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————— I >1 - MR GLADSTONE'S SPEECH The tpeech of Mr. Gladstone, which we pablieh thie morniag, potseases interest from the position which the distinguished orstor holds in the Got. ernment of Greet Britain. As Chancellor of the Exchequer, he is s member of the British Cabm net; and when he gires public expression to news and opinions on grare and important subjects, it is not unreasonable to suppose that these news and opinions are concurred in by the other members of that cabinet. Hence, when Mr. Gladstone de clares that Jefferson D.»n and the other leaders of Ihe South hire made an army, a nary, ‘and, is msrs, a noth**- it is reasonable to sup pose that the British Cabinet virtually recognizes the iniepeadant nationality of the Southern Cons federacy, and cannot long delay actual and offi cial recignition. Indeed, such seems to be the sentiment of almost the entire press, and the prominent men, as well as of a large nambero the people of England. Sir John Pakington, who was formerly First Lora of the Admiralty under Lord Derby’s Ads ministration, in a speech to his constituents sub sequent to that of Mr. Gladstone at Newcastle, j said; I •'He could not help expressing a hope, after reading what was purported to have fallen from Mr Gladstone at Newcastle on the pre'.eding even mug that Mr. Jefferson Davis had created a na tion in the Southern States of America. Those words, as coming from the lips of a Cabinet Min ister, were words of grave significance.” 'And he further expressed the hope that ‘ 'the pre sent feeling of Her MajeatAs Government did not differ very widely Irom that fee ing which he had taken the liberty if expressing; that is to sav, that England, France, and possibly Russia, ought to offer mediation to the American Government, on the basis of the separation of the Southern States, and. it that was not accepted, to recognize the Southern Confederacy.” This is the comment of a British ex-Cibinet Minister upon the significant speech of a present Cabinet Minister; and both the speech of the one and toe comment of the other are important, or, at least, interesting, as coming from leaders of the two great partiei of Great Britain. B it let us suppose that these speeches are oq such significance as they Haem to be, and that mediation should be offe,ed and rejected by Abraham Lincoln, and recognition of this Con lederacy should follow, ivhat will be the effect ? Nothing, unl-ss in a moral point of view. That is to say, it might give more confidence to our people to know that they were recognized as one j among liih family of nations, and it might dis pirit the Ahilitionispi to .kn >w that they bad neither the sympathy nor the confidence of the j world in their ability to subjugate the South. But beyond thie the effect would be of little or 1 no value to ns. We fear that our people attach too much im- | portance to European recognition. Some of them i imagine that recognition means interference in j our behalf; that it means raising the blockade ; that it means opening foreign ports to our priva teers ; and a vast number of other acts of assist ance which will enable us the more successfully ; to compete with our Abolition enemies. Far from it. Recognition brings us none of these ; aids; it leaves us just in our present position, unless its moral effect, to which we have just j alluded, may have sufficient influence to force the i Yankee Government to follow the example of ! other nations. It opens no port t« the commerce of the world, it brings no additional troops to our j shores, it adds no strength to our navy—in short, j it is of just no use to ns at all. Why, then, ' should our [people deceive themselves with the , fond bnt delusive hopes of peace as a sequence of j recognition f Such hopes are Glad stone may do us the justice to call us a nation, ! and Mr. Pakington may express the hope that ! the Chancellor means wbat be says ; but all this j brings us no aid or assurance of peace. The only thing that will do this, under the Divine as sistance, is Southern prowess, valor, energy, de termination, liberality, virtue, and patriotism Our people must exercise these good qualities in the future, and they will not fail to achieve their independence, with or without foreign recogni lion. Admitting, then, the significance of Mr. Glad stone's words, let it be the significance to the [Southern people that to themselves alone must they look lor the achievement of their national independence. THE FLORIDA INDIANS. fro»% the Savannah Morning X*we, Xov. 1. Several paragraphs having goue the rounds recently that the Seminole* remaining in Florida bad recently committed murders and depredations on white families in South Florida, we take pleas ure in stating, on the authority of an officer who has just returned from that region, that they are perfectly quiet, and have not been guilty of any outrages. They now number about eighty