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LETTER FROM GENERAL A. S. JOHNSTON TO
PRESIDENT DAVIS-
Ti’j following letter from Gen. A. 8. Johnston
t® President Davie, was read in Congress on
Tuesday, in vindication of the deceased hero's
fame from the aspersions which have been cast
upon it lor the disasters in Tennessee:
Decatur, Ala., March 18, 1562.
My Dear General: I received the dispatches
from Richmond with your private letter by Capt.
Wickliffe throe days since ; but the pressure of
ot affairs and the necessity of getting my com
mand across the Tennessee, prevented me from
sending you an earlier reply,
I anticipated all that you have told me as to
the censure which the fall of Fort Douelsou d'ew
upon me, and the attacks to which you might be
subjected, but it was impossible tor me to gather
the facts for a detailed report, or to spare time
which was required to extricate the remainder of
my troops, and save the large accumulation ot
storesand provisions alter that disheartening dis
aster.
I transmitted the report of Generals Floyd and
Pillow without examining or analyzing the facts,
and scarcely with time to read tnein.
VV lieu about to'assume command of this De
partment, the government charged me with the
dutr of deciding the question ot occupying Bow 1-
tng Green, Kentucky, which involved not only
military but political consideration. At the time
ot rav at rival at Nashville, the action ot the last
Legislature of Kentucky bad put an end to the
latter bv sanctioning the formation of companies
menacing Tennessee, by assuming the cauae of the
government at Washington, and by abandoning
the neutrality it professed, and in consequence
of their action the occupation of Bowling Green
became necessary as aa an act of selt-defence, at
least tn the first step.
About the middle of September. Gen. Buckner
advanced with a small force of about 4,00t> men.
which was ncreased by the 15th of October to
1« ot)0 and though accession ot force were re
ceived it continued at about the same strength
until the end of November, measles and other
diseases keeping down the effective force. The
enemv's force was then reported to the War De<
partment 50,000,-and an advance was impossi
ble. , * * *
Believing it to be of the greatest moment to
protract the campaign as the dearth of cotton
might bring strength from aboard and discourage
the Sorth, and to gain time to strengthen myself
bv new troops from Tennessee, and other States,
I’magnified'tny forces to the enemy, but made
known mv true strength to the department and
the G >verno is of States. The aid given wasstsall.
Xt length, when Gen. Beauregard came out in
Femuarv, he expressed his surprise at the small
ness of my force, and was impressed with the
danger of mv p-sHion. I admitted what was so
manliest, md laid before him my views for the
future, in winch he entirely concurred, and sent
me a me«i.>iat>dum of our conference, a copy ot
which I s.-ud o you. I determined io fight lor
Naehvilte a D .uelson, and gave the best part of
my army to d > it. retaining only 14,000 men to
cover my trout, and giving 16,000 to defend Don
elson.
The force at Donelson is sta’ed in General Pil
low’s report at much less, and I do not doubt the
correctness ot his statement, for the force at
Bowling which I stpposed to be fourteen
xnousaud effective men, (the medical report show
ing <mlv a little ovr five hundred sick in the hos
pit.,l . w « diminished more than five thousand
bv th ise who were able to stand the fatigue of s
march, and m -de my force on reaching Nashville
less than ten thousand men. I enclose the Medi
cal Director's report.
Had I wholly uncovered my front to defend
Donelson. Buell would have known it, and march
ed directiv on Nashville. There were only ten
small steamers in»tbe Cumberland in imperfect
condition— only three of which were available at
Nashviile, while the transportation ot the enemy
was great.
The evacuation of Bowhng Green was impera
tively necessary, and was ordered before, and
executed whi e the battle was being fought at
Donelson. I had made every disposition for the
defence of the fort by means allowed; and the
troops were among the best of my force. The
Generals —Floyd, Pillow and Buckner-were high
in the op.mon of officers and men for skill and
courage, and among the best of officers of my
command. Thev were popular with the volun
teers and all bad seen much service. No rein
forcements were asked. I awaited the event op
posite Nashville. The result of the conflict each
dav was favorable. At midnight on the Uth 1
received news of a glorious victory at dawn of a
Mv column during the day and night was
thrown over the river, (a battery had been es
tablished below the city to secure the passage.)
