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diplomatic mxndacit y. The totte. *»« Wm. H. Seward, of May ®Blb, to Charles Fn.nois Adams, at London, recently given to the public by Lord John Russell, must bring down moat unmerciful ridicule upon the Yankee Secretary of State when read by the light of the recent great victories that illumine South ern arms, The letter was addressed to the Yan kee Minister'to England; but was to be submitted to that Government, as to all other European Government?, for the purpose of influencing them to- discountenance the Confederate cause, and frown it down as a hopeless rebellion. It appeals, at the sum time, to the fears #f England for the welfare of the manufacturing interests, as a mo tive f>r that n ition to abstain from any inter vention between the bel igerents. Here the flattering picture drawn of the relative power and prospects of the two nations. The letter then proceeds to argue that the reb« els will give in the moment they find their cause hopelees, if foreign nations will hold their hands off. The status of the war is thus presented : •‘Certainly this Government and the American • people are even more confident of the preserve.- turn of the Union now than they were a year ago, and are, therefore, even less likely now than they were then to accept peace, with the inconceivable pains and perils of dissolution. Can it be pre sumptuous, then, tor us to ask European states men to review, an ’he light of the events ol the war the opinion which they formed at so early a stage of it, that the opinion itself might perhaps properly be deemed a prejudice? “Os course in such a review the observer would not overlook the Contrast between the position which the Federal Government held a year ago and its preseat situation. Then it had been prac tically expelled, with ail its authorities, civil, military and naval, from every State South of the Potomac, Ohio, and Missouri rivers, while it was held into louse siege in this capital, cut off from communication with even the Slates which had remained loyal. “Now it has virtually retaken all me positions it so early lost on ihe seaboard; it possesses the Mississippi and all the great natural highways, and has forced the insurgents to battle in the most inaccessible part of the insurrectionary district. The forces and the resources of the Government are unexhausted aud increasing. Those of the insurgents are diminished and becoming neat ly exhausted.” It will be difficult to convince the world, in the face of recent events, that the forces and re sources of the Confederates are becoming nearly exhausted. Nothing is more apparent than that the South is growing stronger in resources, and in effective force, from day to day. So tar from being weakened by one year of war and devasta tion, the South has, in that time, developed military power, talents, and energies which have surprised even her own people, and have utterly amazed and confounded her enemies. Behold the flattering picture drawn by Seward, to delude the Northern masses as to the condia tion of pub ic sentiment, and the progress of Federal arms in the South! Perhaps, at the date of his letter, Seward gloated over the fond delu* sion that the picture was a true one: “Has dislovaltv been found an indomitable sen* timent in this war ? It pervaded even this Capi tal and this District at the beginning of the strife it no longer exists here. It divided Maryland, and provoked conflict there. The Union is now as strong in that State as in any one of the always loyal States. It committed Missouri to the pre tended new Confederacy. Missouri is now active and earnest among the loyal States. It placed Kentucky in an attitude of neutrality; but Ken tucky is to-day firm, resolute, and even self devoted to the Union. In other regions where disloyalty was more general, such as Eastern Virginia, Tennessee, and Louisiana, and North Carolina, acquiescence under the Federal authori ties has promptly followed their appearance there, and the preliminary steps are taken for the resto ration of the laws of the Union. It is a simple fact that loyalty reappears everywhere just so fast as the successes of the Government are deem ed sufficient to afford a guarantee f r reliance upon its protection. The Disunionists, even in their strongholds, are not a people, but only a faction, surpassing the loyal in numbers, and silencing them by terrors and severities in many places - but, nevertheless, too few and feeble to prevent the return of any district or anv State to the Union, in the presence and under the protec tion of the Federal authorities.” How far from the truth is this wild dream of conquest, let the great battles of .Shiloh, of the Seven Pines, of Richmond, and of Manassas, speak. Let the bloody footsteps of the retreat ing armies of Yankeedom testify, as they are tracked on their backward course to the Ohio and the Potomac. They are not only defeated m pitched buttles by Confederate armies, but their detached scouting parties, their rear guards, and their provision