tine warriors, and their chief has called them all in to the interior from the coast for fear they will be tampered with by our enemies. They are de sirous of entering the Confederate service, and will soon be organized into a company and ar med. Our old friend, Colonel H. V. Snell, who is a great favorite with them, will probably be charged with this mission, and it will be most effectually and faithiully attended to. When they do find a Yan kee intruder, or a Thayer colonist, he will receive his perpetual pre-emption to Florida soil. They are the remnant of the small tribe of brave Semi- Doles, who held their native soil, South Florida, against the armies of the United States, led by Scott and the best generals in the service, during a period of over seven years, aud were never com* pletely subjugated. They will prov«| to be most valuable allies. They will protect a long line of the Florida coast, and will be a terror to the * ans kee invaders. They should Henceforth be cherish ed aud protected by the Confederacy, and a home in perpetuity should be laid off for them in South Florida. Our M arkets —Very little ahange has occurred in our markets during the past few days. Sweet Potatoes have culminated at sl. from wagons: Corn, #1.20; Meal, #1 *25 to #1.30; Colton/12 to 15 cents—few sales; Osnaburgs, 40 cents at ihe Fac tories by retail; none offered at wholesale; Sheet* ing, 40 cents; Cotton Yarns, #6.50 to #7; Knitting Cotton, 75 cents per pound; Sugar, SO cts., retail; Coffee, #3; Flour, S3O to S4O; home-made Jeans from $4.50 to $6 50 per yard; Molasses, $2. Co -ambus ( Ga.) Sun, SOQ. 3. Trxa*. —The following is the official vote for State officers, viz ; For Comptroller—C. R. Johns, £7,865. For Treasurer—C. H. Randolph, 25,403. For Associate Justice—Q. F. Moore, 10,217; Reeves, 9,403; T. J. Jennings, 5,441; M. A. Long, 4,303; W. Wallace, 2,224 Scattering 354. Commandants of Posts, when consulted by officers of the Telegraph Companies as to the propriety of sending a message, will advise against it — When it relates to the movement of troops. When it relates to the position o! particular .corps- When it gives information from wh ch the move ments and strength of the armies of the Confedes Irate States, or any portion of them, can be infer ed. • These are very good rules, provided they are exercised With proper discretion and good judg* the question o? RECOGNITION if INGTON t , A Washington telegram asserts that the decla* tion ®f Mr. Gladstone that the Confederates are a nation, does not produce the belief theie that England is about to recognize them. But even should she recogntze them, the writer says : It is not believed that it would, even if France joined England in m&kiag it, seriously affect our power to crujiri the rebellion, if the purpose to do so be the stern resolve of our civil and military leaders. Recognition by England will not itself add a feather’s weight to the material and moral aid and comfort which the rebels are to-day receive ing from Great Britain. It will only be a reefccists nmg of the rebels as belligeren s, a character from which they already draw numerous great advan tages. The blockade must still be respected, even by those who give treason the seal of nationality. If the rebels, after being recognized, should ask the good offices of the recogn a ng powers as me diators, we should spurn their interference, and if they attempted to entorce it by arms they would levn that America is a great nation, and does not resemble the sick man of the East. Moreover, the tact that| Russia and other grtjat European pow ers would oppose, as there is great reason to ties lieve that they would do, such intervention, ren> ders it certain that it would iight the flames of European war which might eventually cost the great man his easy chair of s'ate. Such are some of the speculations which Gladstone’s reported 1 speech calls forth in diplomatic circles here. THE SCCOKD C INVENTION OF THE ALTOONA GOV ERNORS The New York Herald has a Cincinnati dispatch slating that toe Governors of lowa, Michigan, IN linois, and Indians, have gone to Washington to attend a Gubernatorial Conference, and will prob i abiy remain over Sunday at Harrisburg, and j thence proceed to Washington with Governor i Curtin. In addition to propositions to be sub* ! muted to the Convention demanding a changed I the commands of the Eastern and Western armies j in the field, the vigorous prosecution of the war. and a change in ihe treatment of the rebels, I i it that propositions were received ai Washington I from leading Southern men suggesting the holding i of a National Convention of repreaeoiatif/ss from ; a'l parts of the Uutoo to consider the feasibility of settling the present difficulty. It i«„under* ; stood that the South propda|s. as a basis m settle* ment: First—That the Vfcrth shall recognize State Rights doctrine which they j ciaim to be found in the.Wfvolutions of 1798 and ’y<) by Jefferson