Nashville was incapanle of defence from its po
sition and from the foices advancing from Bow
ling Green and up the Cumberland. A rear
guard was left under Gen. Floyd to secure the
stores end provisions, but did not completely
effect the object. The people were terrified, and
gome of the troops were disheartened. The dis
couragement was spreading, and I ordered the
caiamand to Murfreesboro , where I managed, by
assembling Crittenden’s division and the fugitives
from Donelson, to collect -n army able to offer
battle. The weather was inclement, the floods
exeessive, bridges were washed away, but
mos’ of the stores and provisions were saved and
conveved to new depots. This hav.ng been ac
complished, ’hough with serious loss, in confor
mity with mv original design, I marched south
ward and crossed the Tennessee at this point, so
as to co-operate or unite with General Beauregard
for the defence of the Valley of the Mississippi.
The passage is almos' completed, and the head
of mv column is already with Gen. Bragg at Cor
inth. Tb j movement was deemed too hazardous
by the most experienced members of my staff,
but ihe objec' warranted the risk. Tae difficulty
of ffretin* a junction is not wholly overcome,
but n approaches completion. Day after tostnor
row, unbssibe enemy intercepts me, my force
wih Bragg and my army nearly
thousand strong. This must be destroyed before
the enemy can attain his object.
I have given this sketch so that you may ap
precia'e the embarassment which surrounded
me in my attempts to avert or remedy the disas
ters at Fort Donelson, before alluding to the con
%ue< of the Generals.
When the force was detached I was in hopes that
such disposition wonldhave been made as would
have enabled the forces .to defend the fort, or
withdraw withou sacrificing the army. On the
14th I ordered General Floyd, by telegraph, “if
he Jost the fort to get his troops to Nashville.”
It is possible this might have been done, but.
justice require- to look at events as they appeared
at the nine, and no' alone by the light of subse
quent information. AH the facts in relation to
the surrender will be transmitted to the Secre
tary ot Wa-, as soon as they c.n be collected, in
obedience loh-s order. It appears, from the >n
for s io» received, that General Buckner, being
the in io. < ffi er. took the lead in advising the
suneu : ', ad that Genetai Floyd acquiesced,
Kl .,i g,. occurred in the belief that their
force eon d not rnain'am its position-ail concur,
red n.i it would requires great sacrifice of life
to extricate the command. Subsequent events
show 'ba' the investment was not so complete as
their in ormatmo from their seouls led them to
believe, f'tie c inference resulted in the Barren"
der.
The command was irregularly transferred, and
devolv. d on the junior general, bat not apparently
to avoid any josi responsibility, or from any want
of pergonal or moral intrepidity. The blow was
most disasir us, and almost without a remedy.
I, theie'ure, in my first report, remained silent.
This silence you were kind enough to attribute to
my generosity. I will not lay c aim to the motive
to excuse my course. I observed s’lence, as it
seemed to be the best way to serve the cense and
the country. The facts were not fully known —
discontent prevailed, and criticism or eotidemna
tion were more likely to augment than cure the
evil. I refrained, well knowing that heavy cen
sures would fall upon me; but convinced thet it
was better to endure them for the present, and
defer to a more pr< per time an investigation of
the conduct of the generals; for, in the meantime,
their services were required and their influence
useful. For these reasons Generals Floyd and
Pillow were assigned to duty, for I still felt con*
fidence in their gallantry, their energy, aud their
devotion to the Confederacy.
I have thus recurred to the motives by which I
have been governed from a deep personal sense of
the friendship and confidence you have always
shown me, and from the conviction that they
have not been withdrawn from me in adversity.
All the reports requisite for a full official inves
tigation have been ordered. Gens, kloyd aud
Pillow have been suspended from command.
[Here follow some allusions not necessary to an
understanding of the main objects of the letter,
and a statement of the disposition of the forces in
command, which it is not deemed necessary to
publish ] The letter closes as follows:
I have troubled you with these dstails as I
cannot properly communicate them by telegraph.
The test of merit in my profession, with the
people, is success. It is a hard rule, but 1 think it
right. If I join tins corps in the forces of Gen.
Beauregard, (I confess a hazardous experiment,)
th n those who are now declaiming against me
will be without uu argument.
Your friend, A. S. Johnston
The Catholic Church of Montgomery has do
nated its bell to the use of the Confederate
States for cannon.
Martin Conner, a member of the City
Light Guard, was stabbed and killed by E.
Brogdon, a private in Geu. Walker’s brigade,
on Tuesday afternoon.
James McVee, who ran away from Colum
bia with a large amount ot funds belong
ing to J. C. Walker of that city, was arrested
in Montgomery, by Marshal Maxwell, and
$5,000 recovered.
GRAND CALCULATION-
The great military genius, the editor of the
New York Jimes, is again programming. He
carves out a mighty schedule tor Halleck, tn the
West, and in fact sweeps the whole South by
the board by a single dash of his pen. Some of
our readers may be able to peruse, without faint
ing, these vast feats on paper:
THE WORK OF GEN. HALLECK.