trains are beset by guerillas— their pickets are shot down, their foraging parties ambuscaded and destroyed. They make not a . step forward or backward without receiving bloody admonition that they are in an enemy’s country—a fierce, implacable, and resolute en emy, that will never rest quietly while the hated flag of Federal despotism waves over a foot of Southern soil. Is the Union as strong now in Maryland as in any one of the States always loyal F T Missouri now active and earnest among the loyal States ? Is Kentucky,to-day,firm, resolute,and selfsdevoted to the Union? Do Eastern Virginia, Tennessee. Louisiana,and North Carolina,acquiesce in Federal authority? But the most curious part of Seward’s letter is the appeal to European nations to give their sympathies and moral influence to the Yankee side to save slavery, and, thereby, save the indusv trial interests of the nations of Europe. This man Seward,who has devoted his life to the busi ness of bringing about the abolition of African slavery in this, country, now draws a dark picture of the ruin to the industrial systems of Europe, if deprived hereafter of the cotton, tobacco, and rice of the South. He threatens that if the civil war proceeds, it must result in a servile war, which, “if it shall be permitted to come, will produce infinite suffering throughout the world, and can only at last result in an entirely new system of trade and commerce between the United States and ail foreign nations.” It is difficult to conceive of a more brazen piece of impudence tban this. Here is the author of the doctrine of the “Irrepressible Conflict,” now assuming to champion ize African slavery as the source of unnumbered blessings to the indus try of all civilized nations; and its abo lition, therefore, is deprecated as a calamity which will produce infinite suffering throughout the world. Yet he asserts that if the war is permitted to go on, in other words, if the Yankees do not succeed in restoring the Union by the successful use of force, the 1 ankee Government will resort to the expedient of bring ing on a servile war, and of destroying the pros perity, the institutions,and industrial pursuits of people they cannot conquer. This threat is thrown out nominally against an intervention of Euro pean powers to force the United States into a compromise. It is, in reality, a bid for their in tervention to aid the North in forcing the South back into the Union. But view it in what light we may, it is a re markable concession of the power and influence of slavery as it exists at the South, and of its benefits to the nations of the world. It seems to present Seward to the world aS the apologist and defender of slavery in the South. It may yet affird this arch Abolition demagogue a pretext for advising the Northern Government to desist from this task of conquest, now more than evtr hopeless and impossible. Ha may yet argue in the interests of humanity, that it would be bet ter to let the South alone than to wage an inter* minable war upon her that could" promise no other result than the cessation of the production of those staples in the South so essential to the prosperity ofall other civilized nations. tSpecial Correspondence of ’he Constitutionalist • LETTER FROM RICHMOND, VA- Richmond, Va., Sept. 12, 1862. Mr. Editor: The most spirited and interesting debate in the Confederate States Senate, since that body was organiz d, has been progressing for a week or more upon the new military exemp tion bill. The proposition which gave rise to the discussion is to exclude Justices of the Peace in the several States from their present exemption, or, in other words, to make them liable to con* scriptton as other citizens, within the ages of 18 and 45. From indications, the vote will be a close one. Those who favor the exemption of this class of citizens, do so upon State Rights and Constitutional grounds— contending that the Confederate States Government cannot destroy the State Governments, as it could do, in effect, if it had the Constitutional power to conscribe its civil as well as military officers. The argument, as it progresses, seems to be leading those who started it further than they expected. For every reason urged by them, on this score, against the power to conscribe officers, cau be urged with equal force against the Consti tutionality of the power to conscribe any by this Government. Those who deny the power to cons scribe State officers, (such as Governors, State Legislators, Judges, Justices of the Peace, Ac.,) plant themselves upon the doctrine or assumption that the Confederate Government does not possess the power to destroy the State Governments— which, they say, would follow if the officers can be taken, that the creature cau not be greater than the creator. This, in the main, is admitted also by the other side—that is, that this Government cannot destroy the State Governments. Bur, then, the question arises, is not the same principle involved m conceding the power to conscribe at ail? If the Confederate States Government has the