and Madison. Second—The North to return fugitives frbm labor or pay their value to the owners. It is also understood that they will accept the Crittenden Compromise as the basis of a settlement relating to slavery in Territories. If the Governors do not sanction the j holding of such Convention, then they are to unite 1 in demanding of the President a vigorous prose* cudon of the war. NAMES OF CONFEDERATE SOLDIERS WHO DIED AT BURXETSVILLE. Through the politeness of Mr. Philip T. Brown, ; of the Twelfth Virginia Regiment, who arrived in this city yesterday afternoon from Richmond, ■ we are placed in possession of the following list I of Confederate soldiers, who w-re wounded at the ; battle of Crampton's Gap, in Maryland, and who | subsequently died at the Hospital in liurketsville. Mr. Brown was himself badly wounded and taken i prisoner in the battle, and has lately arrived from i the North by flag of truce. He gathered these ' names from the head stones in the burying i ground at Burketsville, on the 18th inst.: ! Lieut Col Lamar. Lieut Amos, Cobb’s Legion. Lieut Tyson, Ist Ga Battalion, died Oct 17 th. G H McWilliams, Ist Ga Battalion, died Sept j 26tb. Green Hammond, Co B, IstGi Reg’t, died Oct ! 12th. B F Prather, Co K, lflth Ga Reg’t, died Oct ; 9 th. I James Light, Co I, 16th Ga Reg’t, died Oct 7th. : Grubb, Co C, 16th Ga Reg’t, died Oct 7 th. | B F Gilmor, Co G, 16tn Ga Reg’t, died Oct4ih. Thos Hobbs, Co K, 16th Ga Keg’t, died Oct Ist. Wrn Smith, Co B, 16th Ga Reg’t, died Sept ; 80th. | Benj Mathews, Co F, 16th Ga Reg’t, died Sept i loth. # 1 Geo W Jackson. Co U, 16th Ga Reg’t, Oct I 16th. Capt N Keeder, Co H, 16th Ga Reg’t. j Corp’l Win Mayfield, C *bo’s Legion. B FChilders, Co F, 24th Ga Reg’t, died Oct I 14tft. I) H G Woodland, Co F, 24th Ga Reg’t, died : Oct Ist. T J Flemon, Co —, Ga Reg’t, died Sept 80th. Capt G L B ill, Co I, 24th Ga Reg’t, died Sept j 27th. Isaac Anderson, Co C, 24th Ga Reg’t, died Sept 29 th. Reuben Moore, Co F, 16th Ga Reg’t, died Oet 17th. « Jno A Gilliam, C j U, loth N C Regt, died Oct ! 14th. J C McCuil, C > K, 15th NC Reg’t, died Oct , 14th Jas h Russell, Co G, 15th N C Reg’t, died Oct i 3d. Franklin Folks, Co I, 15th N C Reg’t, died j Sent 30th. John Dunlap, Co D, loth N C Reg t, died Sept I 26th. j Tnos Saunders, Co G, 10th Ga Reg’t, died Oct ! 3d. J E Wiley, Co K, loth Ga Reg’t, died Oct *th. Charles Jarvis, Co F, 6th Va Reg’t, died Sept 29. Petersburg J I't.f fopress, Oet. 31. FROM NORTHERN VIRGINIA ' The receat movements of oiir forces have led to the impression in some quarters that the entire evacuation of Northern Virginia was designed, or that these movements were made with reference «o the reported advance of the enemy under Men Clellan, through Loudoun county. Our own in formation oti the subject, derived from quarters deemed reliable, leads us to believe that the change of position recent!? made by our army was effected without regard to either of the con tingencies above referred to. From all we can j gather, we are satisfied that a general advance of the enemy’s forces is not anticipated, aud that uur Government, which rather desires such a move ment on the part of McClellan, will be disap pointed for the present campaign. The recent re ports of an advance amount to but little, and the operations of the enemy, so far as they have transpired, do not indicate that they will risk an engagement with the well apponted and highly disciplined troops under Gen. Lee. From Winchester, and the country below, we have private advices as late as Thursday morning. No movement of the enemy had taken place up to that time along ihe upper Potomac. At Harper’s Ferry, Shepherd stow o, and Williamsport, all was quiet, notwithstanding the boast of Northern correspondents that tueir forces would occupy Winchester before the close of present week. The report that Winchester had been evacuated is not correct. Our caralrv pickets still hold their old positions .North of Bunker hill, aud East of Charlestown.— Ri'hm » i Dispatch , Sot), 1. We clip the following paragraphs from the Cleveland (Teou.) Banner, of Oct. 30th : Butter, in this mantel, commands onlv 75 cents per pound, and eggs 75 cents per dozen, and every j other eatable sell* in about ihe same proportion, j At such figures a hearty man can consume #2O worth of provisions per month, and not live on j the fat of the land at that. j Corn.-— Tne price of this article rules in this market at 41.50 cents per bushel, and hard to get at that. The patriotic aud philanthropies! hold ers of the article, want to keep their grip upon it until they can let it slide at 44 or $5 per bushel, to soldiers wives and children. A Hen with a Sekpb>t’s Hbad.