From the New York Times.
Now that the three Soutwestern miliaary de*
partments lately under Buell, Halleck, and Hunter
are consolidated into to one great department
under Major General Halleck, operations in that
section will be carried on with a unity of purpose
and au energy of spirit, the lack of which, hereto
fore, has produced delay and confusion. The de
sultory movements undertaken, and under the
circumstances, necessary, in Kentucky, Missouri,
Kansas, the Indian Territory aud Arkansas, will
now either entirely cease, or will be subordinated
to great purpose of expelling the armed rebels
from the entire State ot Tennessee, and from the.
States bordering on it southward to the Gulf of
.Mexico
Next to Eastern Virginia, this region is, both
military and politically, the most important part
ot the "rebel country. If the mountain lands of
Northern Georgia aud Northern Alabama are held
py < ur'troops, we will, with the foothold we already
have in the mountains of Tennessee and Virgin
ia, virtually have military control of all the vast
slave regions sloping southward from the Allegha
aies. If ihe line of the Mississippi be in our
hands, we likewise control the Statgs bordering
that great river on both sides to its mouth. In a
political view, this region is no less important, —
The original school of secession conspirators
looked almost entirely to the establishment of a
great Slave Confederacy in the semi-tropical re
gions bordering upon the guff of Mexico. The
border Statesi n which we have tons far confixed
our military operations, were not expected nor de
sired to join the oligarchic military empire.—
Th y were looked epon rather in the light ofcut
worKS, to belong to the South, or to remain 'neu
tral, as they pleased, but really to be used as a
barrier against the abolition encroachments-of the
Northern States.
At first extending from South Carolina to Flori
da, and sweeping from thence in a semicircle to
the Rio Grande, the New Empire would speedily
subjugate the feeble States of Mexico. Cuba and
other West India Islands would be annexed, and
all tr.e negroes and people ot other inferior races
reduced to their normal condition of-slavery.
The Gulf of Mexico would then form a central
lake, round which would circle the States of the
grand Confederaton, whose corner stone should
be slavery, and its rulers the lords of the planta
tion. This was the dream, fevered but gorgeous
of the couspi’ators who imagined they had fallen
heir to the visions of Aaron Burr—such men as
Slidell, Jeff. Davis. Toombs, Rhett and Wigfall.
The military possession of the States immediately
South of Tennessee by our troops will at once
and forever destroy all such hopes.
Further, in the five or six States contiguous to
the line of operation of which we are writing,
the slave system of the South, to sustain which
the rebeltton was really and ostensibly inaugu
rated, h s its greatest development. In the States
bordering on the g'if, and for some distance up
the Mississippi, the population is divided into
about one-bait slave and the other-half nominally
free, while the slave element is massed in various
districts, so as to give it there a prodigious pre
dominance. Th’s element is at our option to dis
pose of it in such away as that it shall at least
not add to the rebel power. Os this whole section
of country, from our present lines of operation
on the north to our line of operation on the south
ern gulf coast, we give this morning a compact
map ; and tn the brief space which it occupies
will be seen the whole surface over which Gen.
Halleck has now to extend the national authority.
As soon as that able commander can march
from his present position at Nashville, and take
possession of Chattanooga in the east and Mem*
phis tn the west, and when in addition our forces
on the coast take possession ot Pensacola, Mobile
and New Orleans, the whole of the States of the
Southwest and the gulf will fall into our control.
It would be utterly impossible to maintains rebel
army in the low, flat, cotton and slave regions of
Central Alabama aud Mississippi, while the
national forces held possession of the lines of
communication, and stand iavineible upon the
front and rear. The n bels are now expelled from
Missouri, the rebel army of Arkansas is routed,
and we believe that to day there is not, west of
the Mississippi, five thousand effective rebels un
der arms.
So that, to the work on the Gulf States, and
against the rebels there concentrated, Gen. Hal
leck can bring the whole of the vast army lately
tn bis own command, as well as the army lately
in Kansas and Kentuc.y It is probable that the
National forces in Kentucky, added to that ready
to begin operations on the Gulf, numbers not
short ot one hundred aud fifty thousand soldiers.
The field for their conquest is a vast one; the
work is difficult; but with such a force, united
under and inspired by such a leader, we doubt
not that the task will be done, and effectively
done, sooner than m"Bt people anticipate. When
done, it will end what at one time appeared the
most difficult labor in putting down the great re
volt. It will then remain' only that the rebel
army i" Eastern Virginia be destroyed and South.
