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■ y ■ Mk - - ———■■■■ O'oustitutiomiltsi. BY JAMES GARDNER. From the Chicago (IU.) lime*, Aug. 28. The Campaign in Illinois— Discussion at Ottawa between Douglas and Lin coln. On Saturday, the 21st August, the first of the series of joint discussions between Lincoln and Douglas too* place at Ottawa. Below we publish a full report o! the speeches. At an early hour Ottawa was alive with people. From daylight till three o’clock in the afternoon the crowds came in, by train, by canal boat, and by wagon, carriage, buggy, and on horseback. Morris, Joliet, and all the towns on the railroad, above and below Ottawa, sent up their delegates. Lincoln, on Friday night, left Peoria, and passed up the road to Morris, where he staid over, in or der that he might have the appearance of being escorted to Ottawa by the crowds who filled the special train on Saturday morning. Donglas left Peru in the morning in a carriage, escorted bv a large delegation on horseback, and in vehicles. The procession as it passed along the r<*ad re ceived new accessions at every cross-road and stopping place, and when it reached Ottawa it was nearly a mile in length. As it passed through the streets the people from the sidewalks, from windows, piazzas, house-tops, and every available standind point, cheered and welcomed him. Upon his arrival at the Geiger House he was welcomed by Wm. H. H. Cushman. Mr. Douglas responded in a few appropriate re marks, and throughout the entire proceedings Was. cheered most emphatically. At two o’clock the multitude gathered in the public square, the sun shining down with great in tensity, and the few trees affording but little shade. It would seem that the most exposed part of the city was selected for the speaking. After a long delay, the discussion was opened by Judge Doug las, who spoke as follows : Ladies and Gentlemen : I appear before you to. day for the purpose ot discussing the leading po litical topics which now agitate the public mind. By an arrangement between Mr. Lincoln and my self, we are present here to-day for the purpose of having a joint discussion as the representatives of the two great political parties of the State and Union, upon the principles in issue be ween the e parties, and this vast concourse of people, shows the deep feeliug which pervades the public mind in regard to the questions dividing ns. Prior to 1854 this country was divided into two great political parties, known as the Whig and Democratic panies. Both were national and pa triotic, advocating principles that were universal in their application. Au old line Whig could pro claim his principlesin Louisiana and Massachusetts alike Whig principles had no boundary seciional line, they were not limited by the Ohio river, nor by the Potomac, uor by the line of the free and sfave States; but applied and were proclaimed wherever the Constitution ruled or the American flag waved over the Atnericau soil. (Bear him, ana three cheers.) So it was, and so it is with the freat Democratic party, which, from the days of efferson until this period, has proven itself to be the histone party of this nation. While the Whig and Democratic parties differed in regard to a bank, the tariff, distribution, the specie circular and the sub-treasury, they agreed on the great slavery question which now agitates the Union. I say that the Whig party and the Democratic party agreed on the slavery question while they differed on those matters of expediency to which I have referred. The Whig party and the Democratic party jointly adopted the compromise measures of 3850 as the basis of a proper and just solution of this slavery question in all its forms. Clay was the great leader, with Webster on his right and Cass on his left, and sustained by the patriots in the Whig and Democratic ranks', who had devised and enacted the compromise measures of 1850. In 1851, the Whig party and the Democratic party united in Illinois in adopting resolutions en dorsing and approving the principles of the com promise measures of 1350, as the proper adjust- .»■ -frMr party assembled in convention at Baltimore, for the purpose of nominating a candidate for‘the Presidency, the first thing it did was to declare the compromise measures of 1850, in substance and in principle, a suitable adjustment of that ques tion. (Here the speaker was interrupted by loud and long continued applause.) My friends, ajleuc.e will be more acceptable to me in the discussion of these questions than applause. I desire to address myself to your judgment, your understanding, and your consciences, and not to your passions or your enthusiasm. When the Democratic convention assembled in Baltimore in the same year, for the purpose of nominating a Democratic caadidate for the Presidency, it also adopted the compromise measures of 1850 as the basis of ac tion. Thus you see that up to 1853~’54, the Whig party and the Democratic party both stood on the same platform with regard to the slavery question. That platform was the right of the people of each State and each Territory to decide their local and domestic institutions for themselves, subject only to the Federal Constitution. During the session of Congress of 1853-’54, I introduced into the Senate of the United States a bill to organise the Territories of Kansas and Ne braska on that principle which had been adopted in the Compromise measures of 1850, approved by the Whig party and *he Democratic party in llli nis in 1851, and endorsed by the Whig party and the Democratic party iu national convention in IS5‘2 la order that there might be no misunder standing in relation to the priuciple involved in the Kaosas-Nebraska bill, I put forth the true in dent. ana meaning of the act m these words: “It is the true inteut and meauing of this act not lo legislate slavery into any State or Territory, or to exclude it therelrom, but to leave the people there of perfectly free to form aud regulate their domes tic institutions in their own way, subject only to the Federal Constitution.” Thus, you see, that up to 1854, when the Kansas and Nebraska bill was brought into Congress for the purpose of carrying out the principles which both parties had up to that time endorsed and approved, there had been no division in this country in regard to that prin ciple except the opposition of the Abolitionists. In the House of Representatives of the Illinois legislature, upon a resolution asserting that pnn ciple, every Whig and every Democrat in the