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<I(fl cclili) (! r o nstit ulio mil ist.
BY JAMES GARDNER.
From the Field am? Fireside. 4
A DREAM OF LOCUST DELL.
A PRIZE POEM.
BT MBS. JULIA L. KEYES.
What sp*ll of enchantment is that which enthrall sine.
When winding the mystical mazes of dreams *
What sjdrit is that which alluringly calls me,
And leads me away, over mtmnt&ins ami streams
I see from afar a rich landscape unfolding—
A Uautifal grove—a lake sleeping below—
'Tis my own Locnst Dell once more Pm beholding,
As <*n wings of the zephyr, then, floating, I go.
I have reached it again, and the misty reflection
Os childhood o'erpowers me with pleasure and pain;
These minings, they seem but a ilirn recollection
Os something I've lost, that I cannot regain.
, I wander along, In this Lethean existence,
»I weep, and my tears fall like dejr on the grass ;
I see a white mammon, not now in the distance ;
I touch my own gate latch. and entering, 1 p:r-s.
So lightly and cautiously treadlnar.il enter
f The hall where my voice in its infancy rung-r
i pause for a moment, when reaching the centre,
And list for the sound of some welcoming tongue.
The quivering moonbeams and shadows are falling,
Like ghastly illusions, along the dark floor.
Why, suddenly, thus, is that vision appalling ?
Why throbs my wild heart as it ne'er throbbed before ?
To open the chambers, I now am unwilling;
No farther the mansion I wish to explore;
I feel a strange dampness the atmosphere ftHing—
The cold wiwHs rushing within the hall door.
*Oh! where are the loved ones ? oh! where have they wan”
dered?
Why stands the dear homestead thus bared to the blast f
TTwas thus, while weak,fainting with anguish, I pondered.
I That memory appeared with a scroll of the past
The spirit of slumber still did not forsake me;
Again, as on wings of the zephyr I flew,
The cool, vap'rons breath of the mom did not wake me;
I threaded the labyrinth of dreaming anew.
I saw. by a clear gushing fountain, a flower—
On its bosom, a drop of the crystalino spray ;
1 stooped, but the spell of some magical power
Prevented my Liking the blossom away.
I watched the bright pearl-drop; It slowly distended—
The blush of the rose seemed the hue of the sky;
1 saw a new world in the ether sii?i>ended—
« ’V Ita £ rove * an, l its lakes, I could faintly espy.
Amid clustering trees a white mansion was gleaming—
Two wandered together, beneath the soft shade ;
The pearl-drop has fallen—l wake from my dreaming,
To see the long shadows the sunbeams have made.
Oh ! I know ’tis the absent I’ve seen in my sleeping !
Unto mansions our Saviour prepared, they are gone—
Love's vigilance, still, o'er their child they are keeping ;
"When I pas* the dark valley, I'll not be alone.
SPEECH OF
HON. A. H. STEPHENS, •
DELIVERED IN AUGUSTA, GA., ON SATURDAY,
JULY 2, 1b59.
Mr. Prerident, Gentlemen of the Committer, and Re
mooted Auditory:
For tins demonstration, on my retiring from
public life, I return you my unaffected and unfeign
ed thanks. The circumstances attending it—this
imposing assembly—consisting, not onlv of So
large a number of voters of the District, but of so
many of the fair of the land—the mothers and
daughters, who give honor-by their presence—are
well calculated greatly to enhance its appreciation.
It is not every one who has been iu public life so
long as 1 have, that has been so fortunate as to re
ceive such a compliment at its cloae. It was not
> • •Ettncommon event amongst the ancients for nnh_
'nfSfK. lie men totMMpjFßCfft-d Attn exiled, even by those''
who had elevated them to places of trust and dis
-tinction. But the testimonial now tendered conies
not exclusively from that class of my constituents.
‘ This may, perhaps, be owing more to personal than
to public considerations. Be that as it may, how
ever, let this manifestation of regard shown to me
here, without distinction of party, by the generous
and liberal-minded citizens of this enlerprising and
flourishing city—distinguished alike for intelli
gence, urbanity, and public spirit, spring from
whatever motive it may, of this you may he as
sured, one and all, I feel it most profoundly, and
make mv acknowledgements most sincerely and
gratefully. Whether merited or not, it is more
than I expected. It is much more than I desir
ed.
Having entered public life reluctantly without
any selfish motives, aud without any object of per
sonal ambition or aggrandisement, I should have
preferred, when the state of affairs favored
my leaving it, to go quietly into that retirement so
much more congenial to mv nature, without auy
other record of approval of my conduct to bear
with me than that of my own judgment, aud the
consciousness of having, on all occasions and on
all questions, qndeavored to discharge my duty
faithfully and with an eye single to the mainte
nance of your rights and the advancement of the
general public weal.
As you chose that it should be otherwise, I co 1 M
not, in consideration of the relations we hav
borne towards each other, as lie* reseutative and
constituents, decline a compliance with your re
quest. And it is due to you, in candor, to say that,
so far as personal gratification is concerned, this
display does, in some measure, compensate for the
labor, toil, sacrifice, and wear and tear of body
and mind, ever a* »ndant on him who undertakes
to watch ov ■»:*, guar.!, and protect the public in
terests.