Carolina well chastised , after which the rebellion
as a military fact, will be essentially disposed of'
Slidell in France.—The South*
ern Commissioneis are working with all their
might to obtain from the French Government a
formal or even indirect recognition of the Confed
eration. They are, lam on the best authority
informed, greatly dispirited at the reception which
.M. Thouvenel gave Mr. Slidell. Everything was
done to give the reception the most private char
acter. By private, I mean unoffi :ial, and Ameri'
can politics were only touched on in the most
general terms by the Minister for Foreign Affairs.
A Southera gentleman, who is in the thick of the
secession movement here, remarked a few even
ings ago that slavery had made such a wall or
partition between the South and Europe as to
neutralize Mr. Slidell's diplomatic talents. He
also said that he feared bis friend woulo be oblig
ed to go back to the Confederate States without
having obtained the results which he came to
Europe to accomplish.
I understand that several Southerners of stan*
ding in the Confederate party here have decided
upon offering to France, as a guarantee for her
performance of the offers which Mr. Slidell is
empowered to make n . portion of Louisiana or
Florida..—of Lo-ndon. Star.
MR. LINCOLN’S EMANCIPATION SCHEME.
SHARP DISCUSSION OP THE MEASURE IN THE NORTHS
ERN GONGRESB.
Tho Message of President Lincoln recommend
"f’r’Ln »f K«mp Oovernmen.
(uv means of pecuniary compensation,) with ihe
iebeH.ous or setnisrebeUious States in measures
of general emancipation, called up a sharp dis
fn the Northern Congress. The whining
«r CriUenden .»<!
and trimphant jeers of them aomim i j
W Mch m th t so^Th < th; ‘ r
Wi gir. W»w Ihe mo«« inten»U»S •»<>
N.'doub. m. .1;.
what was meant by ,l - . t 0 t h e
m.r'J here »»»ld
TOUfo’raUX Id P” rcl, “'; “ t '' g .'“’ nl “ l ° r t“«nd
the constitutional power K i u vew ’ He
then to appropriate money to buy B |a '« B ’
might be accused of a want of loyalty for ex*
prewing his old fashioned sent,B ‘?“ t8 A J t „ e
Id to him the resolution
up the cotton States, provided the bolder slu
States would continue wit-i . L i hid
Mr. Crittenden (Union), of Kentu ° ky '“L b . ld
hoped that the discussion of question wou
have been postponed, so that some time would
have been to the members from the border slave
States to consult as to their course of action. We
had met and were in consultation up to the open
ing of the House this morning. It is strange
that the most exciting topic cannot be
here or discussed without gentlemen indulging id
extreme remarks and much excitement aud pas
sion. This exhibition of feeling promotes no good
purpose, aud promotes no interest of the couu y.
Among the many things said on this sub J e . ct ’
gentleman has recommended to us a ®°? c ’ lia , y
Dolicv. and that gontlemen seems to think tna
the resolution before us is offered in that spirit,
and it is characterized bv that spirit, and tha w
who present the border States, ought to accept it.
1 will say nothing about the loyality ofKeatucKV.
I have no disposition to boast of her. What she
has done is known to you all. And why, I ask,
do you exact of Kentucky more than she has al
ready done to establish her loyalty ? . s e
not parted with all her ancient allies, with all her
natural ki-.dred in other States'? When her
nearest neighbors of Virginia, from whom she is
descended, fell into rebellion—Virginia, were our
kinsmen were by thousands—Kentucky stood for
the Union, and has stood so ever since.
Is it understood that the slave States, as, one
after another, they may be mindful of their duty
and return to the standard ot.the Union, are ex
pected to give the same sort of pledge—the aban
donment of their domestic institutions? Is this
right? Is it good faith? The agumeut is that
Kenkucky ought to surrender her slave institu
tions byway ot showing to the North, and par
ticularly to the South, .that she never will, in any
event, ally herself with the South or abandon this
government. Yon say, destroy that hope in the
South and the South will not wage this war with
the same spirit, that it is that hope which sustain
her ; and you demand this of us. None at all. It
rhe South entertained such a hope it must; be too
feeble to urge her on to any desperation in this
contest. The way to c onciliate Kentucky is to let
her alone. But when you demand of her a revo
lution in her domestic policy, I am apprehensive
it may not have the good effect jou anticipate. —
I do not appear here as a suppliant in her behalf,
1 am the advocate merely of her political rights.