power to take all the fighting men from a State except its officers, then do not the same consequences, in effect, follow ? Does not the con cession'of the principle of Conscription to this extent carry with it the power quite as effectual ly to destroy the State Governments for all pracs tical purposes? For what constitutes a State but its citizens—us fighting men—as well as its offi cers? What is left of State Rights and State Sov ereignty when another Government has the pow er, by iorce and without her consent, to impress and carry away all within her limits able to bear arms, except her officers? Where even the Gov ernor, tbe State Legislators, Judgesand Mugis« nates are permitted to remain, nut of right, but ex gratia, by bill of exemption granted by the Central Government ? This is beginning to be a perplexing question to those who advocate the constitutionality or the Conscription act, and at the same time place their exemption of Slate officers upon the ground that Congress has no Coustitutional power to des troy the State Governments. It would seem to be almost a mockery to talk of State Rights aud State Sovereignty, woere every man able io shoul der a musket (except officers,} is held to “owe military service” to another power, and submit to ue called away at the pleasure of that other power. And to some it seems to be something worse than mockery to talk of State Rights and State Sovereignty where all the officers of the State, from the highest to the lowest, are permit* ted to remain in tbe discharge of their nominal duties only by virtue of an exemption generously granted by the power to whom the sei vice is Hue! The true principle in this matter may, perhaps, ultimately be perceived and reached/ The more the matter is discussed the more the mind is foiced to the conclusion that this Government has no Constitutional power to consents or im» press into its military service any person, wheth er State officer or not. The only power it has in the premises is to be found in the 15th clause of tbe Bth Section, Ist Article of the Constitution, which authorizes Congress “To provide lor call ing forth the mihtia to execute the laws of the Confederate States, suppress insurrections, and re pel invasion.” The power to raise armies must be construed m connection with other clauses upon the same subject. If the power to raise armies is unlimited as to the moue and manner of raising them, then, of coarse, every man in a State, Gov ernor and all, may be constitutionally conscnbed and forced into the army, if Congress so chooses. It is, with Congress, a question purely of policy and expediency. This, all must see,would concede to the Confederate Government the power utterly to annihilate the State Governments at will. Who can admit a doctrine so monstrous, particularly as in our Confederation the States guarded more strict ly against the doctrine of consolidation tban they had dune in the old Constitution ? This appears m the very Preamb'e: “We, the people of the Confederate States, each State acting m its sover eign ami independent character,” Ac. The words ''each State. acting for itsef in its sovereign and in dependent character" are not in tbe Preamble to the old Constitution, and were evidently put in to guard against an implication raised bv tne words used in the old in favor of the powers of the General Government against the sovereignty of the States. The same view is preserved throughout the instrument, by tbe substition of the word “delegated” for “granted,” connected with the word powers. For instance, “All Legislative powers herein delegated," Ac. But no one under the old Constitution ever held that Congress could, by any powef conferred by' that instrument, destroy a State Government. The power, then, to raise armies, cannot be un limited as to the mode and manner of raising them, since such consequences wodld follow such construction. Where, then, is the limitation? Most clearly, it is to be found in the well known meaning of the words used when the old Consti tution was made. This clause relates only to the military forces known as regulars; for, just after it, comes the clause about the militia. The mode and manner of raisin y such regular forces or ar mies contemplated, must have been the same as were usual in raising like forces in England and in the Colonies before their separation. This was by voluntary enlistment. Impressment or con scription in land forces was unknown in this country, at that time. The Constitution there fore, in delegating to Congress the power to raise armies, and to provide for calling fortb the mills iia, evidently looked to Iwo kinds of forces that might be brought ihto the field. The first known as regulars, or the forces forming the regular army or armies, which car be raised only by voir untary enlistment, as was the case m England and tbeColonies. The second, known astheimZi tia, which, in three cases of emergency, atid three only, can be called forth by compulsion. A perti nent inquiry, and one that goes to the bottom of this whole