The occasion itself naturally suggests feelings
of regret, as all partings do—the severance of ties
so long binding us together in relations of such
confidence and responsibility is not unlike tbs
severance of other ties that link the tenderest at
tachments of nature. I find, however, other mat
ters of thought and reiiection which prompt emo
tions of a different character from those which
usually attend ordinary separations and final
adieus. Some of these, it may not be inappropri
ate to mention—not exactly, then, do i feel like
one who is about to take his departure from home,
from friends, from all he holds dear, wits doubt
and uncertainty whether he shall ever meet them
again ; but rather as the weather-beaten mariner,
who has successfully passed the peril-of his last
of many dangerous voyages, over and across tne
mighty deep, hails, with elated heart and inward
rejoicing of spirit, his home-haven finaliy reached
in safety, never to encounter oce«*n-storms and
tempests or troubled waters more. Thus I feel.
Politics is indeed a rough and uncertain sea,
Abounding in uncertain and dangerous elements—
elements which, however still and quiet they may
now be, are always fierce and portentous when ful
ly aroused; and perhaps they were never, in our
.history, lashed into greater fury than they have
been repeatedly during the period of my service.
The shattered fragments, the “disjecta rtvemkra”
of many a gallant bark, oft have been seen adrift
on either side, borne along by their resistless sway;
and many noble, true-hearted comrades have been
seen “ rari nantes in gurgite vaato.” Is it not
natural, then, that I should now, in contemplating
the past, feel a deep personal gratification that I
was so fortunate as to surmount these perils, pass
securely these risks ana hazards, not only without
a wreck, a founder, or a stranding, but without
the loss of a mast or single spar? For this, I am
indebted to your generous confidence.
But there is another refieetion far more impor
tant, and doubtless, much mare interesting to you,
as well as more gratifying tc myself—that Is, that
I leave the country not only ic as good, but in a
better condition than I found it Whatever dan
gers may have threatened us, the Republic has
sustained co serious detriment, either in her ma
terial resources, intellectual advancement, social
condition, or political status. On the contrary,
with whatever fihort-comings there may have been,
in that fuller development, that might have been
attained in some of these particulars, yet, on the
whole, her progress in each for the better, has
be*o most marked and unprecedented. This is
true of the whole country, as well as of each of
the parts separately, and especially of our own
State-.
Contrast, for a moment, in your minds, the con
dition of Georgia, physically and intellectually,
in 1836, when I first entered the legislature, with
her condition now. The change seems almost
equal to the workß of magic. Passing by those
material developments which have given us the
honor of being styled the Empire State amongst
our sisters of the- South, take but a glance in
another department —that which embraces higher
and nobler improvements. Then, there was but
one college in the State, and that, for the educa
tion of men. Now, we have five times that num
ber, of the same character. Then, there was not
in the State, or in the world, I believe, a single
chartered university for the education and regular
graduation of women; I mean such as conferred
the usual college degrees. The Georgia Female
College, at Macon, incorporated in ISS6, with such
objects, purposes, and powers, I believe, was the
first of its kind anywhere. The movement at the
time was the occasion of amusement to some. I
may he pardoned in this presence,in saying that it
met my warm support. The experiment proving
successful beyond the expectation of its most san
guine friends, the example became contagious—
not only in our own State,but in adjoining States—
and we now have a perfect galaxy of these brilliant
luminaries, sending forth their cheering beams In
every direction, like new stars in the firmanent
above, just brought into existence in the progress
of creation. Whatever honor, therefore, Georgia
is entitled to for her other great works of improve
ment and achievement; and however broad, mas
sive, and substantial the materials may be that en
ter into the monument reared to her fame; and
however high they may be piled up, let this still be
at the top the filling' and crowning point of her
glory, that she took and holds the lead of all the
world in female education.
In a national point of view, our progress has
also been great. Vast territories have been added
to our limits. Our trade, our commerce, our man
ufactures, our exports and imports, have been more
than trebled. History furnishes no equal to it in
the annals of nations. All those great sectional
questions which so furiously in their turn agitated
the public mind, forboding disaster, and wb’ c ' n
from my connection with them ouge d me to re
main so long at assigned me,have been
amtoably and satisfactorily adjusted, without the
sacHflceof any principle, or the loss of any essential
right. At this time, there is not a ripple npon the
surface. The country was never in a profounder
quiet, or the people from one extent of it to the
other, in a more perfect enjoyment of the blessings
of peace and prosperity secured by those institu
tions, f6r which we should feel no less grateful
than proud. It is at such a time, and with these
views of its condition, that I cease all active con
nection with its affairs.
In reference to those agitations, and the ques
tions giving rise to them, and my conduct on
them, which you have been pleased’to speak of in
term's of such high commendation, I ask your in
dulgence only to sav a few things, and these few
only as of matters that are past. They were ques
tions of no ordinary magnitude they were vital
in their character; they oppressed me with the
most anxious care—with thehtavy weight of the
most intense sense of responsibility— and the more
so as they subjected me, on several occasions, to
the most trying of all political ordeals—the sepa
ration in action from old allies and old friends.
The first of these was the annexation of Texas.
This arose on my entrance into Congress. It was
to me a new field and a new theatre. It requires
an effort, at this time, to recall the scenes ot that
day—-the arguments for and against—the passions
and prejudices that were aroused ou botn sides.
The public mind was perhaps never before more
thoroughly excited. It was mv fortune, with a
few others, to differ, not only from our own party
friends, but from a majority of those on the other
side. We were for the measure. We believed it
to be constitutional and advantageous, notwith
standing the contrary judgment and the fearful
consequences predicted by many sages in council,
in whose wisdom and patriotism we had ever con
fided. We were for it however, only on condition
of the 'South should bo settled and
guararffeira In the bonds of union. In this posi
tiou, we held the balance of power in the House;
and it was not until various other propositions,
which left these point's open, were voted down—we
voting with the general opponents of the measure
ou them, that ours, which secured the existing
guaranty for four slave States, to be carved out of
the Territorv and admitted into the Union, if the
people should present such Constitutions, on their
application for admissiou, was taken up and passed
by the general friends of the measure. The true
history of these resolutions has never been given.