I would ask why should you, we, who are con
tending for the Constitution, insist that this or
that State shall give up part es her constitutional
rights as au assurance of her devotion to the Con*
sttution? The cardinal principles upon which
our whole system of government is founded is
that matters of local and domestic character
shall be under the exclusive control of the State
government, and national and external matters
under the control of the general government. If
you begin now to t- eneh upon that paternal and
patriarchial jurisdiction which belongs exclusive
ly to the State, by taking one domestic subject
from under its control, what will be the result in
the future?
Mr. Lovejoy, '.Rep.) of Illinois—Would it be
unconstitutional for Kentucky t® emancipate her
slavs on condition of remuneration by the Fed
eral Government?
Mr. Crittenden —I am not prepared to say that
it would be unconstitutional for her to doso ; but I
must say that I would be very thankful to any*
body who would pay my constitruents if they
should be required to emancipate their slaves, or
if they should do it willingly. I take no excep=.
tiou iu the offer made. But, as to the constitu
tional, power to carry that promise into execution
by appropriating money by the act of Congress to
pay for the liberation of the slaves, on that condi
tion I dont desire to give any opinion ; but I look
upon an invitation ot this kind as a demand ; aud
as we have not yet heard our constituents on the
subject, we are apprehensive ot entering upon the
agnation of a subject we and our people are most
anxious to avoid. We have given you assurance
enough—all that ought to be asked. There is not
a State in the Union that has given more; and I
think I may say, in no boastful spirit, that no
other State "has given as strong assurancss of
fidelity to the Government and the constitution.
The proposition would introduce agitation at
a time when it would produce no good, but evil.
What, he asked, are we fighting for? Was it
not to uphold the government ? Yet gentlemen
have run in their logic, doing the greates possi
ble harm by advocating the performance of every
enormity in order to weaken the enemy. They
were called upon to violate the laws of God and
man iu order to put down the rebellion.
Mr. Hickman (Republican), of Pennsylvania,
said : Ido not consider the passage of this reso
lution of any great practical importance. It is
simply in my judgment, a declaration of opinion
as to a certain policy, and no more. As I look
at it, it is a rather compensation for disappoint
ed hopes than anything else, and a warning to the
people of the border Slates, who are most inter
ested at the present moment in the subject to
which it makes special reference. The President
cannot be ignorant of the fact that he has failed
to meet the just expectations of the party that
elected to the office he now holds, end the people
of the border States will not fail to observe that
the mesage conveys to them an awful warning.
It is somewhat of an assurance—slight, I admit—
that the President has some conviction on the
question of freedom and slavery, and an intima'*
tion that m a certain event the interest of slavery
might be impaired; and he declares that the
border States ought to begin to put themselves
iu a position to meet.a great crisis. It is rather
a palliative, than an open avowed policy,
I speak frankly on this point, because I do not
bang upon power. lam as open to denounce any
thing objectionable in this administration. In no
respect is the message or the resolution manly or
open. On the contrary, it is covert and insidious.
It is not becoming the position of the President
of the United States, it is not such a one as a
full grown mau should publish to the nation in
such a crisis as the present. The President is not
permitted to be ignorant of the fact, which is ful
ly evident to the party that elected him to the
office, that he has dinapjxnnted this party in the
progress of this war. Ido not say that the party
anticipated that the President would enter upon a
scheme of abolition. But it expected, when ele
vated to office, that the President would not, in
such an emergency as the present, fail to assume
the responsibilities necessary to the peculiar cire
cumstances under which he acted. The President
desires to keep the peace with the border States,
and would seemingly give to them more aid and
and comfort than he would extend to other States
of the Union. No man who carefully reads the
message can fail to understand just what the Pre
sident bad in his mind at the time he penned the
messsage. He intended to say to the Republican
party. “ Gentlemen 1 am not such a defender of
the interest of slavery as you would make tie
country believe I am. lam willing, under certain
circumstances, that the institut on of slavery
should be weakened, and especially in the border
Slates; .nd I will, as far as my official influence
extends, endeavor to affiliate the border States
with the States of the North.” To the Border
States men he says, “ Gentlemen, I give you
warning in time, that a policy may eventually be
necessary on the part of the administration whic
will lead to the destruction of the slave interests
in your States.”
Now let us see whether this is not the case.—
The President, in his message said : “The Union
must be preserved, and hence all indispenstble
means must be employed to that end. It is im
possible to foresee all the incidents that mav at*
tend the prosecution of the war lor the preserva
tion of the Union. Such measures as may seem
indispensible, or which may promise most effi
ciency in ending 'he struggle, must and will
come. I say, that iu view ot the plain language
of the message, no gentleman can fail to observe
that the President has direct reference to the em
ployment of measures, in certain emergencies,
which may tend to the direct weakening, or even
to the total subversion of the slave power. I sup
pose no gentleman doubts that the war will be
more vigorously prosecuted in the Southern than
in the border States, and where slavery is the
strongest there shall be the last place in which
the war will be waged. This is, oi course, the
Gulf States.