House voted in the affirmative, and only four men voted against it, and those four were old lice Abo litionists. < Cheers.) In 1854, Mr. Abraham Lincoln and Mr. Trumbull entered into an arrangement, one with the other, and each with his respective friends, to dissolve the old Whig party on the oue hand, and to dis solve the old Democratic party on the oiher. and to connect the members of both into an Abolition party under the name and disguise of a Republi can party. (Laughter and cheers; hurrah for Douglas.) The terms of that arrangement between Mr. Lincoln and Mr. Trumbull hare been publish ed to the world by Mr. Lincoln’s special triend, James H. Matheny, Esq., and they were that i Jo coin should have Shield’s place in the United States Senate, which was then about to become vacant, and that Trumbull should have my seat when my term expired. (Great Laughter ) Lin coln went to work to abohtionise ,tbe old Whig party all over the State, pretending that be w.is theu as good a Whig as ever; (laughter) and Trumbull went to work in his part of the State, preaching Abolitionism in its milder and lighter form, and trying to abohtionise the Demo raiic party, and bring old Democrats handcuffed and bound band aud foot into the Abolition camp (“Good,” “hurrah for Douglas,” and cheers.) In pursuance of the arrangement, the parties met at Springfield in October, 1854, and proclaimed then new platform. Lincoln was to bring into the Abo lition camp the old line Whigs, and tran fer them over to Giddings, Chase, Fori, Douglass and Par son Lovejoy, who were ready to receive them an 1 christen them in their new faith. (Laughter and cheers.) They laid down on that occasion a plat form for their new Republican party, which was to be thus constructed. I have the resolutions of their State convention then held, which was the lirst mass State convention ever held in Illinois by the Black Republican party, and I now hold them in my hands and will read a part of them, and cause the others to be primed. Here is the most important and material resolution of this Abolition platform: Res-Avtd, That we believe this truth to be self evident, that when parlies become subversive ot the ends for which they are established, or inca ble of restoring the government to the true prin ciples of the Constitution, it is the right and duty of the people to dissolve the political bands by which they may have been connected therewith, and to organise new parties upon such principles and with such views as the circumstances and exi gencies of the nation may demand. Resolved, That the times imperatively demand the re-orgamzation of parties, and repudiating all previous party attachments, names and predilec tions, we unite ourselves together in defense of tfi liberty and Constitution of the country, and will hereafter co-operate as the Republican party, pledged to the accomplishment of the following purposes: to bring the administration of the gov ernment back to the control of first principles; to restore Nebraska and Kansas to the position of free territories; that, as the Constitution of the United States, vests in the States, and not in Con gress, the power to legislate for the extradition of fugitives from labor, to repeal and entirely abro gate the fugitive slave law ; to restrict slavery to those States it which it exists ; to prohibit ihe ad mission of any more slave States into the Union; to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia ; to exclude slavery from all the territories over which the general government has exclusive jurisdic tion ; and to resist the acquirements of any more territories unless the practice of slavery therein forever shall have been prohibited. 8. Resolved, That in furtherance of these princi ples we will use such cefffMtunonal and lawful means as shall seem best adapted to their accom plishment, and that we will support no man for office, under the general or State government, who is not positively and fully committed to the sup port of these principles, and whose personal char acter and conduct is not a guaranty that he is relia ble, and who shall not have abjured old party alle giance and ties. (The resolutions, as they were read, were cheered throughout.) Now, gentlemen, your Black Republicans have cheered every one of those propositions, (“good and cheers,”) and yet I ventue to say that you can not get Mr. Lincoln to come out and say that he ifri now in favor of each one of them. (Laughter and applause. “Hit him again.”) That these propo sitions, one and all, constitute the platform of the Black Republican party of this day, I have no doubt, (‘good’) and when you were not aware for what purpose I was reading them, you Black Re publicans cheered them as good Black Republi can doctrines, (“That’s it,” etc.) My object m reading these resolutions, was to put the question to Abraham Lincoln this day, whether he now stands and will now stand by each article in that creed and carry it out? (“Good, ** “Hithim again.”) I desire to know whether Mr. Loncoln to-day stands as he did in 1854, in favor of the unconditional re peal of the fugitive slave law ? I desire him to an swer whether he stands pledged to-day, as he did in 1854, against the admission of any more slave States into the Union, even if the people want them? I want to know whether he stands pledged against the admission of a new State into the Union with such a Constitution as the people of that State may see fit to make ? (“That’s it;” ■put it at him.”) I want to know whether he stands to-day pledged to the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia? I desire him to an swer whether be stands pledged to the prohibition of the slave trade between the different States? (“He d-ies.”) I desire to know whether ho stands pledged to prohibit slavery in all the Territories of the United States, North as well as South of the Missouri Compromise line? (“Kansas too.”) I de sire him to answer whether he is opposed to the acquisition of any more territory unless slavery is first prohibited therein. I want his answer to these questions. Your affirmative cheers in favor of this Abolition platform is not satis factory. 