Col. llenton, in his “Thirty Year’s View,” quotes
them at length, and says that they were intro
duced at au early day of the session. He says,
rhey “were sent down from the State Department.”
In this he makes one of his flings at Mr. Calhoun,
who was then at the head of that Department.
This is, in every essentia) particular, a mistake.
These resolutions were not introduced at an early
day of the session. Congress met on the ‘2d day
of December, 1844; on the 12th of that mouth,
Mr. Charles J. Ing**rsoll, chairman of the commit
tee of foreign affairs, introduced the Administra
tion measure. After that, there were six other
plans of annexation introduced, before the resolu
tions, which finally passed, were offered. They
were presented by Mr. Wilton Brown, of Tennes
see, on the 13th of January, 184.* : . He and I con
sul i frequently together. We agreed in our
views. We could not support any one of the plans
submitted, but were anxious for the measure to
succeed on the terms I have stated. He drew up
the resolutions, embodying our views, securing
the settlement of the vexed question, and the guar
anty as to the four future slave States, South olthe
Missouri line, just as they passed. Neither Mr.
Calhoun, nor Mr. Tyler, ever saw the res lutions
until they were offered to the House; and I doubt
if anv other person did except Mr. Brown, myself,
and Hon. Ephraim H. Foster, one of the Senators
of Tennessee. Mr. Brown informed me that Mr.
Foster concurred fully in our views, and would
present the same resolutions in the Senate or* the
same day, which he did, remarking at th i - time
that he had neither consulted nor conversed with
any other Senator in relation to them. As for the
phraseology of the resolutions, that is due entire
ly to Mr. Brown ; but for the substance, I feel fully
justified in saying that we are both jointly and
equally responsible. My course in the matter was
taken, not without some doubt and distrust that it
might be wrong, as so much talent, age, ‘expe
rience, and worth, were aTraved against n nence,
you may imagine the gratification 1 felt, six years
after, when Mr. Webster, in his celebrated 7th of
March speech, fully admitted the constitutionality
of the annexation, and the binding obligations ot
the guarantees therein secured. The recognised
constitutional expounder, and one of the leaders
of the oppr nents of the measure, though no» in of
ficial position at the time it passed, lived to give
the constitutional question inyjived the sanction
of his high authority; and now few men of any
party or any creed raise a point upon the subject.
The next quest’un of agitation arose out of our
acquisitions from Mexico, embracing also the Ter
ritory of Oregon—the title to which had
just been definitely settled about that
time. This was the greatest of all, before or
since. It involved the powers of Congress over
the Territories, and the right of the General Gov
ernment to exclude slavery, as it exist* with us
fr om them. The principle was one of vast impor
tance, whether considered in an abstract or prac
tical view. Its assertion abstractly earned with
it Southern inequality, inferiority, and degrada
tion. Its enforcement practical I v would nave
hemmed ue up, hedged us in, walled us around,
and prevented ail future growth and expansion.
The point the South made was the right to go into
the Territories with their slave property, on the
same fotting, and with the same security, as other
property under the Constitution. This was her
demand; and it was on this basis the settlement
was made. The Territories are to be kept open
for settlement and colonization, by all, alike, with
out any discriminating {legislation on the part of
Congress for or against any species of property,
until the people come to form iheir State Consti
tutions for admission into the Union—when they
are to be admitted either with or wi'hout slavery,
as they may then determine for themselves. This
is non-intervention. And, as vou all may know, it
came short of what I wished. It was, *n my view,
not the full measure of our rights—that required,
in my judgment, the enactment, bv Congress, of all
needful laws for the protection of slave property in
AUGrTJSTA, (GA., WEDNESDAY, JULY 3, 1859.
the Territo»“) S, so long as the Territorial condi
tion lasted, j
But an overwhelming majority of the South was
against that position. It was said that we who
maintained it, yielded the whole question Sr yield
ing the jurisdiction—and that, if we conceded the
power to protect, we necessarily conceded with it
the power to prohibit. This, by no means, follow
ed, m my judgment. But such was the prevailing
opinion. And it was not until it was well ascer
tained that a large majority of the South would not
ask for, or even vote for Congressional protection,
that those of us who were for it yielded to non
intervention, because, though it came short of our
wishes, yet, it contained no sacrifice of principle
—had nothing aggressive in it, and secured for all
practical purposes, what was wanted. That is,
the unrestricted, right ol expansion over the com
mon public domain, as inclination, convenience,
or necessity may require on the part of our people.
For, while Congress abstained from all direct legis
lation on the subject, yet the bills organising
Territorial goverumeuts 'granted to the local legis
latures the power to pass laws “ upon all right
ful subjects of legislation, not inconsistent with
the Constitution of the United States.” This gave
them the power to-pajia all needful laws for the
protection of sldve property, if the people wanted
them—that being a rightful subject of legislation
—but none to prohibit or exclude—that being iu
consistint with the Constitution of the United
States, and the exercise of a power that Con
gress did not possess, and could uot grant.
This was the view we took of the case; and this
has since been sustained by the Supreme Court of
the United States, in the I)red Scott decision. Thus
the settlement was made—thus the record stands
—and by it I am still willing to stand, as it was
fully up to the demands of the South, through her
Representatives at the time, though not up to my
own; and, as by it the right of expansion to ili'e
extent of population and capacity is amply secured,
which was the great practical object had" i- naw
The subsequent excitement on the Kansas bill in
1854, was but a sequel to that of 1850.