—The Memphis Bulletin sSys: A correspondent, who gives' his name and who is a lawyer in this city, informs us that there cau be seen in Stillman’s Block, corner of Second and Jefferson streets, a chicken that has a head which resembles that of a snake. The npper and lower jaws are furnished with teeth, it pro* trudes its tongue with velocity like a viper. It has eyes hut is blind. It has been purchased by a gentleman in New York tor three hundred doi* i -ars. f _ THZ RECOGNITION QUESTION—VIEWS OF 1 THE LONDON PHE3S-HR. GLADSTONE’S SPEECH ON AMERICAN AFFAIRS, AC , AC AC. From the Richmond ( Fa.) Dispatch. , Nov. 1. Tne latest intelligence from Europe4B contained in the mail* bv the Ausralasian, from Liverpool, ! onthel2tb. The Bntiab papers are much occupied ! with American affair.*, which are d scu-sed chiefly s with the relation to the probability ot an early j recognition of the Confederacy. it was reported ! that the “.Southern Association” in Liverpool had | : agreed to a proposition which has for its object the | , memorialtzmg of the British Government - for the | rec ignition ot the Confederate States. It was a'so said that the members of the Liverpool Chamber | of Commerce were about to petition Government as to the necessity of recognziDg the Sonth. The Liverpool Post, ot the lltn, says ; “Two of tue highest class Liverpool houses re*» ceived, yesterday evening, te'egrams from head quarters in London, that the British and French Governments have lost no time m announcing that they are resolved on persisting in a poliev of j perfect neutrality.” The London Commercial Daily List says it is ' enabled to state that there is no likelihood of an I immediate recognition of tne Southern Confede racy. The city editor of the Times asserts that the: ; feeling among the Vimmercial classes of London ! | is as strongly opposed as ever to any action on ; the part of the Government towards a formal ! recognition of the dissolution of the Union, and ! he says that there is a suspicion that the desire ! ■ for such a recognition comes rather from the North ! than the South. The London Times, in some speculations upon , the result of the Maryland campaign, concludes as Os course the contest is henceforward only for boundary. Maryland was one of the great diffi- j j culties. The South could no: abandon that State ; with honor and could not hope that the North i would ever surrender it. Maryland has now had an opportunity, an I as j i ®he has not risen to accept her deliverance, the 1 Southern Government may well conceive itself absolved from any imperative obligations to- ! wards her for the future. Sooner or la»er a time will suddenly arise when this question of boon- i i dary will assume an absorbing importance. • The Daily News editorially disputes the idea ! that the South would willingly, in the event of a separation, concede any of the Border States, : and adduces evidence tending to Drove quite the-* contrary. j The , Morning Post draws a parallel between J Lincoln's Government and that of the Ex-King of Naples, and charges President Lincoln with pro ceedings closely resembling those which preceded I the downfall of the Neapolitan throne, and says ; i rrancis of Naples failed, pursuing a similar ! i course, why should Abraham of America sue-' i ceed ? it questions whether Europe, in the event j of any signal victory attending the Confederates, would be justified in longer withao.ding their recognition. MB. GLADSTONE'S SPEECH. The following is a full report of Mr. speech on American affairs, at New Castle, Eng* land; 1 I, for one, said the right honorable gentleman, | exercising ray own poor faculties as best I could,’ have never felt that England had any reason con nected with her own civil interests for desiring the disruption of the American Union. I can un derstand those who say it is for the general in terest of nations that no State should swell to the dimensions of a continent. I can understand those who say—and I confess it to be my own opinion—that it is greatly for the interest of the negro race that they should have to d > with their own masters alone, and not—as has hitherto been the case—with their own masters backed by the whole power of the Federal Government of the i United States. [Cheers.] Because, prav observe, that that has been the state or things that has sub sisted heretofore, and so which some, I th-nk mistakenly, in the iutere# of the ne*ro, have thought ft Ueiiirable to fAt urn. The laws by which the slaves have been gov erned have been laws made not by the Federal j Government, but by the owners of those slaves; but the enforcement of the laws made by the owners of the slaves has not rested in tne hands jof the owners of the slaves alone. Thev have a right—a constitutional right by the Constitution ,of the United States —to be supported against 1 their own slaves in the execution of the laws that the slave-owners have made by the whole power of the American Union I can, therefore, verv well understand the argument ot those who think < that it is particularly to be desired in the interest i of the negro race that the American Union should oe re constructed. But I must confess, for reu sons that I need not now