1 ask Abraham Lincoln to answer these questions, in order that when I trot him down to lower Egypt I may put the same ques tions to him. (t- nthusiastic applause.) My principles are the same everywhere. (Cheers, uni/ 4 bark.”; I can proclaim them alike In the SoHb, the South, the East, and the West. Mv and appiause.) I desire to know whether Mr. Lin coln’s principles will bear transplanting from Ot tawa to Jonesboro? I put these questions to him to-day distinctly, and asm an answer. I have a right to an answer, (“ that’s so,” “ he can’t dodge you,” etc.,) tor I quote from the platform of the Uepubiican party, made by himself and others at the time that party was formed, and the bargain made by Lincoln to dissolve and kill the old Whig party, and transfer its members, bound band and f »ot, to the Abolition party, undtr the direction of Giddioga and Fred Douglass. (Cheers.) In the remarks I have made on this platform, and the po sition of Mr. Lincoln upon it, 1 mean nothing per sonal. I have known him for nearly twenty-five years. There were many points of sympathy be tween us when we first got acquainted. We were both comparatively boys, and both struggling with poverty in a strange land. I was a school teacher in the town of Winchester, and he a flourishing grocery-keeper in the town of Salem. (Applause and laughter.) He was more successful in his oc cupation than I was in mine, and hence more for tunate in this world’s goods. Lincoln is one of those peculiar men who perform with admirable skill everything which they undertake. I made as good a school-teacher as I could, and when a cab inet maker I made a good oedstead and tables, although my old boss said I succeeded better with bureaus and secretaries than anything else ; (cheers,) but I believe that Lincoln was always, more successful in business than I, for his busi ness enabled him to get into the legislature. I met him there, however, and had a sympathy with him, because of the un-hill struggle we both had in life. He was then just as good at telling au anecdote as now. (“No doubt.”) He could beat any of the boys wrestling, or running a foot race, in pitching quoits or tossing a copper, could rum more liquor than all the boys of the town together, (uproarious laughter,) and the dignity and impar tiality with which he presided at a horse race or tist fight, excited the admiration and won the praise of everybody that was present and participated. (Renewed laughter.) I sympathised with him, be cause he was struggling with difficulties, and so was I. Mr. Lincoln served with me in the legis lature in 1836, when we both retired, and be sub sided, or became submerged, and be was lost sight of as a public mm for some years. In 1848, when Wilmot introduced bis celebrated proviso, and the Abolition tornado swept over the country, Lincoln again turned up as a member of Congress from the Sangamon district. I was then in the Senate of the United Slates, and was glad to welcome my old friend and companion. Whilst in Congress,, he distinguished himself by his opposition to the/ Mexican war, taking the side of the common ene-( iny against his own country ; (“that’s true,”) and) when he returned home he found »hat the indigna ti »n of the people followed him everywhere, and he was again submerged or obliged to retire into private life, forg tten by his former friends. (“And will be again.) He came up again in 1854, just in time to make this Abolition or Black Republi can platform, in company with Giddins, Lovejoy, Chase, and Fred Douglass for the Republi can partv to stand upon. (Laughter. “Hit him agaiu,” Ac.) Trumbull, too, was one of our own cotemporaries. He was born and raised in old Connecticut, was bred a federalist, but remov ing to Georgia, turned nullifier when nullifica tion was popular, and as soon as he disposed of his clocks ana wound up his business, migrated to Illinois, (laughter,) turned politician and lawyer uere, and made his appearance in 1841, as a mem ber of the legislature. He became noted as the author of the scheme to repudiate a large portion of the State debt <.f Illinois, which, if successful, would have brought infamy and disgr >ce upon the fair escutcheon of our glorious State. The odium attached io that measure consigned him to oblivion fora time. I helped to do it. I walked into a public meeting in the hall of the House of Representatives and replied to his repudiating speeches, and resolutions were carried over bis head denouncing repudiation, and asseriieg the moral and legal obligation of 1 linois ta pay every dollar of the debt she owed and every bond that bore her seal. (“ Good/’ and cheers.) Trum bull’s malignity has followed me since I thus de feated bis lutamous scheme. These two inen having formed this combination to abolilionise the old Whig party and the old Democratic party, and put themselves into the Senate of the Uui ed Siates, in pursuance of their bargain, are now carrying out that arrangement. Maihenv states that Trumbull broke faith; that the bargain was that Lincoln should be the Sena tor in Shield’s place, and Trumbull was to wait AUGUSTA, GA.) WEDNESDAY, SEPTEMBER 8, 1858. for mine; (laughter and cheers,) and the story goes that Trumbull cheated Lincoln, having con trol of four or five abolitionised Democrats who were holding over in the Senate ; be would not let them vote for Lincoln, and which obliged the rest of the Abolitionists to sui>port him in order to se cure an Abolition Senator. There are a number of authorities for the truth of this besides Matbeny, and I suppose that even Mr. Lincoln will not deny it. (Appldhse and laughter.) Mr. Lincoln demands that he shall have the place intended for Trumbull, as Trumbull cheated him and got his, and Trumbull is stumping the State traducing me for the purpose of securing that po sition for Lincoln, in order to quiet him. (“Lincoln can never get it,” Ac.) It was in consequence of this arrangement that the Republican convention was empanneiled to instruct for Lincoln and no body else, and it was on this account that they pissed resolutions that be was their first, their last, and their only choice. Archy Williams was nowhere, Browning was nobody, Wentworth was not to be considered; they had no man in the Re publican party for the place except Lincoln, for the reason that he demanded that they should carry out the arrangement. (“ Hit him again.”) Having formed this new party for the benefit of deserters from Whiggery, and deserters from De mocracy, and having laid down the Abolition plat form which I have read, Lincoln now takes his stand and proclaims his Abolition doctrines. Let me read a part of them. In his speech at Spring field to the convention which nominated him for the Senate, he said: “ In my opinion it will not cease until a crisis shall have been reached and passed. * A house divided against itself cannot stand/ I believe this Government cannot endure permanently half slave and half free. Ido not expect the Union to be dissolved—l do not expect the house to fall— but Ido expect it will cease to be divided. It will become all one thing, or all the other. Either the opponents of slavery will arrest the further spread of it, and place it where the public mind shall rest iu the belief that it is in the course of ultimate extinction; or, its advocates will push it forward till it shall become alike lawful in all the States— old as well as new—North as well as South.” (“Good,” “good,” and cheers.) “I am delighted to hear you Black Republicans say “good.” (Laughter and cheers.) 