In carrying oui the principles established in
1350—-of opening the Territories, and leaving them
tree for settlement by all, alike, without Congres
sional interference, it became necessary to take off
the old restriction of 1820, which had been put
upon that Territory.
The agitation this gave rise to, was caused by
nothing but the dying efforts of the old restriction
ists to hold their old ground, and to fight the bat
tle of 1850 over again. This was a struggle main
ly for principle—abstract principle on both sides.
In the result, we were triumphant. But it was not
a triumph of the South over the North, so much
as it was a triumph of the friends of constitution
al equality and right, over their enemies every
where ; and let no man consider this agitation, so
far as the South is responsible for it, as useless or
unnecessary, indferauch as it was a struggle
mainly for an abstract principle bavingpr*clicai!y
nothing in it. Let no one indulge the belief 'hat
it would have been better for the South to Lave
quietly let the old restriction against us remain
upon the statute book, as there was little pros
pect, that slavery ever would go to those Territories,
and "as the Supreme Court has since decided, in
the Dred Scott case, that the old restriction
was unconstitutional and void anyhow. Let no one
think that the amount of practical interest in the
result did not justify the popular commotion that
the controversy evoked. Let no one take any
such view of the subject as this; practical results
should weigh but little when great fundamental,
constitutional, and abstract principles of Govern
ment are to be settled. These underlie all popu
lar rights, and constitute the essence of sovereignty
and independence; and the fates of nations depend
upon a rigid maintenance of them. An insult to
a Hag has but little practical injury in it; and
yet, if unatoned for, will and ought to justify war
“at every hazard and to the last extremity.” The
warfofthe American Revolution, which gave us our
national independence, was fought more in
vindication of abstract principles than for the
redress of any practical grievances. 'I’M
grievances of the colonic jvere plainly
assertion of rights a.id powers over them 6y the
British parliament, which they denied. Hence,
Mr. Webster said, truly, that it w'as fought *■ >ti a
preamble.” It was not the amount of the tax com
plained of, so much as the right of imposing it
without representation. The very bill that led to
resistance reduced the tax, but asserted ir : ts pre
amble the unlimited and unconditional power to
tax. It was on this measure, that tbe great Ed
mund Burke—a son, Mr. President, (Mr. .John
Bones,) of your own native isle, who ranks high
above all the others of her most illustrious names
—high above Grattan, Curran and Emmet, und
who stood foremost and first amongst orators and
■ talesmen not only in the British parliament but
in the world, in his day—if he has ever been sur
passed in any age or country—it was on this bill,
thus granting relief to the colonies, accompanied
by the bare assertion of illegal right, that Burke,
in bis place, told the House of Com mons that they
were sending an angel of peace, “but with it they
were sending out a destroying angel, too;” and
what would be the effect of the confiict of these
two adverse spirits, or which would predominate
in tbe end, was what be dared not say. His warn
ing was not heeded. The destroying angel came;
but with no effect upon our ancestors, except to
arouse them in defence of even their abstract
rights. It was England, who, under the influ nc
of his unseen power, was left to mourn the loss of
her. first-born colonies.
In politics, as in law, the greatest results often fol
low the establishment of abstract principles, when
the amount of practical interst involved is too small
to be taken in the estimation. Principles deciding
the titles to millions of property may be settled,
and often are, upon a pepper-corn issue. In the
case of Pierce and Twine, two hundred pounds
sterling only were involved. But who could es-'
timate the hundreds of thousands that have been |
controlled by tbe principles established by it? Or
who would undertake to number the millions upon
millions which; have and do depend upon the pnn
ciplesofShellye caseo: Perrin against Blake?ln this
last, thousands of dollars have been spent in pub
lishing books that have been written upon it—to
say nothing about the amount or value of prop
erty it has controlled. And yet, only two thou
sand pounds sterling were all that was practically
in issue in it. And what was the amount practi
cally in issue in the Dred Scott case, itself? Noth
ing but the value of one slave perhaps less than a
thousand dollars ; yet, on the principle depended
not only many other thousands, but in all prob
ability the destiny of this country. And who is
vain enough to suppose that the bred Scott de
cision would have been made, bin for the agitation
and the discussion which preceded it,and the sound,
clear principles which that discussion brought to
light? Weigh not, therefore, too lightly the
most Violent discussions by your public men,
even upon the mort abstract principles. Nay,
more, be prepared to assert them yourselves as
your fathers did, at any hazard, though there be
nothing at stake but your honor.
Nor am I ofthe ntimuejr of those who believe
that wq, have sustained any injury by these agif£-_
tions. It is true, we were not responsible for
them. We were not the aggressors. Weactedon
the defensive. We repelled assault, calumny, and'
aspersion, by argument, by reason, and truth.
so far from the institution of African slavery to
our section being weakened or rendered les-> se
cure by the discussion, my deliberate judgment
is that it has been greatly strengthened and forti
fied—strengthened and fortified not only in the
opinions, convictions, andconscu&ces of men, bat
by the action or the government. Questions that
were doubtful and mooted before these agitations,
have since been settled—titled as I have stated,
settled by all the departments of the government,
the legislative, executive, aud judicial. The old
Missouri Restriction of IS2O, has been taken from
the statute book. There is not now a spot of the
public territory of the United States, over which
the national dag floats, where slavery is excluded
by law of Congress; and the highest tribunal of
the land has decided that Congress has no power
to pass such a law, r*/>r to grant such power to a
Territorial legislate. All this has been the re
sult cf.these agitations.
But, perhaps I am detaining you too long on
these tonics. It may be that some are more anx
ious to Lear what I* have to say for the future.