explain, that 1 do not think that England has had any interest in the disruption of that Union; my own private 'pin ion is that it was rather the 'interest ot England that the Union should continue. I know that it is not an opinion generally shared; but at anv rate, gentlemen, whatever view we may take of that, I think we all feel that the course which her Majesty 8 ministers have endeavored to pursue— namely, that of maintaining a strict neutrality , under all circumstances that have heretofore I passed—has been a right course, and has been , the expression of the general sense of the com mu | nitv. [Cheers.j I There is, and there can be, no doubt that where ! i two parties are in great exasperation, it is rot at all unlikelv that he who observes a strict neutral- I ity will offend both; .because, in point of fact, the j state of mind in which his conduct is iikelv to be i judged of for the moment by either disputant is ! not a slate of mini in which it is lair that we should expect from them perfectly impartial con clusions. But what we may naturally expect is this: that an honest course of neutrality will be recognized—that course, I viean, which we have I pursued up to this day—will be recognized after ! ibis unhappy struggle has passed awav, and when the circumstances shall be calmly viewed, j But, I must confess it appears to me that if either I j party have a right to find :auit with u*. it is the ‘ Confederate rather than the Federal party. Hear. I hear.] I mean this: If we have deviated at all from \ neutrality, our deviation his been against the ( Confederate rather than the Federal party. The j ‘course we have taken has been ibis: We have? preserved a perfect neutrality; but w e have per- | muted the export of arms and warlike stores— j |we have permitted it to two parties—to the Con- ' federates, all of whose ports were blockaded by the Northern fleet, and to the Federals, who have i had perfect power to import whatever arms au<} j stores they pleased. 1 think that course has been j the right and just course; but I thick the verv ; 1 statement of the fact proves that at any rate we j I have not displayed a bias unfavorable to the • j claims of the Northern States. Cheers , But no, gentlemen, 1 would for a moment make j j an appeal io you on behalf of the people of the ! Northern States—l mean so far as regards our ap- \ preciatkn of their position. Greater allowances are j to be made for heat and exasperation in ihe state i of public opinion in that ceuntrv under present circumstances then perhaps could ever fairly be ■ claimed by anv other nation. Only consider what their private history has been. They have never j drank the bitter cup of misfortune, disappoint* ment and mortification. They have bait but to i i will that a thing should be done, and it was done, j Their course has been a course of prosperity and j advancement without example and without a j single break. Well, gentlemen, it is not in hu ! man nature that a people who have been subjected ; to an experience as flattering, so soothing to hu* I man self-love, should at once learn with a per- ; j fectly good grace, to accommodate and submit j i itself to the necessities of our human condition. I i Hear, hear, j It is easy for us to suffer. We have suffered before. We have gone through the verv agonies of those dismemberments against which the Northern people of the United States l are now struggling We have gone through it, and now that we have gone through it we know I that it was not a bad thing after all. (Hear.l But thev have not gone through it. and all 1 say ! is, let us bear with them ail we can. L?t us keep • towards them a kindly temper ; let us act allow ; ourselves to be adversely ciitic sed on that side of criticisms upon them from this side of the water. Depend upon it, that course steadily pursued will bring its reward, and it is the course which they have a right, upon every ground of good will, courtesy, and Christian feeling, to expect that we should pursue. [Cheers.] Why, gentlemen, they are our kin ; they were, at any rate, it they are not now, our customers, and we hope they will be our customers again. Bui they have shown also that, under aI! circumstances," when their good feeling*could have fair play, thev have warm affec tions towards England. Never lei us forget, what ever momentary irritation may cross the minds of that people —n»*ver let us forget the receptt. n of the Prince of Wales. Cneers._ Let every Eng'* Lishman engrave uoon the tablets of his" heart the recollection of that memorable day; and if occasionally he mav be tempted to anger at see ing his c juairy misapprenended, or even mis-* represented, let him calm his tendency to excited sentiment by that recollection. {Cheers.] And, gentlemen, it is the more necessary that we should do this, because I think we are pretty micb of one mind as to what is to come. We know quite well that that people—l m?an the people of toe Northern