1 have no doubt that doctrine expresses your sentiments, (“hit them again,” “that’s it,”) and I will prove to you now, if you will listen to me, that it is revolutionary and destructive of the existence of this Government. (“ Hurrah for Douglas,” “ good,” and cheers.) Mr. Lincoln, in the ex tract from which I have read, says that this Government cannot endure permanently in the same condition in which it was made by its fram ers -divided into fr-ee and slave States. He says that it has existed for about seventy years thus di vided, and yet he tells you that it Cannot endure permanently on the same principles and in the same relative condition iu which our fathers made it. (“Neither can it.”) Why can it not exist divided into free and slave States ? Washington, Jeffer son, Franklin, Madison, Hamilton, Jay, and the great men of that day, made this Government di vided into free States and slave States, and left each State perfectly free to do as it pleased on the subject of slavery.' (“Right, right. ) Why can it not exist on the same principles on which our fa thers made it? (“It can.”) They knew when they framed the Constitution that in a country as wide and broad as this, with such a variety of climate, productions and interest, ihe people necessarily required different laws and institutions in differ ent localities. They knew that the laws and regu lations w hich would suit the granite hills ol New Hampshire would be unsuited to the rice planta tions of South Carolina, (right, right,) and they, therefore, provided that each State should retain its own legislature, and its own sovereignty with the full and complete power to do as it pleased within its own limits, in all that was local and not (Applause.)^ servant, on the slaVery question. At the time the Constitution was formed, there were thirteen States in the Union, twelve of which were slave holding States, and one a free State. Suppose tfi.s doctrine of uniformity preached by Mr. Lin coln, that the States should all be free or all be slave had prevailed, and what would have been the result? Os course, the twelve slaveboldiog States would have overruled the one free State, and slavery would have been fastened by a Con stitutional provision on every inch of the Ameri can Republic, instead of beiug left us our fathers wisely left it, to each State to decide for itself. (“Good, good,” and three cheers for Douglas.) Here I assert that uniformity in the local laws and insti tutions of the different States is neither possible or desirable. If uniformity had been adopted when the government was established, it must in evitably have been the uniformity of slavery everywhere, or else the uniformity of negro citi zenship and negro equality everywhere. \Ve are told by Lincoln that he is utterly op posed to the Dred Scott decision, and will not submit to it, for the reason that he says it de prives the negro of the rights and privileges of citizenship. (Laughter and applause.) That is the first and main reason which* ne assigns for his warfare on the Supreme Court of the United States and its decision. I ask you, are you in fa vor of confering upon the negro the rights and privileges of citizenship ? (“No, no.”) Do you desire to strike out of our State Constitution that clause which keeps slaves and free negroes out of the State, and allow the free negroes to flow in, “never,”) and cover your prairies with black settle ments/ Do you desire to turn this beautiful j State into a free negro colony, (“no, no,”) in order that when Missouri abolishes slavery she can send one hundred thousand emancipated slaves into lllioois, to become citizens and voters, on an equality with yourselves?(“Never,” “no.”) If you desire negro citizenship, if you desire to allow them to come into the State and settle with the white man, if you desire them to vote on an equality with yourselves, and to make them eligible to office, to serve on iunes, and to adjudge vour rights, then support Mr. Lincoln and the Black Republican party, who are in favor of the citizenship of the negro. (“ Never, never.”) For one, I am opposed to negro citizenship in any and every form. (Cheers.) I believe this govern ment was made on the white basis. (“Good.”) I believe it was made by white men, for the benefit of white nren and their posteritv forever, and I am in favor of confining citizenship to white men, men of European birth and descent, instead of confermg it upon negroes, Indians and other in-/ ferior races. (“ Good for you.” “ Douglas fory ever.”) * Mr. Lincoln, following the example and lead of all the little Abolition orators, who go around and lecture in the basements of schools and churches, reads from the Declaration of Independence, that all men were created equal, and then a9ks, how can you deprive a negro of that equality which God and theDeclaru onoflndependenceawardstohim? He and they maintain that negro equality is guar antied by the laws of God, and that it is" asserted in tbe Declaration of Independence. If they think so. of course they have a right to say so, and so vote. Ido not question of Mr. Lincoln’s conscien tious belief tb.it the negro was made his equal, and hence is his brother, (laughter,) but for my own part, I do not regard the negro as my equal, and positively deny that he is my brother orauy km to me whatever. (“Never,” “bit him again,” and cheers.) Lincoln has evidently learned by heart Faison Lovejoy’s catechism. (Laughter and ap plause.) He can repeat it as well as Farnsworth, and he is worthy of a medal from father Giddiugs and Fred Douglass for his Abolitionism. (Laugh ter.) He holds that the riegro was born his equal and yours, and that he was endowed with equality by the Almighty, and that no human law can de prive him oi these rights which were guarantied to him by the Supreme Ruler of the universe. Now, I do not believe that the Almighty