Will the present quiet last ? or will the anti-slavery
spirit renew the strife? And what is to be the end
of it? On ibis point, I can only say that the fu
ture i 9 wisely shut out from our view by a curtain
that Ico d not lift if I would, and I would not if
I could. It is enough for us to take care of the i
ever present, with which we are moving along. I
All things human are passing away. Nay, mart',
in the conditions and relations to each other of all I
things throughout the material universe, there is i
nothing eternal, but change. This is the universal '
law. Our bodies yield to it—death is the com
bine lot of all—governments are subject to the i
same law. The most powerful of the present day
will, in course of time, pass away, as those great
Empires did, which we read of, centuries ago—
our own cannot escape the same inevitable doom.
But when this will be—whether at an early or re
mote period—l have no disposition either to in
quire or to speculate. I have no hesitancy, how
ever, in giving you the strong conviction,. ~f my
judgment that it is best for all that the States shall
remain united under their present Constitution
just so long—if that be forever—as this end can be
attained without the sacrifice of any Constitutional
principle, or the loss of any Constitutional right
essential to the safety and security of auy one of
them, or any number of them—adfl that the Union,
on this basis, can be and will be preserved just so
long as intelligence, virtue, integrity, and patriot
ism rule JO"' national council. How long thnl
will be, will depend ifpon the qjlople themselves.
Legislators in this country, in the main, are but
the embodied reflection of the characters and
principles of those who elect them. As matters
now stand, so far as the sectional questions are
concerned, 1 see no cause of danger, either to the
Union, or southern security iu it. The former
has always been, with me, and ought to be, with
you, subordinate to the latter. But on the present
basis of governmental action, recognised in all its
departments, on those questions vital to the South,
I see nothing likely to arise from it calculate to
endanger either her safety or security. Hence,
□othiug to prevent the hope and earnest desire
that a stili greater, wider, and higher career is be
fore us than that yet attained. And for many long
years to come, tliere is nothing in the diversity
and dissimilarity of the institutions of the differ
ent States inconsistent with this—nothing in
any increase or addition of States ; nothing in the
future enlargement of the limits of the Republic,
bv further acquisition of Territories, as, in the
event of continued uuion, there, doubtless, will
be. Already, we are looking out towards Chihua
hua, Sonora, and other parts of Mexico —to Cuba,
and even to Central America. Where are to be our
ultimate limits, time alone can determine. But of
all these acquisitions, the most important to the
whole country is that of Cuba. She lies geographi
cally in the natural line of extension and acquisi
tion. The natural course for all national exten
sion is on lines of longitude, rather than lines of
latitude—from North to South, or from South to
North, rather tiffin from “East to West—so as to
bring within iteommon jurisdiction the products
of different climes. As yet, we embrace no por
tion of the Tropics. Cuba,besides her commanding
position in the Gulf, and all other advantages,
would fill up this deficiency.
On this subject, however, I will say that I am
not much in favor of paving any great sum of
money to Spain for that Island. If the people of
Cuba want to come under our jurisdiction, it is
their right to come, and ours to receive them,
without let or hindrance from Spain. She holds
the Island by no tenure but that of conquest and
force.
The more appropriate policy would be to repeal
all our own laws which make i: penal and criminal
for our own citizens to go and help them achieve
their independence. Instead of offering Spain
thirty or more millions of dollars for it, I would
simply quit spending other millions in keeping
watch and guard, for her to oppress and rob ; I
would simply quit holding while Spnin skins.
A million or two might be well spent to obtain so
great a result without difficulty, if Spain saw fit to
receive it—not much more.
i But whatever may be our acquisitions of terri
' tory, I see nothing to endanger our rights in the
t Union, if the principles now establishedoe adhered
> to and maintained in good faith. Overall present
» possessions or future acquisitions, we have and will
have, by principles, thS unrestricted ngi4 to
! expand, to seme and colonize with our institutions
to the extent of population and capacity. Wherever
climate and soil suit, there slavery can and will
go to the extent of population.
On this point of extension, however, fellow citi
zens, I deem it my duty to repeat what I said in
18.*)0, when we had just come out of the great
struggle over the territorial policy of the govern
ment —whatever abstract rights of extension and
expansion we may have secured in the settlement
of that policy, you may not expect to see many of
the Territories come into the Union as slave States,
unless we have an increase of African stock. The
law of population will prevent. We have not the
people. Boundaries by rivers or mountains, do not
make States. It takes people to make States;
and it requires people of the African race to
make slave .States. This requires no argu
ment; and I very much question whether, with
our present stock of that population, we can fur
nish the requisite number to secure more than the
four States to come out of Texas in the present
Territories of the Union. To look for, or expect
i many more, is to look in vain, without a foreign
supply. This question, the people of the South
should examine in its length end breadth. It is
one deserving consideration of the gravest char
acter. It deeply concerns our internal interests
. uid domestic policy, as well as the grow th and ex
tension of our institutions. It should not be acted
on or decided hastily or rashly, but calmly and de
liberately. I only present it to you for such con
sideration ; and especially with the view* of impress
ing you with this great truth before hand, that it
there are but few more slave States admitted into
the Union, it will not necessarily be in consequence
of Abolitionism or Wilmot Provisoism, but for
the w'ant of the right sort of population to
settle and colonize them with. It is useless
to wage war on those who may withhold Con
gressional legislation to protect slave propei ty
in the Territories, or to quarrel amongst ourselves,
and accuse each other of unsoundness on that
question, unless we get more Africans to send there
to be protected. I give you no opinion upon the
subject, except this—that, without an increase of
African slaves from abroad, you may not expect
or look for many more slave states. If the policy
of this country, settled in its early history, of pro
hibiting further importations or immigrations of
this class of population, is to be adhered to, the
race of competition between us and our brethren
of the North, in the colonization of new States,
which heretofore has been so well maintained by
us, will soou have to be abandoned. It is m full
view of all this, that I have stated, that if the pres
ent basis of settlement between the sections of the
Union, which has been sanctioned by all the de
partments of the Government, be adhered to, you
have nothing to fear for your safety or security.