states—have not yet drank of the cup; they are still endeavoring to bold it far from their lips; thev have not vet drank of the cup which, notwithstanding, all the rest of the world sees they must do. Hear, hear. We have our own opinions about slavery; we mav be for the Son h or against the South; but there is no doubt, I think, about this—Jefferson Davis and the other leaders of the South have made an army; they are miking, it appears, a navv : and they have made what is more than either—they have made a nation. [Enthusiast c cheering, which was prolonged for some time/, I cannot say that I, for one, have viewed with any reg'-et their failure to establish themselves in Maryland. It appears to xe too probable that, if thev had been aoie to establish themselves in Maryland, the consequence of their military suc cess in any aggressive movement would have been that a political partv, favorable to them, would have been formed in that State—that they would have contracted actual or virtual engagements with that political party, and that the existence of these engagements, hampering them in their ne gotiations with the Northern States, might have formed a new obstacle te peace. Gentlemen, from the bottom of our hearts we should desire that no new obstacles to peace may be formed. [Hear, hear, and cheers. l We uiay antic.pate with certainty the success of the Southern States as far ai regard* effecting their separation from the North. I, tor my own part, cannot but believe that that event is as cer tain as any eveu r yet future and contingent can be. Cheers.] But it is from feeling that that gr- at event is likely t> arise, and that the North will have to suffer that mortification, that I earn estly hope that Eng’and will do nothing to iLflict additional shame, sorrow or pain upon those who have alreadv suffeiei much, and wh > will proba bly have to Buffer more. Cheers.'. It rr.ay be that a time might arrive wnen :t would be the duty of Europe to offer a wor d of expostulation, or of friendly aid, toward composing tbe quarrel. It is even possible that such, a time as that may arrive, how important ;t is that when -that word comes it should address itself to minds that are embittered by the recollection that unkind things have been said and’none towards them in Europe, and above all in Eng’and, the country which, however, they may had tauit with it from time to time, we know holds the highest place in their and respect. [Enthusiastic and pro longed cheers ] THE LONDON PEBSS OK MS. SPEECH. The London Times remarks that it can hard y be alleged that Mr. Gladstone has gone bevond the bounds of official reserve in the statement that Jeff Davis has made a nation of the South, If any community ever did e*rn the name of a na tion, the Southern Confederacy have. It is the bare fact. It need have nothing to do with the politics of the question It is wholly independent of moral considerations. Mr. Gladstone concluded verv reasonably that the rebels, who are a nation, will remain so, and that the r nationality will not be absorbed back :n»o the Union The London Daily New-says it does no: find fault w th Mr. Gladstone for rec ignizmg the pro gress which the South has made in establishing its independence; bu». s.nce he spoke ot British counsel as a possible element of the final settle** ment, could he not have sa d one word in favor of saving from the curse ot slavery the vast countries which fall to one or other of tne combatants, but whose destiny is at present undecided. The London Star thinks Mr. Gladstone’s speech will tend to revive among the rebels ‘ which, per haps, as much as any other, inured them into re bellion) the hope that the English Government would m the end, be induced to lend them at least an open aympahy and moral support. The London Herald says Mr. Gladstone’s words are of coarse not the mere hap-hazard expressions of individual opinion. Thev will be taken as the deliberate sanction of the Cabinet, of which he is a member. It will now be understood through out Europe and America both that the English : Government are convinced the time has come to \ recognize the independence of the South. Tne London Globe savs it has no authority to announce the day or hour the recognition will be given on the part of this country, but it is clear it cannot be deferred long, and in any other case there is no doubt it would be given sooner. The sincere repugnance to countenance or encourage, , by anv premature act, the formation of an inde pendent slave power, can alone account for tne delay in this instance. The London .Shipping Gazette can hardly sup pose that Mr. Gladstone expressed sentiments at variance with those of Lis colleagues. Possibly he has beeu premature in the announcement of his views. At Manchester, recently, he publicly expressed confidence in the success of tbe South ern cause. He is, at all events, deliberate and | consistent. If the opinions he has given utter*. j a nee to