question, is, what is the meaning of the word militia, as used in the Constitution? This is to be ascertained from Engl sh and Col onial History. By this test it may be said to be that portion of the able budied anus-bearing men of the country constituting a force which tbe Gov ernment may "bring into tbe field in cases of emer gency, by some sort of compulsory process in con traduitinotion to those forces raised by voluntary enlistment. With this understanding, it follows, as a matter of course, that the Confederate States Government can raise aamies in one of two ways only: that is, either by voluntary enlistment or by calling forth tbe as prescribed io the Con- stitution. And hence, it also follows, that tbe Confederate States Government has no Constitu tional power to conscribe or imprers any one, whether officer or not. When compulsory process is resorted to in either of the emergencies pros vided for in the Constitution, it must be through the militia organic v ions of the States. This Con.» stitution gives tbe Confederate Government all the power it should have, and secures State rights also. For, with this Constitution, no freeman or citizen of any State, as a militia man, can be forced into the military service except in one of three emergencies—to execute the laws, suppress insur rection, or repel invasion; and then only by the consent and concurrence of his State. Under this construction of the Constitution, tbe powers of the Confederate Government (though not unlimited,) are ample for all the objects tor which it was formed. 'The rights of tbe citizen are secured, and the rights and sovereignty of the States maintained. Toe citizens of the States owe no allegiance to the Confederate States Government no more than thev did to the Government of the United Stales, and cau owe no “military service” to it except as required by his own State. His allegiance is due to his State, and when she requires “military service” from him in the discharge of her obliga tions under the constituion to her confederates,’hen he is bound to render it. He can be compelled to obey her mandate, but he can not be rightfullv compelled to obey a like mandate in this regard from any other power on earth. It was to maintain the principle of the rights and soveieigncy of the States that the present confederation of States was formed, and it is to be hoped that this great leading object will not be lost sight of in the clangor of arms that has ensued. Georgia. LATE NORTHERN NEWS. THU ADVENTURES OF GEO. N. SANDERS —THE YAN KEES OUTWITTED. From the Richmond Enquirer, Sept. 12. The correspondent of the New York Evening Post thus relates the adventures of George N. San ders : Niagara Falls, Aug. 29 —There have been several brief accounts of the successful passage across the C-nada frontier of George N. Sanders, Rebel emissary to Europe, but the following statement, gathered from those who personally witnessed tbe adventure in its various stages, gives the fullest details. SANDERS AT THE BRIDGE. A few days ago a man dressed in well-worn working clothet, presented himself to the United States Provost Marshal on tbe United States side of tbe Suspension Bridge. He wore a pair of very short troivseis of striped Kentucky jeans, and a seedy cost of the same material. A coarse, not over clean shirt, and a jigged straw hat completed the costume. The man had no collar or cravat, and his face was apparently greatly tanned by exposure to the weather. He wanted to go over the river, he said, but had no pass and did pot know that any would-be needed. He stated that he was an Englishman from Cornwall, and a miner by trade. He had been working for some time in Pennsylvania, but had lately received a letter from his brother, a farmer, near London, Canada We t, stating that he was short of help, and urging his miner rela tives to come on to his assistance, at least, till the harvest time was over. The miner held his tools in one hand, and in the o'her carried au old carpet bag of the black glazed style in common use. The glazing in many places had come off, and tbe outside was, moreover, spotted and soiled with dirt. The carpet bag was more va'uable than the fa mous one of John Brown; for it contained the papers, despatches, and money of tbe rebel emiso sary Sanders. THE PASSAGE ACROSS. The Marshal pondered awhile, but the poor miner gave such a consistent story, and seemvd so disappointed at his unexpected trouble in crossing, that the official’s heart was melted, and he gave him the required pass. The toll man of the Suspension Bridge then demanded a quarter of a dollar toll. “Two shillings!” said the miner, “why, I can’t give it. I’ve only got one shilling.” This plea of poverty completely disarmed whatever shadow of suspicion may have existed in regard to the poor workman ; after the proper degree of hesitation the “fellow” was allowed to pass over at half price. Thanking the toll-keeper for his liberality, the miner Walked on wearily across the bridge - As he neared the Canada side his step became light er-just as Christian (pardon tbe comparison/felt when the burden dropped off his tack. A decided burden bad dropped off Geo. X. Sander.? hand— he was safe in Canada. AT TtfE HOTEL IX CANADA. Arriving at tbe C inuJa side of the bridge, the miner, with h'S tools and carpet bag, jumped into tbe Clifton House omnibus, and was quickly driven to that famous hotel. He went to the desk and registered on the book the initials S. N. G.