For on these principles one slave State alone, by
herself, would be perfectlv secure against encroach
ments or aggressions on ber dome*tic internal po i*
cv, though all the were free. But this safety
aud security altogether upon a rigid ad
herence M t,ie principles. They are the ship on
„ oich, as Paul said, you must abide if you would
survive and be safe. Whether these principles ,
should be adhered to, or not, depends mainly upon
the South, with her people united, there is no danger
Indeed, with her people united, no one need have t
any apprehension for the stability and permanence \
Os her institutions, either in the Uniou or out of y
it,just as her enemies may choose to decide that
question for her. We control the great staple ]
which forms the basis of the commerce of the 1
the world ; and if united, can and will be able, in r
any aud every event, to take care of ourselves. t
African slavery with us rests upon principles r
that can never be successfully assailed bv reason t
or argument. It has grown stronger by discus- e
sion; aud will still grow stronger as discussion c
proceeds, and as time rolls on. Thirty years ago c
j Virginia was on the verge of abolition. Now, no c
such sentiment is to be found there. Twenty years 1
ago, Wilberforce’s theory was carried out by em. ft- t
cipation in the British West Indies. That expert- s
ment has most signally failed; that error in policy f
is now* attempted to be »*emedied by coolies, in- j
stead of Africans, under the title of apprentices, [
instead of slaves. This is but verifying the pro- I
verb that one false step leads to another. Carlyle, j
the greatest thinker of England, has repudiated a
the folly of abolitionism ; and the London Times (
followed not far behind him. The world is grow- a
ing wiser, and upon no subject more rapidly than c
that of the proper status of the negro. In my t
judgment, there are more thinking men at the \
Norib, now, who look upon our system of slavery t
as right, socially, morally, and politically, than
there were even at the South, thirty years ago.
The public men of the South, in our early
history, were almost all against it. Jefferson was
against it; Madison was against it; nearlv all of
them were against it. This t freely admit, when
the authority of their names is cited. It was a
question which they did not, and perhaps could
not, thoroughly understand at that time. It was
then a new Question in the construction of consti
tutional government. It ia still a problem, in pro
cess of solution. They met the paramount ques
tions of their day as statesmen ; so should the
men of this day meet those before them.
New truths 'are always slow in development.
This is the cause in all thft physical sciences. It
was so with the apernican system in astronomv;
so with the application ot steamhn mechanics; so
with the knowledge of the laws of electricity,
and the means jf controlling it for great uses and
purposes; this ra%lso the case with new truths in
Government—and even more so; for legislators
and rulers are qot generally the thinkers of any
country. Hence, important facts within their ap
propriate sphere often lie much longer unobserved
without the legitimate inductions and conclu
sions to be drawn from them. The world had
moved on for centuries; States, Kingdoms, and
Empires had risen, fallen, and passed away, be
fore legislators were even conscious of the’ great
facts and truths brought to light by Adam Smith,
touching the laws oft Ade and the real source of
the wealth ofaiMiens. Sven when first announced,
they were slow In'joefiressing the minds of those
who controlled the action of Governments. Now,
they are recognised and adopted as maxims, by
the wise and intelligent in all civilised coun
tries. So it has been and Is with the great fact,
that in the frame-work cf human society the
materials for its structure should be selected and
arranged in the order of nature.
Pythagoras, Plato, and Aristotle, the greatest
philosophers of antiquity, directed their minds to
the systems of government and the proper consti
tution of a State. The republican form was the ideal
model of each. They all saw the necessity of some
sort of gradation in the elements of its composition;
but their systems failed, because they violated
nature in making the subordinate class of the same
race. Subordination is the normal condition of
negro. This great truth, that such was the normal
conditionof any race was not recognized in their
theories; and hence their machinery, in practice,
could not work.
In this connection, allow me to say that I do not
agree with same as to the manner of meeting our
assailsnts on this subject. Many seem to be not
only astonished, but offended, at the "higher law”
doctrine of the Senator from New York, (Mr.
Seward). I, too, believe in the higher law—the
law of the Creator, as manifested in His works
and His revelations. Upon this, our cause emi
nently rests. 1 olaim nothing barely upoD the
? round that “thus it is nominated in the bond.”
recognise to the fullest extern, the doctrine that
all human laws and Constitutions mustbe found
ed upon the Divine law. And if there is any
right secured, or any obligation imposed in our
Constitution, inconsistent with this law, underlie
ing and over-ruling all others, such right and such
obligation must be yielded. I womd not swear to
support any Constitution inconsistent with this
higher law. Let us not deceive ourselves—this
question has to be grasped and comprehended in
all its vast dimentions—on it, we need not ora
tors so much as thinkers, nor declaimers so much
as reasoners. We must stand on the higher law,
as well as upon the Constitution. The latter
must be subordinate to the former. But as
I read the inscriptions upon the canvass of
the unive’se about us, and around us, and over
us. us well as the teachings of inspiration
“ Order is nature’s first law;' with it, come gra
dation and subordination ; this principle extends
from the Throne of the Creator to the utmost lim
its of His works. We see it in the Heavens above
1- in the greater and lesser lights—in the stars that
t differ from each other in magnitude and lustre*
1 w’c see it in the earth be’ow—m the vegetable ana
> animal kingdoms—ranging from thestateliest trees
* of the forest to the rudest mosses and ferns. From
the magnolia grandatlora glonosa, the rose,
I and the jupouiea, down to the most uncouth flower
we tread* under foot—from the hugest monsters of
life in the air, on the land, or in the ocean, to
the smallest animalcule to be found in the > all.