We look, and you, gentlemen of the Border
States look to a continuance of the war in which
such extreme measures as are foreshadowed may
become necessary. If the Constitution and Union
are wot thy of preservation, and if they are worth
more to you than the pecuniary interests involved
in local dr domestic institutions, und if yon are
possessed of must regard the pres
ervation of the Constitution aud the Union as su
perior and paramount to the pecuniary interests
involved in any mere domestic institution, not ex
cepting slavery itself. If the President had left
his message to a distant day. when the time an
ticipated by him should coins round, when the
slave interest in the extreme South would become
underminded in the progress of the war, and
when, for the interest of bis border friends it
would be everlastingly too late to make the prop
osition, be plays the part of a friend and counsel
lor to them. He says to them, in as plain lan*
guage as the times permit of, gentlemen, the time
is now at hand when your slave interest may be
completely undermined, and I, therefore, at this
lime, advise Congress to pass this resolution, to
assure.you, by Jin act of Congress, that, against
the contingencies of the future, your interests in
slavery may be protected and saved.
I say that that man who is not willing to save
the Constitution and the Union by the" sacrifice
of private interests, or private property, is already
a rebel. I care not upon what eats this declara
tion may fall with harshness. I repeat that the
man who is not willing, in order to preserve the
Union, to sacrifice every material interest, is al
ready a rebel at heart. And when, a few weeks
ago, the question was propounded to a gentleman
from the Border States whether they would sus
tain the Constitution and the Union, thought it
should be necessary to sacrifice slavery in the ef
fort to sustain it, but one solitary and feeble voice
came to the question. And now I proclaim here
the fact, which has been too studiously concealed,
that the Border States are not for the Union in
preference to slavery, and that, but for fear of the
war, they would have their whole adhesion
to the seceded States.
Mr. Wadsworth, of Kentucky—l give to the as
sertion of the gentleman my unqualified contra
diction.
Mr. Hickman—l don’t care for the contradic
tion. I declared it before the rebellion broke out,
as I declare now, that, but for fear of force, Dele
ware would have absolved the bonds which con
nected her with the Union. What meant the ac
tion of Kentucky, maintaining a neutrality in the
hour when her friendship for the Union was to
be tested? Kentucky proud, magnanimous
Kentucky, as she had been designated here this
morning, in that hour of national per-il and dan
ger, stood upon the ground of perfect neutrality.
But when at last the road was opened tor the
passage of the national troops for the defence of
the capital, and when the integrity of the Union
had been placed out of danger, and when the
safety of herself was imperilled, then Kentucky
was proud and magnanimous enough to declare
herself on the side of the Union. The same with
Maryland precisely, and I by no means make ex«
ception in favor of any of the border slave State.
Mr. Webster, (Union) of Maryland—The gen
tleman is mistaken when he says that Maryland
was held in the Union by fear of war. From the
moment the people there had an opportunity of
expressing themselves, they had declared, bv an
overwhelming majority, for the Union anCFttie
prosecution of the war.
Mr. Hickman—What public action of that State
does the gentlemen refer to ? I beg him to enu
merate some of the most public acts of Maryland
in connectfon with this rebellion.
Mr. Crisfield—lu the first place, to the Govern
or of Maryland are you indebted f >r the safety of
the capital; secondly, the election by which rep
resentatives, unanimous in the support of the
Union, were sent to Congress, and by the elec
tion held since then, when citizens showed them
selves two to one devoted to the Union.
Mr. Covode (Rep.) of Pennsylvania—With re*
spect to the action of the late Governor of Mary
land, I deem it my duty to say that I heard that
gentlemen make a speech, standing under a se
cession flag, (laughter) on the evening of the
riots in Baltimore, at a meeting where it'was de
termined that no mere troops should be allowed
to go through that city to the defense of ihe Nat
ional Capital.
Mr. Hickman—l again reiterate the great
naked truth, that every border slave State would
have seperattd itself from the Union, if it had
not been from fear; and I say, further, that
those men who are in any way identified with
slavery think more of slavery than tl ey do of the
Union. I profess to have some knowledge of the
institution of slavery, and 1 quote the fact 1 have
put forward with regard to the feeling of the
border slave States, that Mr. Lincoln himself did
not differ much from the opinion I have expressed.