— bis own initials reversed. The clerk looked at tbe shabby working man a moment and then coldly said “We can’t give you a room here, sir.” “But I must have a room,” said Sanders. “None to spare to-night,” replied the clerk. The miner thrust his hands in his pocket and drew forth a great roll of “green backs.” “Here,” said he to the clerk, “take these as se curity. Put them in your safe; but give me a room at once.” Os course money has its effect in Clifton House as everywhere else. Still th- clerk hesitated. “ Is there any place about here where I cau get a respectable suit of clothes?” asked the miner, dropping his Cornish dialect. There was no place nearer tban the bridge, a mile distant. So the miner again insisted on having the room, and as it was obvious that “ things were not as they seem,” he was shown to a suitable apartment. HOW HIS FRIENDS KNEW IT. A few minutes afterwards a guest strolled but on the piazza, where ex Governor Morehead, of Kentucky, was sitting. “By the way, Governor,” sa'd he, “what a singular old fellow that was in the office. He registered his name on the book only in initials.” “Good God! m initials!” cried Morehead, start ing up, “he’s come, then and rushing past the astonished goes’, he demanded to be shown to the room of the mysterious 8. N. G. Other secessionists also hastened thither.— Sanders was provided with a suit of clothes at once, the clerk* and servants altered their de portment to the quondam miner, and the guests had a rare piece of gossip to talk about. Sand ers is by this time half way across the ocean and whatever is thought of him or his cause, it is generally acknowledged that his journey from Richmond to Canada is one of .the “cutest" spec imens of rebel “strategy” the war has produced. It shows that our blockade is so stringent that a rebel emissary prefers a long land journey in dis guise to attempting to break it. Gs course, the adventure has been the chief topic of gossip in the Niagara hotels, and miners wi 11 henceforth be viewed with a very profound suspicion in the neighborhood of the Suspen sion Bridge. W. F. W. Last Thursday the telegraph offiee at Selma, Ala., Wx'broken open, and the ins'rumenis to the two lines to that place—from Meridian and Montgomery, with tbe books giving the k - ys to tbe calls of the different, offices, stolen and carried away. Could that have been merely a malicious thing, or was it the work of a Yankee enemy? We advise all operators to keep their effices se cure. It may be that the scoundrel who stole these instruments will tap the lines for the purs pose of intercepting official dispatches. Let all be on tne look out. Atlanta (Ca.) Southern Confederacy, Sept. 15. The Cincinnati Sell.—The Memphis Bulletin of the 9th explains tbe origin of the report of the fail of Cincinnati. Tbe whole thing was manux factured in Memphis by some p.rties who pro* duced a written copy of what was pretended to have been published in an extra ot tbe Cairo Gazette, which was shown to certain worthy gen tlemen, and thus their authority was apparently attached io the statements; and so generally was it credited that the Argus was ao tar imposed upon as to publish it. LETTER FROM THE AKAI if I*i VIaGINJA- We are permuted to publish the following in teresting letter from a young soldier, a member of Capt. Thomas’company of Richmond Hussars, Co. B , to bis m >ther in this city. The writer was formerly a compositor in the office of the Field and Fireside, and writes a very readable letter: Gainesville, Va., Sept. I, 1862. Dear Mother; After a fi,ve days’ march, we have at length reached this place. A terrible bat» tie lias been fuugbt. Jackson bus driven Pope beyond Manassas, and we again have possession of ourold position. We arrived here lust night, about 11 o'clock, and found the fields glowing with camp tires. The wounded were being brought in alt night. We arrived too late to par ticipate in the buttle; besides which, our men and horses were wearied and broken down, having lived on nothing bnt green corn o a our whole march. We traveled over several of the Blue Ridge mountains, and are now stopping at the foot of them, in a little place called Gainesville. Ix rained last night, aud this morning it is cloudy, and the wind is blowing quite cool, mak ing it feel very much like winter. Prisonerscons untie to arrive. There are now about 8(H) here, and I hear that a tquud of about 300 more has just arrived. We have taken many commissioned officers, among them are two Generals. Bome of the prisoners are very impertinent, while others are polite and gentlemanly. On our way here we passed several towns and villages, some of which I will not fail to mention. When we arrived at Culpeper, the citizens were very glad to see us: but when we entered War renton, (a beautiiul little town,) the ladies were strung along the sidewalks, some with hats aud some with handkerchiefs, ready to welcome their deliverers. One old lady came down from the pavement into tbe middle of the 'street, close to our ranks, and there she stood, with both bands fuil, shouting, “God bless you! 1 am so glad to see you! ’ We are now roasting green corn for our dinner. There is a fair prospect tor rain before night. Well, I believe I have nothing more to write for this day, but to-morrow I will resume myj/ur nal. , September 2.