We see similar distinctions and gradations in the
races of men—from the highest to the lowest type.
These are mysteries in creation, which are not' for
us to explain. It is enough to know that they
work out a grand harmony through the whole; and
that in our system of government, w hich, in my
judgment, is the best in the world, we do but con
form to these immutable principles of nature. Who,
then, is warriug against the higher law? We
who conform to it, or those who are striving to
reverse the decrees of the Almighty?
In politics and morals, as in mechanics,
it is impossible to war successfully against
principle. The principle will ultimately prevail.
The wickedest of all follies, aud the absurdest of
all crusades, are those which attempt to make
things equal which God in his wisdom has made
unequal. It is a struggle against a principle
which can never succeed, where reason has sway,
\ until “the leopard can change his spots aud the
■ Ethiopean his skin.”
i The world, by wise men, is to be taken as they
■ tind it; and it is the business of statesmen so to
l construct the materials of society as best to promote
* the good of all. This can never be done by violat
ing any principle of nature. If our system is
■ not the best, or cannot be made the best for both
I races, it is wrong. I utterly repudiate the doctrine
of the greatest good for the greatest number. One
i hundred men have no right to have happiness at
* the expense of ninety-nine, or a less number. If
) slavery, as it exists with us, is not the best for
> the African, constituted and made as he is—if it
■ does not promote his welfare and happiness, so
’ cially, morally, and politically, as well as that of
, his master, it ought to be abolished. But if it does
I this, then we stand upon a rock as firm and im
pregnable as truth. And with union and patriot
s ism amongst our own people, we have nothing to
F fear from any quarter —either in the Union or out
of it. We hold our destiny in our own hands;
and in pursuing it to the end, we shall be but ful
filling a great mission in advancing a new order
r and a higher type of Christian civilization.
I must now take my farewell leave. My race
has been run—my career is ended; whether it has
been for good or lor evil, the record is made up.
By it, I must bo judged in the future, as all others
whose acts form apart, however small, in the pub
lic history. lam willing that my conduct as it there |
stands shall be squared by the Grecian’s rule, that
“the course of every public man, upon all great
questions should not only be the best that was
thought of by any at the tune, but the very best
that all subsequent disclosures shall show could
fcfSJVe been thought of and adopted under all the
circumstances.” The rule is a rigid one ; but I ask
no exemption from it now, nor hereafter. Upon a
review of the past, up to this time, I see no cause
to regret any of my acts upon any of those ques- 1
tions to which I have alluded ; nor is there a sin
gle one of them that I would change.
I retire from no feelings of discontent—far from 1
it; no one ever had less cause to complain. If you 1
are satisfied with the past I am. If an v explaua- 1
tions are necessary to satisfy the inquiries of those :
who seem to think it so strange that one should 1
voluntarily retire from a place of position and honor
I state explicitly that it is because those questions
having been settled with which I had become con- 1
neotea, there are other pursuits more agreeable
to my nature, and I do not know that I could
render the public any more essential service at
this time than by showing, to the extent of my
example, at least, that office is not the chief end
of man. 1 do not say that I will, under no cir-
Ci instances, ever hold office again, or serve the
co untry in any emergency that may arise.
That would be tantamount to a declara
tion of incivism, inexcusable under all circum
stances. An occasion may arise when I should
feel it a duty even to shoulder a musket—though
I could not render much service in that way. But
I do say, that there is no office under Heaven that
I desire, or wish ever to hold—there is none ihat
I should prefer to that of Representative in Con
gress—especially from the Eighth District of
Georgia. In quitting that, therefore, I quit for good
and in earnest—hoping and believing that no such
crisis ever will come w’hen I should be required to
take active part again in public affairs. As a pri
vate citizen, I shall continue to feel the same in
terest m passing events, and take such part in
VOL. 38— UN O. 2D.
them, as allother good citizens should—nothing
more. °
T cannot permit this occasion to go by without
add ug, that if, in the heat of any of those high
party excitements, through which it has been my
lot to pass, I have ever, at any time, said or done
aught to give offence, or to wound the feelings of
any one wantonly, or without cause, I do deeply
regret it. It was never my intention to offend, or
to give cause of offence to any, unless first offended
against; and whatever instances of this kind may
have occurred, I deeply regret the necessity that
occasioned them; and trust that the whole, alike,
may be buried in oblivion forever. With you, my
fellow-citizens, here present, and those of my con
stituents absent, I leave ray best'wishes for long
life and happiness. With our common country, I
leave like good wishes, and the earnest hope for
undisturbed peace and prosperity, and that our in
stitutions, unimpaired, national and State, may
long continue to bless millions, yet unborn, as they
have blessed us.
Interesting Letters on the Naturalization
Question.
Reference having been made to the course pur
sued by Mr. Fillmore’s administration in relation
to naturalized American citizens who return to '
their native homes, we publish, on
the recorded opinions of Daniel Webster and Ed
ward Everett, each of whom was Secretary of
State during that Administration.
MR. WEBSTER TO IGNACIO TOLEN, NEW YORK.
Department of State, )
Washington, June 25th, 1352. (
The respect paid to any passport granted by this
Department to a naturalised citizen, formerly a
subject of Spain, will depend upon the laws of
that nation in relation to the allegiance due its au
thority by its native-born subjects. If that gov
ernment recognises the right of its subjects to
denationalise themselves, and assimilate with the
citizens of other countries, the usual passport will
be a sufficient safeguard to you; but, if allegiance
to the Crown of Spain may not legally be renounc
ed by its subjects, you»must expect to be liable to
the obligations of a Spanish subject if you volun
tarily place yourself within the jurisdiction of that,
government.