ever in tended the negro to be the equal of the white man. (“ Never, never.”) If he did, he has been a long time demonstrating the fact. (Cheers.) For thou sands of years the negro has been a race upon the earth, anJ during all that time, malt latitudes and climates, wherever he has wandered or been taken, he has been inferior to the race which he has there met. He belongs to an inferior race, and must always occupy an inferior position. (“ Good,” “ that’s **o,” Ac) I do not hold that because tbe negro is our inferior that therefore he ought to be a slave. By no means can such a j conclusion be drawn from what I have said. On | the contrary, I hold that humanity and Christiani ty both that the negro shall have and en joy everyJHght, every privilege, and every lmmu nßy conagtent with tbe safety of the society in which MgYes. (That’s so). On that point, I presume,%piere can be no diversity of opinion. You aftd-l?jM'c bound-to extend to our inferior and dependents being every right, every privilege, every faewy and immunity consistent with the public The question then arises what rights and are consistent with the public good. This is «r*tiestion which each State and each Ter ritory rn&JjHecide for itself— Illinois has decided for have provided that the negro shall and w>* have also provided that be Sh,s»l *pf be a citizen, but protect him in bis civil his life, his person and his pro perty, od|||aM&*ivmg him of all political rights refusing to put him on an equali ty with man. (“Good.”) That policy of 11 lirnffg^pKaatisfacfory to the Democratic party JP** and if it were to the. Republi cans, the»Fjwlld then be no question upon the subject Republicans my that he ought to be whenjhe becomes a citizen he becomettybai krifhall your rights and privi leges. shall.”) They assert the Dred Scott d(pMsia to be ffionsirous because it denies tliat or can be a citizen under the Con- I hold that Illinois had a right to abolish S^^fohib^ y Slavery as she did, and I hold has tbe same right to continue and prote#agaTer» that Illinois had to abolish it. 1 hold ttuKnKjycrk had as much right to abol ish has to continue it, and that each of this Union is a sovereign power, ;ss9HHMghtto do as it pleases upon this question Os jjggyy, and upon all its domestic m- is not the only question which comes There is a far more importaMHf lo yon,and that is, what shall be doue the slayerjffiacstion as far as we are concern ed; wC JiaS-tytarobibited it in Illinois forever, and in doing. we have done wisely, and there is who would be more >trenu ous in Mb jfJpßtion to the introduction of slave ry than * wo>‘Jd; {cheers,) but when we settled it for on rajs? e*, we qjthausted all our power over that h4v| done our whole duty, and can do no mofe.J We must leave each and every other State &r itself the same question. In policy to be pursued towajds the free bay* said that they shall not vote; whilst oflfhg other hand, has said that they shall a sovereign State, and has the powe# the qualifications of voters within her '• Mi lints. 1 would never consent to confer the rigbt of voting and of citizenship upon a negro,* .nr «tiii I am not goirg to quarrel with Mail for differing from me in opinion. Ijct Mairie lajcpi care of her own negroes and fix tbe qualifier lions of.her own voters to suit herself, without mi- rfesrmg tr.uh Illinois, and Illim>W will not interfere intb Maine. So with the State of New York. She allows the negro to vote provided he owns by j jnnffe-ed ane fifty dollars’ worth of property7Br“u|ips otherwise. "While I would not make any uis&iotion whatever between a negro who held property aud one who did not, yet if the sovereign bfiat# pt New York chooses to make that distinction, it I*‘her business and not mine, and I will not qo*md with her for it. She can dj as she K leases on thiHMgstion, if she minds Ikt own usmess, Will do the same thing. Now, my fricuds.sriMk|rii}only act conscientiously and rigidly upoo tflMLgreat principle of popular sove reignty whi h jßpM|ees to each State and Ter ritory the. yip it'to ilo las it pleases on all things local and Morfijiuc instead of Congress inter fering, we Continue at peace one with an other. Wm shonld Illinois be at war with Mis souri; of Ohio, or Virginia with New. tob. because their institutions differ. Our our institutions should y North and the tAu-.h*- t ijiJ " F-* ** - (solutions r.r Stsffe* wUaoew qptirfnrr never dreamed of oy Washington, Madison, or the framers of this Government. Mr. Lincoln and the Republican party set themselvei up as wiser than these men who made this government, which has flourished for seventy years under the principle of popular sovereignty, recognising the right of each State to do os it pleased. Under that principle, we have grown from a nation of three or four millions to a nation of about thirtv millions of people; we have crossed the Alleghany mountains and filled up the whole North-west, turning tbe prairie into a garden, and building up churches aud schools, thus spreading civilization and Christianity where before there was nothing but savage barbarism. Under that principle we nave become from a feeble nation, tbe most powerful on the face of the earth, and if we only adhere to that principle, we can go forward increasing in territory, in power, in strength u. ‘ in glory until tbe Republic of America shall be the North Star that shall guide the friends of lfreedom throughout the civilised world. (“ Long Vnay you live,” and great applause.) And why /an we not adhere to the great principle of self government, upon which our institutions were >riginally based? (“ We can.”) I believe that his new doctrine preached by Mr. Lincoln and his mrty will dissolve the Union if it succeeds. They ire trying tourrav all the northern States in one >ody against the South, to c-xcite’a sectional war betweeu the free States and the slave Slates, in order that the one or the other may be driven to the wall. I am told that my time is out. Mr. Lincoln will how address yon for an hour and a half, and I wil! •then occupy an half hour in replying to him. (Three tunes three cheers were here given for Douglas. How Rain is Formed. To understand the philosophy of this phenome na, essential to the very existence of plants and animals, a few facts derived from observation and a long train of experiments, must be remembered, With the atmosphere everywhere, at all times, at ihe full temperature, we should never have no ram, hail or snow. The water absorbed by ii in evaporation from the sea and