—We left Gainesville last evening and arrived here last night, on the roadside, at a place called Stone Church. We came through the famous White Sulphur Springs. It was a beuutifu 1 place once. It has one principal street, lighted with gas; on etch side ok this street is a long, beautiful brick building, both of which are hotels. Pretty little white houses are built, one after the other, ail the way down tbe hill; these are used for the accommo dation of annual visitors. But it is not now the once pleasant summer resort of pleasure seekers; no happy faces look from the windows of those little wmte houses; no merry children sport among the hills; the main road is not crowded with the vehicles in which the Citizens used to take their evening rides. One of the hotels is burnt—the fine furniture lies scattered about, broken and cut up—the fences are torn down— the beautiful hills around are covered with bro ken wagons, old tents, boxes, Ac. The w,hole place is deserted. This is an instance of the inode in which the soldiers of the great United States inspect private property. I have j*ust arrived from the battle field.. It presents a far more d'stressing sight than the battle field of Coal Harbof*. Ic was fought nearly up >n the same spot where the battle ot Bull Run was fought in July, 1861. I have seen the graves of those who fell in that famous engagement. They are little piles of dirt, covered with rocks and weeds, but here a-d there a pile of fresh dirt may be seen, indicating ihat the contending parties have met once more upon the same ground; and, thank God! upon the same ground once more we have been victorious. We are not far irom where the battle of Manassas was fought, and perhaps I may get to see it. On my way back to camp I saw another crowd of prisoners; I should judge about 506. To-day we have been living on bacon and beef, without bread. The reason we have to live so hard now is because the Yankee army has just left here, aud our wagons have not had time to arrive with o.ir provisions. I have just seen John Heard, of tbe Georgia Light Guards. He says uncle John was wounded bv lightning a few weeks ago, together with six or eight others. One of them was killed. There are not many of our company with us. Some are left behind sick, and some are bebiud having there horses shod. I stand it very well. I love to be tn everything that the company are engaged in. Sonny Antony is with us and well. Silas Carey is somewhere behind. Sept. 3.—We are preparing to’leave for Dramas vilie Drainesville, Va., Sept. 4.—We arrived hare laatuigh’, after marching al! day. We are en camped in an apple orchard one mile from Drains-s vilie. It is reported that Jackson has crossed the Potomac river. I hear heavy cannonading in the direction of Washington this morning. It is said that Jackson is in Maryland and fighting his way on. ° 1 will now have to close my letter, as the Post master is about to start to Richmond to mail letters. Lam sorry that I cannot wait a day or two longer to write more. Perhaps before I write again we may be in Maryland. When you write address your letter to Richmond. I may get it sumetime The people in this section of Virginia are very kind. I think we will go to Winchester before long. Silas Carey is now with ns. J, w. D. Martial L*w and Gen. Van Dorn.—lt will be seen by the following order that Gen. Van Dorn has revoked his order establishing martial law: HKADqUARTBRB, JaCKSON, MlSg., ) September 5, 1862. j The Honorable Secretary cf War having an nounced to the Genera! commanding the District, that martial law can only be declared by the President, and that, it has not been declared by him in Mississippi, General Order, No. 9, from these headquarters, dated; Vicksburg, July 4, 1862, aud all other orders arising under the declaration of martial law in this district, are hereby re voked. All Provost Marshals will be discharged, and all prisoners, other than soldiers, will be turned oyer to the civil authorities. ’ The General commanding, in declaring Martial Law, was influenced tQ do so by what he con ceived to be the best interests of the country, and not by anv desire to accumulate power. A’sol dier of more than twenty years in their service, he had no ambition to play the tyrant over the citizens of his own State whom he was sent to defend. The exigencies of the times seemed to him to call for the interposition