I speak now with good authority, and I sav that
Mr. Lincoln thought just as 1 "think, and with
that authority my words should be received with
great respect. [ Laughter. | The President re
membered that the Legislature of Maryland,
when about to assemble chose Frederick in pref-'
erence to Annapolis, then occupied by the United
States troops, and the reason why they declined to
meet, as usual in the town occupied by their
friends, he could not see. [ Laughter. | He
thought they had a resolution of secession in
their pockets, and that, if left unmolested, the
ordinance of secession might actually be passed.
As a matter of extrema caution, he had the mem
bers arrested. ,
Unfortunately, then, the position of Maryland
must have been sadly misunderstood ; for it was
certainly the opinion entertained in high places
that it was necessary to arrest and incarcerate
the Legislature of that State.to prevent them from
passing a secession ordinance. 1 have eiso the
opinion of another great man, tke President of
the so-called Confederate States, Jeff' Davis to
the loyalty and disloyalty of Maryland. He ’de
clared that if Maryland bad not been intimidated
and held by force she would at once have jinked
her destiny with the South. Bnt 1 say again
there is not a slave State in the Union that bus
not the welfare of slavery as much at heart, and
in the composition of whose heart slavery dees
not enter to an extent that the love of the people
for slavery is as great as their love for God. Wuy
sir, 1 fail io meet with any exception. In the case
of gentlemen, when the nation is in the hour ot
her direst peril, who is willing io come out and
cieclare that he would save the Union, even should
slavery perish. I have not been able to discover
a difference in the views or feelings ot a man
from Maryland and one from South Carolina or
Alabama. Wherever the negro is, there is an un
divided loyalty to slavery, and every day’s pro
ceedings here shows that conclusively. Every
true-minded man cannot help but see it, and ad
mit it; Mr. Lincoln knows it, his Cabinet know
it, and therefore a different policy is expected
tom him after the rebellion broke out, and the
sword was in the hands of the Border States,
while he insisted all the time that the war should
be prosecuted in such away as to save their pecus
r ’ sacred, divine and humanizing institution. —
And the I resident, if he has any recollection—and
1 don t know whether he has any or not—(laugh*
et) —must remember that he was taken up bv a
party, sustained and carried into his high position
by a party whose property and fortunes and lives
were consecrated and dedicated to the main ten*
?u Ce Constitution and the Union, and that
they had a right to expect that all the time, and
every minute of time, such measures would be
adopted for the suppression of the rebellion, as
were consistent with the laws of war to crush t rea-
self, but in the i V n the President hims
positionI by Inm J k„ y ’ e, ‘ f der , a v. P ' aced in hi 8 h
of the Norih, at least desired this that the peOple
it was, to be sustained, no mttte ■ whl ernm l ent r a o
in the track of the chariot wheels of” 1 '^ 1 & *
matter what intervals might perish L ’
what hves might be sacnflced.ffiat the war “ho,M
be prosecuted with the greatest vigor
permanently established in the shortest jjriod of
The question was submitted to the House which
x;x ,b *
[COMMUNICATED-]
A GOOD EXAMPLE.
Mr. Editor: You will confer a favor on me
and doubtless subserve the great cause by
publishing the following extract from a private
letter, dated Eufaula, Ala. I will add that if
the Confederate States were composed exclu
sively of such patriots as Col. T, the writer of
the letter, the war would soon come to a close
an interoßt iQ farm mat ters, I
will tell you my operations in that way for ihe
current year, to suit the times, to-wit'
500 acres in corn, for home and the army.
“ “ Cotton— NONE.
40 “ “ Oats.
80 “ “ Broom Corn, for brooms
i u\\ £ alma Chrißta Seed - for oil
100 Ground Peas, to fatten hogs.
1 11 Sugar Millet, for syrup.
790 acres.
My vineyard now is 20 acres—doino- well
Apple orchard 1,200 trees. Peach • orchard
going on to 100 acres.”
_ V. L.
[communicated. I -
Headquarters, Co. A, 3d Reg’t. Ga. Vol’s. 1
Camp Hakd.-hip, near Portsmouth, Va., >
April sth, 1862. ’ J
We, the undersigned, having been appointed
a committee for the purpose of drafting suitable
resolutions, commemorative of the memory of our
late comrade in arms, Private Joseph P. Apples
white, who died on the 24th day of March, 1862,
in transit from South Mills, Norih Carolina, to
Camp Hardship, Virginia, aged 21 years and four
days, beg to offer the following:
Ist R-solved, That while we bow in humble
submission to the decrees es divine Providence,
and acknowledge that He doeth all things well,
we are deeply sensible of the loss that the com
pany has sustained in the death of our late com
rade in arms, Private Joseph P. Applewhite,
whose manly deportment and affable manners
endeared him to all his associates.