the earth’s surface, would descend m an imperceptible vapor, or cease to be absorbed by the air, when it was once fully saturated. The absorbing power of the atmos phere, and consequently its capability to retain humidity, Is proportionally greater m warm than cold air. The air near the surface of the earth is warmer than it is m the region of the clouds. The higher we ascend from the earth, the colder we find the atmosphere. Hence the perpetual snow on a very high mountain, m the hottest climates. Now, when, from continued evaporation the air is highly saturated with vapor—though it be in visible—if its temperature is suddenly reduced by cold currents descending from above, or rushing from a high to a low latitude, its capacity to retain moisture is diminished, clouds are formed, the re sult is rain. Air condenses as it cools, and like a sponge filled with water and compressed, pours out the water which its diminished capacity can not hold. How singular, yet how simple, is such an arrangement for watering the earth. Scientific American . A Weather Item. —The court was called ; there was & cloud upon the brow of the judge; silence rained; Wm. Mulligan was hailed, but William was mist; the judge thundered; the prosecuting attorney stormed ; the jury’s labors lightened; but Wm. Mulligan, the brave, the good, had fled from the oppressor, into the laud ot the free and tbe home of the brave—New Jersey. N. T. Picayune. Copartnership.—lt may interest oui brethren of the p'eas to know that Dr. J. C. Ayer of Lowell, (Cheriy Pectoral and Cathartic Pills,) has ass *cia ted with him, his brother Frederick Ayer, Esq., long and favorably known as a leading merchant o' the West. Mr. Ayer will conduct tbe widely extended business of the firm, which now reaches to the commercial nations of both hemispheres* ' while the Doctor will devote himsell to his scieu- ; lific investigations aud pursuits. Mercantile Journal. Health — Weather — Crops.— There has been noinaierial change or the health ol this section 1 since our last report, which was reported good. 1 The crops continue to look fine, and the weather pleasanq with cool mornings. Thermometer ranges from sixty-eight to eighty-two, extremes, s Albany Patriot , September 2. j From, the Charleston Mercury. Statement of one of the Slavers. , We subjoin a statement relative to ihe capture of the tffig General Putnam, sent us by one ot the ! crew now confined in our jail: Charleston Prison, Aug. 80, 1858. i A small sketch of the canture of the brig Echo, . or General Putnam, as published in some of the papers, is very erroneous with regard to the cap ture and cargo. I shall give you a true account, as I hare been imprisoned as one of the crew. On the morning of August 21st, we made land about three or four miles to the South or eastward of Sagua la Grande, in three and a half fathoms of water, when we kept away to the northward and westward. In a short time we made out the town, several vessels lying in the harbor, and one com ing out, under American colors, which we took to be a molasses lugger, supposing her to be bound to some northern port. When we got by the port part on board made her out to have English colors set, which she chased us under, which it was re ported by some of the papers that tbe brig called the Putnam wore. But I must confess it was a most gallant cap ture by an American man-of-war to cnase an old ten-knot brig from sunrise to half-past four or five o’clock in the afternoon, before she could make her heave to. If the brig had been in trim it is my opinion she would have run clear. I understand that the Spanish pilot insisted that he knew tbe brig, and that she had a cargo of ne groes on board. The Dolphin is reported to not care about boarding the brig. Why then did she chase all day with a press of canvass and studding sails set? About four o'clock ihe Dolphin kept off. Not being able to make out whether she intended to go to Cardenas or give us a gun, we took in all studsails, to try to get to windward and out of reach her of guns; but, on seeing this she hauled on the w ind, and fired a gun tor us to heave to. She had fired two guns before. We took but liitle notice of them, and we thought we were out of gun shot. Her shot fell about forty yards ahead, on our lee-bow. She bad English colors set, which she hauled down and set American. We had the Ameri- ■ can colors set. As we had no others on board to save us (rom being fired into, and were about getting ready to heave to, she fired a shot across our quarter. We hove to immediately. She lowered a boat with three or four officers, ma rines tfttt ten men armed,against a crew of unarm ed men, twenty-one white persons, all told. When on board they immediately ordered every one in the boat to go on board the Dolphin. They kept tw*' and a sick man there, as we supposed, to find out the particulars. When on board the Dolphin they put those supposed to be the crew in double irons, and searched every one, as they said,to find papers ; but I believe they found nothing to lead to the vessel’s nationality. The vessels kept company all night. In the morning the captain of the Dolphin went on board * of the prize, and overhauled everything of value F in the shape of sweetmeats aud eaUbles, likewise L paints ana oils, and transferred them cn board of ( the Dolphin, with some very good brandies and J wines. It is reported that, the crew of tbs slaver, t when they thought they were out of danger, were f drinking m revelry, which is entirely false. There 1 is a good deal said about the treatment of the ne -1 groes. I can assure you that the negroes were » well taken care of by the crew, kept clean, the l vessel being well supplied with medicine. But no * one can judge by appearances Since the govern ■ ment had charge of the vessel, as they, were not * properly attended to in any way. No more at present. * Cessation of Small Pox atTrlon Factory. 