of a stronger and more prompt hand than the civil authorities were able to hold out against the abuses incident to the times; and with numerous precedents for doing so, he declare 1 Martial Law. Tbe General commanding hopes that throughout bis District the effic ency of the civil authority will demon* strate that bis judgment has been at fault, and that there exists no necessity for Martial Law. He takes this occasion to say, however, that be fears this will not be the case—at least in some parts of the District; find to inform tbe civil au thorities that be will cheerfully co-operate with them and will come to their aid with the forces under his command whenever legally called upon to do so Bv order of Maj. Gen. Earl Van Dorn. M. M. Kimmel, Major and A. A. Gen. learn from a gentleman from Davidson county, that on Monday last, Gen. Buell was en gaged in having all his stores carried across the river, and was evacuating Nashville. Our cavalry were within a few miles of the city. It was un derstood that Andrew Johnson and Gen. Buell had a personal difficulty, growing out of the desire on the part of Johnson to have ten thousand troops left at Nashville. Andrew Johnson is re ported to have said that he intended to mikea breastwork of the women and children of Nash ville, to prevent that city from falling into our hands. Buell is reported to have only 25 000 men. ‘ ’ Twenty-Sixth Georgia.—ln" addition to the losses m this regiment, published some days ago we have to add the following who were attached to the Wire Grass Minute Men ; . Killed—Joseph Trowell and Thomas Trowell. Wounded—Orderly Sergeant Hogan and Jos Harper—.Sait. Republican, Sept. 14. EUROPEAN AX.WB. European dates of tbe 28th ultimo have been received. Tbe Parts correspondent of the London Tele graph, writing on tbe of August, says : People no longer speak—except io deny its ex istence—of the pretended treaty secretly conclu ded between France and the Northern States of America, )he basis of which was said to be Mexi co. Tne Cabinet of Washington appears, on the contrary, to be more aud more decided to oppose French influence in that country. The,division of gtinbiais which is being equipped in the French military seaports is to sei sail in the month of September for the-Pacific Dcean. where it is to cruise oil the Western coast of Mexico. Tbe Paris correspondent of tbe London Post, writing on tbe 20th of August, says ; It has been stated in soma continental journals of authority that the Russian Government would, under certain conditions, form a strict alliance with the Northern States of Ameiica. The Cabi net of Bt. Petersburg has informed thatot France, and 1 presume her Majesty’s Minister, that it is the intention of Russia to observe, like France and E igland, strict neutrality. The i'ipperary (Ireland) correspondent of a Dublin journal, wtiting on the 19th ult., alleges that there ate agents at present in Ireland, in connection with the Federal Government, cov ertly recruiting for the American service. Dur» tng last fortnight, several tine looking fel lowd; alleged to have been so enlisted, lef( Thurles, Tipperary, en route tor New York. Jl is also asserted that, through tbe agency of tbe Phcsnix Club, recruits have been had in some other locali ties, especially in the North Riding, for tbe proses cution of ’be war with tbe Confederate States. A rumor is afloat that aa officer who fought to the Papal bngadp in Italy, and a resident of Tippe* rary, has obtained a commission in tbe Northern service, through tbe influence of Archbishop Hughes, und that be is to start in a few days. The English journals continued to canvass the crisis in America. Tbe Army and Navy Gazette describes General McClellan’s campaign as the most signal failure seen in thia country. The London Times reiterates its argument that tbe North cannot conquer the South, and s.iys that the time of compromise of some kind Las ar rived, and that the worst settlement of the des perate contest cannot be so fa’al as the continu ance of tbe war. The Times them draws an anal ogy between the position of England duriug tbe revolutionary war and the present position ot tbe North, and says that it is time the North followed tbe example of England. The Loudon Times has an article on the extra ordinary position of the Democratic party in America. It says that they are fighting in a cause for which they fee l the most boundless devo tion, but at the same time in behalf of a policy and a party which they detest. .It regards Mr. Vallandigbam’s recent speech as an exposition of the feeling of the Democracy, and thinks their de» monstrations in every way important, as it serves to show that, in addition to other difficulties, President Lincoln will have to struggle against the legitimate effects of the war—a violent reaction against his own army aud arbitrary acts. Lord Brougham made a speech urging the ne cessity of absolute neutrality and non-intervention in every sense ot tbe woid as tbe only security for the peace ot England, and tbe best hope of secu ring tbe end of the unhappy quarrel. Tbe Liverpool Post draws attention to Secretary Seward’s late circular to encourag* emigrants, and urges the distressed operatives of Lancashire and the Irish poor to follow Mr. Seward’s advice and emigrate. COMMERCIAL INTELLIGENCE. Liverpool Cotton Market, August 27. —The sales of cotton for two days (Monday aud Tues day,) were 28,000 bales, including 20,000 on spec ula'iun and exportation. The market is excited, with an advance to Id. per pound, closing with an upward tendency. Trade Report,—The advices from 'Manchester show an excited market in Cotton Goods and Yarns, with quotations still advancing. Breadstuffs.