Department of State, )
Washington, June 1,1852. f
I Sir : I have to acknowledge the receipt of yotrr
letter to Mr. Reddall of the 27th ultimo, inquiring
whether Mr. Victor B. Depierre, a native of France,
but a naturalised citizen of the United States, can
expect the protection of this Government in that
country when proceeding thither with a passport
from this Department. In repiy, I have to inform
you, that if, as is understood to be the fact, the
government of France does not acknowledge the
right of natives of that country to renounce their
allegiance, it may lawfully claim their services
when found within French jurisdiction.
I am, sir. very respectfully,
Your obedient servant,
Daniel Webster.
To J. B. Nones, Esq., New York.
The letter from Mr. Everett was addressed to
our minister at Berlin, under date of 14th Jan
uary, 1853, in reference to several cases which had
been presented by that minister. “ The question
raised,” Mr. Everett writes. “ has received ihe par
ticular attention of the President.” The following
extracts sufficiently state the doctrine :
If, then, a Prussian subject, born and living un
der this state of law, chooses to emigrate to a for
eign country without obtaining the certificate
which alone can discharge him from the obliga
tion of military services, he takes'tbat step at his
own risk, lie elects to go abroad under the bur
den of a duty which he owes to his government.
His departure is of the nature of an escape from
her laws ; and if, at any subsequent period, he is
indiscreet enough to return to his native country,
he cannot complain if those laws are executed to
bis disadvantage. His case resembles that of a
soldier or sailor enlisted by conscription or other
compulsory process in the army or navy. If he
should desert the service of hia country, and there-
Iby render himself amenable to military law, no one
would expect that he could return to Ins native
land and bid defiance to its laws because in the
I mean time he might have become a naturalised
citizen of a foreign State.
For these reasons, and without entering into
the discussion of the question of perpetual alle
giance, the President is of opinion that if a sub
ject of Prussia, lying under a legal obligation in
that country to perform a certain amount of mili
tary duty, leaves his native land, and, without
performing that duty or obtaining the prescribed
“certificate of emigration,” comes to the United
States and is naturalised, and afterwards, lor any
purposes whatever, goes back to Prussia, it is not
competent for the United States to protect him
from the operation of the Prussian law. The case
maybe one of great hardship, especially if the
omission to procure the certificate arose from in
advertence or ignorance ; but this fact, though a
just ground for sympathy, does not alter the case
as one of international law.
Griffin—lts Improvements.
A new spirit of improvement seems to have in
fused itself into our citizens. There are at tins
time eleven new store houses in process of erection
on Hill street, which, when completed, will be an
ornament to the city as well as creditable to the
projectors. Two better aud prettier blocks of
buildings cannot be found anywhere. They are
all to be finished off' with nice iron fronts, which
will add much to their appearance and beauty.
These evidences cf rr-perity show a healthy
• state of business in •ur community. We are glad
to see i*. Griffin for several years has been on a
standstill, but now we think we may safely say,
she is on rising ground, ar 1 that a permanence is
, given to her future that cannot be doubted.
Still More Improvemente. —Col. O. C. Gibson is
erecting in tbe North-east part of the city, a
handsome residence— concrete trail —something new
here—which, when finished, will not only be com
fortable, but tend to beautify that portion of the
town,
Benjamin Milner, from Pike, and John Anuiews,
from Butts, at the* South end of Hill street, are
putting up fine residences convenient to bmuness
and the schools.
In the western portion of the city, Col. D. J.
Bailv, of Butts, and Cabt. Ilenry P.* Hill, of this
place, have under contract, or in contemplation,
'each,) the building of handsome family resi
dences. Others are talking of building. Griffin,
without doubt, is looking up. We are glad to see
it. — Grirfin (Ga.) Empire State, July Clh.
WoRTn Knowing. —A young lady in this city,
says the Philadelphia Morning Pont, while in the
country, stept on a rustv nail which run through
her shoe into her foot. The inflammation and pain
was very great, and lockjaw was apprehended. A
friend of the family recommended the application
of a beet, taken trom the garden and pounded
fine, to the wound. It was done, and the effect
was very beneficial. Soon the inflammation began
to subside, and by keeping on the crushed beet,
and changing it for a fresh one, as its virtue seemed
to become impaired, a speedy cure was effected.
Simple and effectual remedies like this should be
known to every one.
To Keep Potatoes from Sprouting. —To keep
potatoes intended for the use oi*the table for spring,
until new potatoes grow, take boiling water, pour
it into a tub, turn in as many potatoes as the wa
ter will well cover, pour off the water, handle the
potatoes carefully, laying up in a dry place on
boards only one layer deep, and see if you do not
have good potatoes the year round, without hard
strings and watery ends, caused by growing. The
neighbor I got my information from says he has
never failed, or had any trouble from rotting or
sprouting. Try a tew.— Cor. Prairie Farmer .
The Fourth District. —The opposition conven
tion of this District was held in Newnan on the
28th ult. A proposition was made to nominate
Hon. B. H. Hill as the candidate for Congress, by
acclamation ; but the Troup delegation haying an
nounced that he would not accept, the motion was
withdrawn. A letter was read from J. S. Slaugh
ter, Esq., declining the nomination. Col. Wm. F.
Wright, of Coweta, was then unanimously nomi
nated. — MilleJ'jtcille Recorder.
The Atlantic Telegraph Company have issued
proposals for subscriptions to their new loan.