1 We received the following communication from * Mr. Allgood, last week, just after our paper had J gone to press. As it still contains matter of inter [ esi.imc lay it before our readers. j>9 ra our per * 'sot*.l knowd/Ogc of wc expressed » acveul wgelrs ago. UiaV all that r -| J i» nftrtiwip nr ‘T ‘fin “TWw m 'avwni TlfS progress of the disease, rwe are heartily glud to announce that such ifrtfie case, 1 and that no further apprehensions need be felt up on the subject. Following is the letter referred to above: Trios* Factory, G v., Aug. 24, 1858. Mr. Editor —Dear Sir: Yesterday we started our Factory, as we believe we are free from the small pox; have not had a case in our place since the 81st of July. All cases are now quarantined about one and u fourth miles from *h » Factory, aud I have tbe place guarded to prevent it. spread ing from the quarantine. There have been twen ty-nine cases in all—and all doing well; no death and none dangerous; about three-fourths of tbe . cases light, and a few cases pretty bad ; about half the cases are well. No case at Summerville, ex -1 cept James Glenn, who left there on the 2d of this b, and, I presume, will no: be another case . there. I think, with care 'tnd caution, there will not be another case in the country. There are five ; persons at quarantine not yet had the small pox, but they have been vaccinated, and have had am ple time to take it; have been with it near four weeks. Yours, Ac., A. P. Allgood. Rome Southerner, Sept. 2. In Col. Addison’s Traits and Stories of Anglo- Indian Life, just issued iu London, is a curious story of one of the author’s experiences. “ One evening I returned, more than usually fatigued, to my bungalow, and hastened to bed; I was soon asleep, and as usual, dreaming of Europe and her charms. Suddenly I was awakened by a cold ob ject resting on my arm. Involuntarily T raised my other arm towards it; it glided rapidly off— ! not, however, till it had inflicted its dreadful bite; for I plainly felt tbe pain which, though not acute, was stinging, resembling tbe puncture of a hot instrument, or a sudden scald. The fact, however, was obvious. I had been bitten by a snake, and was probably a dead man. I sprang from my bed, rushed to my dressing table, seized one of my razors, and without hesitation, cut out the bitten part. I actually Scooped out a piece nearly as large as a nut; then, with my arm bleed ing profusely, I rushed towards the lamp, and, catching it up, burnt the wounded part for sev eral seconds. By this time several of my servants had arrived, alarmed by my cries. One hasten ed off for our assistant surgeon, who lived next door, while the others began to question me. In broken sentences I explained to them my situa tion. They were horrified. While one poured eau de luce into the dreadful self-inflicted gash, the others prepared a portion of the same medicine di luted in water, which I hastily swallowed. By this time I was more calm, and when Dr. Lission arrived I was collected enough to view my situa tion with becoming philosophy. While he was dressing my arm and binding it up, I took advan tage of the silence and awe of the moment to sig nify to him my last wishes in case of my death. I stated the manner in which I desired to be bu ried, the style of letters i wished written to my re lations, the way in which I wished my little re maining property disposed of. The doctor was almost tempted to shed tears. The surrounding khitmugers stood in mute agony of woe. Lission, , however, hoped I had cut deep enough, and as- j sured me that he thought the virus had not had time to enter the system. “Let us at least,” he said, , “have the consolation of destroying the reptile that i has thns endangered your life. Here, my meD, \ bring each a soft cane, and let us attack the mon- i ster together.” The men ran out and came back i each aimed with a pliant bamboo, a single stroke j of which wi!l instantly kill the most dreaded snake ! in all India. “And now surround the bed; tbe reptile cannot have got away. Gently, gently, , keep your eyes steadily fixed. He must be under the piPow. Directly I raise it be ready to stnke. tla, there he is 1” The servants at once B‘ruck at the object pointed oat, and succeeded in killing it. , They held it up, when io! to their amazement, it , proved to be a poor liitle lizzar J,a harmless animal, , which, beyond the blistering drop be bad let fall on my arm, bears no venom. The doctor burst into j a roar of laughter. The black rascals joined it j The next week I was forced to get two months’ leave, lor whenever I appeared with my arm in a siing, “mv dying words” were quoted to me. I ] was almost teased to death, because when I fan- < cied I bad been bitten by u snake, I had chosen to | take “ precautionary measures.” , A fat candidate for office in Alabama, who is said to weigh three hundred and seventy-five ponnds, asks tbe people of his district to try him. i VOL. 37-NO. 37. Poetical Prophect. —The following lines, in a poem delivered some years ago before the Phi Beta Kappa Society, at Cambridge, by Mr. John Brooks Felton, a brother of Professor Felton, and now a lawyer in San Francisco, contain a singular prophecy of the instantaneous transmis sion of thought between the two hemispheres by the delicate nerves cf the electric cable: The fliture hard, with song more richly fraught. Some reverenced wrong the nucleus or his thought. Back through the past in mournful strain shall wind : In louder strains shall buret the exulting close. That sounds the triumph o’er the struggling foes. The slave unbound, war’s iron tongues all dumb. Ills glorious present, our all hail to come— All ha'l to come when East and West shall be, ** bile rolls between the undividing sea, rwo, like the brain, whose halves ne’er think apart. But beat and tremble t/» one throbbing heart. Mn. Stephen's Odea on the Atlantic Cable. Aik— Star Spangled Banner. Ob! say not the old times were brighter than these. When banners were torn from the warriors who bore theni t Oh. srvy not the ocean, the storm, and the breeze Are freest or prouder when war thunders o'er them: r or the battle’s red light grows pale to the sight. When the pen wields its power or thought feels its might; Now mind reigns triumpliant where laughter has been. Oh ! God bless our President! God save the Queen!! ft Let the Joy of the world in rich harmony rise; Let the sword keep its sheath and the cannon its thunder ; Now Intellect reigns from the earth to the skies. And Science links nations that war shall not sunder; gR- the mermaids still weep and the pearls lie asleep. Thought flashes fire through the fathomless deep ; Now mind reigns triumphant where slaughter has been. Oh. God bless our President! God save the Queen! When the sunset of yesterday flooded the West, Our old Mother Country lay tar in the distance; But the lightning has struck ! we are close to her breast! That beautifullaud that first gave us existence. We feel with a start the quick pulse of her heart. And the mother and child are no longer apart; For mind reigns triumphant where slaughter has been. Oh ! God bless our President! God save the Queen ! 