are not shared by his colleagues, it is dis- j ficua to understand how he is to continue, iu his 1 present association, to advise the Crown. The 8-ar enlarges upon the warm reception l given to the proclamation by the American press, and denounces the Submission.sts as a party of men who refuse to adopt a just policy while they ! “wail over the lost profits on traffic with slave- j holders ” The London Daily Now* retracts its half way ; censure of the proclamation, and ujw admits that it will produce good results. THE ALABAMALEGISLATUHE. We published a statement from the Montgom i Ala. > Mail, a tew days rgo. to the effect that Mr. Starke Lad introduced a bill into the Legiola* ture of Alabama prohibiting foreigners from fol low.ng any trade or bus ness m that State, etc., and th it Mr. Langdon. of Mobile, warmly sec onded Mr. Starke’s bill. Mr. Langdon, in the Mail, of November 3d, makes the following cor rection : The remarks which I had the honor to submit to the lious* \ ; .v : made on Mr. Starke’s bill, but oa the follow.ng resolution Jer ed by myself: Utisltid, That the Committee on Military Af fairs be, and are hereby ins true ted to inquire into the expediency and propriety of modelling the Militia Laws ot this State as to compel everv res ident of the State between the ufijes of eighteen and fifty-five years, who is, or claims to be, an alien, either to perform militia duty for the de fence of the State so long as he is a residtat thereof, or to pay a* fine for refusing to perform such duty, or to leave the S’ate within a specified time: and to report on the subject, by bill or oth erwise, at the earliest practicable moment. This resolution—which is not noticed m either of the newspaper reports of this morning-r-passed the House unanimously. In my remarks. I made no aiiusion to Mr. Starke's bill, and I do not certainly wish to be understood as “warmly se landing,” or even fa* boring, the provision excluding foreigners from following Ajv trad* ;k profesvou, o: io«ng any business m the State ” Yours. Ac., C. C. Langdon. HT* The New York Herald asserts that Brig. Gen. Ed. Price, son of Major-Gen. Sterling Price, has resigned his commission in the Cons federate army, and taken the oath of allegiance to the Abolition Government-. We do net believe the assertion. If we are to toke the Democrats as literally true, the Sou'bern people can hare bat little practical interest in the gtrcg. Hies of Northern political parties. It the Northern Democrats are honest and sincere in the expres sion of their views as to the war, the South has nothing to gain, no matter which partv trinmt hj the Democrats or Republicans of the North. Hie has got to tight just as v igorously, and as in:7*., miaabiy in one case as the other. Both par dght to conquer the South, and reduce be- , absolute submission to Northern power. }: ■ - parties proclaim that the war is not to end unU the Yankee dag waves in triumph over an hu, bled and prostrate people—until.the supremacy' of that dag and of Yankee authority is a'cknow edged from one end o( the Southern Confederal t< the other. By what instrumentalities th- w is to be waged, and what terms are to be accorus j “the rebels” when brought to their xaee* r . would-be tyrants are at issue among then.se Our enemies have not, as yet, condescend^7, inform the South what will be its fate when ■- - j 1 brought to abject submission, because the va: 7 i conquerors are themselves unable so ag-Tl They are quarreling over their anticipated c quest, while the result is as far off as ever—wh 7 in fact, they are in alternate spasms of eV - l and of chilly agony as their own capita.' : s re , l iieved and again threatened with capture. I All that the South is interested in, it to se- ■ » North divided on these subjects. A nni-ei So- 7 cannot conquer the South. A wrangling, q, u . j rellinz, and embittered North, furiously d , tas to the causes, the objects, the policy, and management of the war, an d the disposition i made of the South, aho tld the war result .. ! subjugation, has still less chances of succts; _ . Tae South, therefore, derives still more seen: ? ; from Scrtbc-u divisiocs. To that eitent she ~ j tan interest .u seeing faction rage and rue : ■ ' there; and, should it go so lar as to stu.n the ba - j lot boxes with blood, and cause collisions betwe» the mobs and the military, so much the bette i for the South. Thus, in the attempt to con .i— --j Southern liberty, the chaiu3 of slavery will j. more securely fastened around Northern limbs. Tae State elections take place this day, (> 4th,} in New Y'ork. If John Van Buren truthfully narrates a c>.:> l versation with Wadsworth, the Republican car.. | date for Governor, he is a less venomous tnei.? Jto the South than Seymour, the Democrat ... ; didate. Wadsworth is reported to have said . ; Van Buren, in reply to the question as to what i the policy he advocated towards the South, tu he was for whipping her and then