reception.—The mansion !. consecrated by Ihe entertainments of Gov. Aiken la>t winter, and now occupied by the equally hos pitable Secretarv of the Treasury, was last eve ning the scene of a brilliant “ reception.” All the ’ fashionables, notables and dignitaries of the Me tropolis were there, and enjoyed the “gay and fes tive scene,” which was happily concluded by a tiue supper.— Washington States , Jan. 8. ‘ Waterbury, Conn., Jan. 4. — A large cotton fao . tory in Asonia, owned by Coleburn & Brothers, was destroyed by fire on Sunday morning The fire is supposed to be the work of an incendiary. The loss amounted to forty thousaud dollars, on f which there is an insurance of fifteen thousand f dollars. i New York, Jan, 7- —The steamer New York, from Glasgow, with dates to the 19th, has arrived. ’ Boston. Jan. 7.—Gov. Bank’s Message recom y mends the suppression {of bank notes- nnder five t dollars, and after three to five years, under len e dollars. He refers the naturalization question to s the legislature, and says that nothing bnt the di rect intervention of the Federal influence can force .’ the Lecompfon Constitution upon Kansas, and if 1 this be exerted it will be tbe greatest blow ever _ 6 iven agaiust free government. ;, Frankfort, Ky,, Jun. 5.- Ex-Governor Bowel i& i- elected United Stores Senator. The vote stood— s To well eighty; Garrett Da vjs fifty-four; Thonip | son one.