1 The blood that was kindred throbs proudly once more. And the glow of our joy fills the depths of the ocean. It thrills through the waves and it sings on the shore. Till the globe to its poles feels the holy commotion. Let us join in our might and be earnest for light. Where the Saxon blood burns let it strive for the right; For mind reigns triumphant where slaughter has been. Oh ! God bless our President! God save the Queen I! Tite Changes op Twenty Years. —ln noticing that a gentleman named Hutchins had been nomi nated in Ohio to succeed Joshua R. Giddinos in the U. S. House of Representatives, where he has occupied a seat for the last twenty years, the Al bany Journal thus moralises: Every chair in the old Hall of Representatives must be fraught with memories of the past to the “Senior Member.” He has seen generations of short lived politicians rise, fall, ana become for gotten. lie has seen faithful public servants re moved to other trusts, and many to another world. Round the entire circle of the Hall his eye fails to j find a single member who sat there when tie enter j ed it, and who has sat there with him since. > Adams has gone to his reward. Ogden Hoffman. . Chus. G. Atherton, Leverett Saltonstall, Edward Curtis, Barnwell Rhett, Dixon H. Lewis, and many others are also gone the way of all the earth. I Hunter and Bell are transferred to the Senate. Wise to the Gubernatorial chair. Brown is dis pensing the patronage of the Post Office Depart [ rnent. Clifford wears the silken judicial rube of ; the Supreme Court. Stanley has gone to thatfem* incognita , California. Truman Smith, Cooper, 1 Weller and Williams, after exchanging Represent ’ ative for Senatorial honors, are departed from the L Capitol. Corwin, after a brilliant career as Gov ernor, Senator and Secretary, is preparing to return again to the field of his early distinction; Pickens and Hopkihs are trying the pleasures of foreign ’ courts. Briggs ana Lincoln are ex-Governors. [ Granger and Cave Johnson, are ex-Postmasters 1 General. Strong and Marvin are on the New York Bench. : Like changes have altered the aspect of the Senate Chamber. Clay, Webster, Benton, and • ■ White Hi>h3oV-rrt-» cMiaSlateT? !¥?Ttc. Wm.lTicg became Vice Frefidetit and died abroad. The grave has closed frver Silas Wright and “Honest John” Davis. Walker has bad his ups and downs with every train of the Whcey of Fortune, and is now ex-Governor of a place tUat he then had never heard of. The only Chair tlpt retains its old oc cupant is that filled by John J. Crittenden, the veteran of the Senate, as Giddings is of the House. Empires have risen and fallen; Kingdoms, turned into Republics and Republics into King doms; six new States have entered the Union, and three new Territories have been brought under our flag; Presidents have gone up like rockets, and come down like sticks; compromises have been made and broken; war has followed peace and peace again succeeded war; trade has expand ed and collapsed, parties have risen, flourished and decayed; platforms have been built and 1 torn down again—since he took a seat in the Hall » of Representatives. What Cigars abb Made op!— The New York correspondent of the Sc« harie Republican , who, it may be presumed, is domiciled in the neighbor hood of the custom-house, gives the following rev ■ elation of the component materials of “real H&- 1 yannas.” We copy it for the benefit of those whe ! inhale, or suppose they inhale, the fragrant weed. It shows the doubt which hangs over, not only what we drink, but also what we smoke: “ Talking of cigars, I was told by a government appraiser, a few days since, the following true story in connection with the cigar trade of this city: A large German importing house had re ceived an invoice of foreign cigars, which were appraised by the custom officers at three dollars per thousand. The importers were dissatisfied, and asked for a re-appraisement, which was grant ed ; and under the most positive evidence, sup ported by the oath of the dealers, the cigars were admitted at a valuation of one fifty per thousand. Now the evidence alluded to was this—that not a particle of tobacco entered into the composition of said cigars, but that they were wholly com posed of oak and other leaves soaked in a strong tobacco lye. I understand that large qualities of these * real Havanas’ find their way into the in terior, and from some experience I have had in that line, I aru inclined to believe that a few spe cimens might be found even among the primitive society of ‘ Old Scobarie.* ” Mr. Roebuck on the Atlantic Telegraph.— Mr. Roebuck and Mr. Liudsey, M. P.’s, bad been tc Cherbourg, and upon their return, were invited tc address the Mechanic’s Institute at Tynemouth, when Mr. R. said : My honorable friend and myself went to Cher bourg. We went there to see a s«ght, and a sight we did see, (great laughter,) and while we were there we he ird of a greater feat than any that we saw. We learned that the electric telegraph had been laid in the depths of the sea between New foundland and Ireland, (applause) At that very time we were listening to the thunder of artillery, we saw two great potentates—we saw their kisses, (laughter). We saw that—how much there was in that for the happiness of mankind—but that was a negative happiness. It was, because they did not do any mischief, (laughter). The electric telegraph is a positive good. It binds us lo Amer ica; it brings us nearer to our great offspring there; and it makes us, as it were, one people, (loud applause). This is done by human intelli gence. You may enjoy political pow*-r; you may enjoy intellectual exertion ; you may be wbatyou wtre intended to be—the noblest ’work of God, (loud applause); but, until you are blest with knowledge, you are not a noble ertamre, (applause llosiicide.—On Monday night, the 23rd August, says ihe Quincy Republic , an altercation took place at the residence of Mrs. Johnson, about eight miles below Quincy, between Dr. Cull ana Mr. W. M. Johnson, which resulted in the death of the former. He received two gun shot wounds, one in the foot, and the other in the abdomen, the lat ter wound causing immediate death. An examination into the facts of the case, was had before Magistrates D. W. Hollowman aDd L. G. McElvy, and the defendant was bound in a bond ut five thousand dollars to appear before the Circuit Court. Boston, Sept. 2. Dr. Win. Wesselbceft, the well known homeopathic physician, died in this city yesterday.