letting her ; Van Buren thought, ts that was his po.icv. , would be cheaper to let the South go with . whipping. It would save a precious waste t I blood and treasure. But Van Buren is for wh::. ping the South, and bolding on to her—for. zi I her back into an accursed Union which she sc- 1 hors, and which she will repel as long as she _.i ! an arm to strike for independence. Seymiur, whom Van Buren supports for Gove: j nor, thus emphatically declares lus feelings am j pul-poses. The following is an extract from . j | speech at Brooklyn, on the 2dd ot Oct.: “Now, let me sty this to the higher law men ts I the North and to the higher law men of the Soum, I and to the whole world that looks on witnesses ta j the mighty events transpiring in this country, that j this Union never shall be severed, ao, never; I [Loud cheers.J Would that my voice couid be ] heard through every Southern rva'e, and 1 woui.i I tell them tbeir mistake. Look at the conserve::*, I triumphs in the North, and listen not to the teacii I ! lugs of those who say that we are not true :> tie I ! Union and to the Constitution. You know th.: ] we are those who battled for long years fur lie j Constitution, and vindicated your rights, when u I | was assailed and denounced. You kno-v that wb« I ; you deserted your country's flag you deserted I I : who had been true to the principles of this corns!.■ 1 j tution. Read tuese triumphs, and they lei! y. : j j that they bring into power men whose love lot : - I : Constitution is a tradition—men who inbente I from their fathers—men who consider it identify: I I with the Constitution which we are pledged to . I ; hold. Therefore, it is we tell you, and we tei! I , whole world, that this great conservative party I will eregt the shattered columns of the Uniuc I fCheers.] We will lift it higher up still, neare' 1 i Heaven than it was before, and from its lofty | 1 and glowing greatness there shall ever wav t Jjl- 1 i nation’s flag, with every star and every stripe tt»: I nas been piaced there in the wonderful progr— 4 j of our country; aud whatever other men may s„* 4 as for the conservative people of this country, an 1 .as for myself as an individual—let other men sa* a and thins what they please—as for the division 1 j this Colon, and the breaking up of that gre- \ ’ natural alliance which is made by nature anu :■ 9 j nature’s God, I never will consent to it, no nev?- as long as 1 have a voice to raise era hand to bg: j | for this our glorious land. (Loud cheers. ! j How far the speaker honestly expresses his it. j i views, it is not for us to know. If he is smce:< I : then he is lor perpetual war; for the realiz.i : j 1 of this dream of a restored Union is as hope,*!: J I as would be a prayer for restored life to a ioiq Jj ! buried corpse. But, if Seymour is elected, J 1 will give new energies to the war that is be... §1 waged against us, aud inspire Northern l) em> I : eraev with a keener desne to plunge their we»- J j pons into Southern bosoms. The Northern arc. r j ! are already largely composed of Demoorati. J i ibe Democrats carry toe elections, it will giro new impetus to Democratic enlistments. If J i Republicans succeed, it may cool the ardfiS | Northern Democrats, and induce them to 1 H j back and leave the Abolitionists to step foravir i and do their fair share of the fighting. ' Any result that will bring the Abolitionists :Hj i the front ranks, and thus enable the Sout'i I wreak upon them a portion of the vengeanc- - H infamy deserves, will be a consummation to j desired. But the Abolitionists art- less fern H \ able enemies in the field than the Democrats fijjS ! all the fighting were left to the former, we * < L| j the sooner have peace. The Whiskst Transportation.—ln s paragraph a tew days ago, says the Cbattan (Teen.) Re-..e1, of Nov. 1, we mentioned tha' '.Bgj Conlederate and the .State authorities of Ge< '■ pM had come in coofiict, by the refusal of the Si ■ F q intendant of the Western and Atlantic Ra.:: | 1 to transport two car loads of whiskey fur }| Medical Department of the army. We have s:“l§ | understood that all impedimenta in the we- < I the transportation were removed by Gov. Br > £ 9 } as sooa as he was informed that the whiskey | for army use. We are inclined to think lb' 0 | first informant ‘an officer in the army , was a: HH i what affected with the spirit of the age—exae,' tt| ; ation—when be informed us that the aatb.i | at Richmond had sent on an agent for the: pose of selling the road. At any rate, we a-■ i heard nothing more of it. j Northern Electioks.—Nine Yankee S'‘l ! hold their elections to-day, Nov. 4th, v:z j York, New Jersey, Massachusetts, Michigan, *■ aois, Wisconsin, Minnesota and Delaware | the Yankees in Missouri. | &.Z2T The Montgomery (Ala.) Mail of N-’ j.Jj ! says that heavy shipments of excellent el-’ -' r » j ten up in Alabama, for Bragg's army, J j rapidly sent forward from that city by J - I j Master, Major J.‘ L. Calhoun.