—The market is generally dull, Richardson, Spence A Co., Wakefield, Nash A Co., B igland, Athya A Co., and others, report; Flour has a downward tendency, with a decline of 6d. per bbl. Quotations of American range from 24 to 28s Wueat dull and declined 2s, 3d. per cental; red Western, 9a. 6d. to 10s. 9d; rfed South l ern, Ils. to Ils. 3d.; white Western, Us. to Us. 6d; white Southern, Us. 6d. to 12s. Corn is easier, mixed29s. 3d. to 295. 6d.; yellow 2hs. 6d. to 80s.; white 31 to 325. Produce —Ashes quiet at Sis 6(tt0328. Rosin, inactive; common 245. Spirits Turpentine quiet at 120 s. Sugarsteady. Coffee quiet and steady. Rice firm. don dun Markets.—Wheat has a downward ten dency. with a decline of 2s per quarter. Fi<»ur dull, and declined 6d per bbl. Sugar firm. Cof fee buoyant. Tea steady. Rice firm. Tallow easier at 48s to 48s 6d. London, Wednesday.—Consols closed to-day fit 93% to 23% for money. A CLEVER EXPLOIT IN BRYAN-FIFTEEN YANKEES KILLED A*D WO ’NDED From, ike Savannah Reputliaan, Sep . 6. We referred, a day or two since, to the reported landing of a party of Yankees at the plantation of Mr. Rogers, in Bryan county, some twelve miles below Genesis Point, and we stated that a" com petent force had been sent to meet them , Tbe result we have, detailed in a letter now before us, written by a member of the “Blues,” now in gar. rison at the point. It turns out to have been one of tbe most brilliant little affairs that has occurred on our coast, teaching (he robbers a lesson that they will not soon forget. Tbe facts are substan tially as follows: Wednesday last, about midsday, one of Co.pt. McAllister’s pickets arrived at the fort and res ported that a Yankee gunboat was going up to e K Ikenny, tbe plantation of Mr. Rogers, probably* for the purpose of landing a party of depredators. The Captain immediately ordered twenty of his cavalry corps to get ready and follow him to the I spot. In a few minutes the detachment were in the saddle and in motion. Tbey had not proceed ed far before they met another picket, who res ported that the enemy were landing io barges.— The Captain with his men moved forward rapidly and arrived ut the place, when they found that the barges had returned to the gunboat, which was shelling tbe neighborhood. Capt. McAllister or dered his men to lie down in ambush aud be ready for them in the event of their return. The shelling continued for nearly two hours, the grape rattling through the trees immediately over our men, when it ceased and the two barges again left the boat and proceeded in the direction of the houses with a view of landing. Our men were ordered to be quiet, and not to tire a gun un til their Captain had discharged his. It was not long before tbe boats got very near to where our men were concealed, when tbe commanding officer arose in one of the boats and was surveying the country around Capt. McAllister levelled fits gun and shot him dead. He exclaimed; “Great God, I’m killed,” and fell backwards overboard. Tois was the signal for our men to open fire, which they did, and at the first tire every Yankee fell flat in the boat and there continued, not one showing his head. Our man tben tirod at the boats-find ridflled their sides, keeping up a cons tinned fire until the boats .had drifted out of range. Tbe gunboat then sent out a third barfce te bring in the others, and when they were towed up to the sides of tfie gunboat, tbe brew went to work to remove the men. From one boat they lifted nine men over the sides of the gunboat, and from the other five, making m all. including tbe officer who fell overboard, fifteen killed or wounded. As soon as the men were put aboard the gunboat turned tail and put outwara at double quick speed Capt. McAllister returned to the fort at Genesis Point about 11 o’clock Wednesday night, without tbe slightest injury to man or horse. These particulars are furnished by a party in whose word, we are assured, every reliance can be placed; and granting them to be true, aU will agree that Capt. McAllister is entitled to the high est praise for his promptness, sagacity and cool ness in the affnr. P. S. Since the foregoing was written we are informed that au official report has been received from Capt. McAllister, corroborating tbe foregoing m every essential particular. A Factory Joke.—ls the Yankees did not cotton to Gen. Lee in the late butties near Wash ington, they were certainly misted.