Resolved, id, That while it is true that he fell
not upon the battle*field, be*is no less another of
many martyrs who have ffered up their life upon
the altar 01 their country in this noble struggle
of Southern Independence.
liesolvtd, 3d, That we tender our heartfelt sym
pathies to the relativesand friends of the deceased,
and ask to be permitted to mingle our sorrows
with theirs, for the noble dead.
Resolved, <lth., That a blank page upon the min*
utes of the company be set apart to the memory
of the deceased, and that a copy of these resolu
tions be forwarded to his nearest relatives, and
to the Augusta Constitutionalist, with request to
publish.
Lieut. John M. McCullees, I
Sergt. Homer C. Glisson, >Com.
Private Jonathan Lewis, )
ISLAND 10-
On Tuesday night last one of the enemy’s gun*
bo»ts passed our fortifications and Island lo du
ring the storm. She passed down under the ob
servation, we learn, of our commanders, but was
only to be seen by the flashes es lightning. Man®
shots, we hear, were fired at her, but at random,
as the instant of light being too transient and
fleeting for our gunners to make anything else
than a random shot, by guess, in the ’darkness of
the night and the fury of the storm. She is at
New Madrid, under cover of the enemy’s battery.
It is believed the Federate are erecting rafts or
boats, upon which they hope, by the assistance
and aid of this gunboat, to land" their forces on
the Tennessee siue of the Mississippi river, below
Island 10, and at or above Tiptonville—and thus
capture, by thpir la-ge force, our batteries on the
Tennessee shore, and then Island 10, and thus, at
that point, to remove animpassable barrier to the
descent of their boats and transports down the
Mississippi, so long as they can hold their posi
tions.
The adjacent country affords ample supplies for
our forces, and in many respects, it is a most elig
ible and commanding situation!. The enemy can
only capture our forts, &e., by crossing the Mis
sissippi below them. A small force with a vigi*
lant commander, located on the Tennessee shore,
can prevent the landing of any large force by the
Federate, in any sort craft or boat which they
can construct ‘rom the opposite side of the river.
What this gunboat may be able to effect towards
the landingot the enemy’s force on our side of
the Mississippi river, must be thwarted.”
Our accounts from Fort Pillow and the Missis*
sippi river are full of encouragement, and quite
satisfactory. Let us all bestir ourselves, being
hopeful,yea confident, of the final result; success
in battle, and the ultimate independence of the
Southern Confederacy—wiih a destiny of wealth,
vast power aud sublime gran <eur as a nation of
freemen ! With hope, there must be endeavor, by
each and every man. He who is not with the
South, must be set down as against it. There
must be no neutrals in so deadly a contest!
Memphis Appeal, 7th inst.
FROM EUROPE.
We are indebted to a friend fora copy of the
London Times of the 14th of March, from which
we extract the following :
THE DISTRESS IN LIVERPOOL.
At the annual m eting of the District Provis
dent Society, held yesterday, his Worship the
Mayor, (Mr. Robert Hutchinson,) who presided,
slated that although, for a considerable time past
a tefge amount of distress had prevailed in the
town, it had never reached a point at which the
ordinary means of relief hnd been inadequate to
cope with it. On the contrary, through ibe ad
mirable organization of the local charities, aud the
liberal support which they had received, every
case of real distress and destitution bad been in
vestigated and relieved. For a Jong timepastthe
cotton porters have beeu reduced to great strain*
by the greatly diminished import of cotton, but
this evil was in some measure counteracted by
a large influx of grain laden vessels wkich afforded
more than the "usual amount of employment in
that line. Within the last few we-ks, however,
the prevalence of easterly winds and other causes
had occasioned a great failing off in the number
of ships arriving, which had the effect of throw
ing many hands idle, and to a large extent aug
menting" the amount of destitution in the town.
To meet this, soup-kitehens were opened in dif*
ferent parts of the town, by merns of which a
large amount of relief was afforded. A change of
wind and a general improvement of the weather
has bad the effect of bringing in ships and of af
fording employment to those who are willing to
work. This improved r tate of matters was provid
by a marked diminution in the number of “PP' I’- 1 ’-
cations for relief tickets. The highest number ot
applications on any one day was reached on e
7th inst., since which they have dim
ished, and do not now exceed one bait the num.
ber which they did on the occasion referred to.
Mr. Adams, superintendent of the Ceu
ral Railroad, announces that in consequence
of the roads beyond Augusta being engaged in
Government Transportation, no Goods for points
beyond Augusta can be received until further
notice.