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V K ‘ dI) e iDcchln Constitutionn list BY JAMES GARDNER. SYNOPSIS OF THE SUBSTANCE OF THE AD DRESS OF VICE PRESIDENT STEPHENS, AT CBAWFORDYILLE, GEORGIA ON THE IST NOVEMBER, 1562 Mr Stepbeus commenced bv announcing the meeting to be one eminently of a business char- i acter. Mane in the large assembly bad, perhaps, , come out to hear something about the war, look ing upon it as a war tneeiing. This, also, was true It was a war meeting as well as a business meeting Much the greater part of war was bus siness practical good sense—common every day business, such as marks the true economy oi life. ! The taising of men-the mat <*u»ring of troops in the field, their bravery and gallantry in action and the best of Generalship as commonly under* stood constitute but a small part ot war. It is ; an essential part, and not to be underestimated, ■ hut it is a small part. Like the sulphin in gun, j nowder—only a twelfth part and a fraction—it is ■ '* small part of the whole. To wage successful wars there must not onlv be men well trained and skillfully handled with efficient weapons, but they must be clothed and fed. This embraces the Quartermaster and Commissury lepartments in | all tbeir ramttica tons. This is much the larger part of war- The want of a nail in a horse shoe caused the lameness of a horse that caused the | loss of a battle. A pair of shoes is as essential to a soldier as a lock to his gun; and, to day, fifty thousand pairs of shoes are equal to fifty thousand men in onr army. We have sent the n, en _tbey a.e n>w in the field—the object ot the present meeting was to see that those who hate : gone from our midst are clothed and shod. " This, it is true, properly belongs to the Govern* ment. ’it is the dJly ot the Government to tee that all who aie called to the field are properly | equipped w*ih every thing necessary to make them efficient, and the government is, doubtless, doing all it can. ; liut this is empnaiicaily the people s war, and it is enough for us to know that ample provision s coi made Uv die Government. Tile object of ] the m-etirg was to see to it that all the men from , this (Taliaferro) county be provided with neces- | sury shoes and clothing. The original plan here- ; totore acted upon in the county, was for some ; ODO to take particular soldiers under tLe'r ch.uge j and see that ihev w-u'e provided for. Tniswas, the best p'an, an-l he hoped it would be ct mills ued. Then uone would b* overlooked. He had j lists ot all tile companies fully organized aud sent from the county. Tbete lists he should j read over, and as each name was called he wish- . ed tt to be announced by some one whether pro. * visions bv any one bad been made for the one ! whose name should be called. 'Gere the lists were read over and responses ; made at the cad of the name of each one known j to be provided (or. It was gratifying to perceive j that a majority were already provided tor.J Mr. Stephens continue! : Doubtless many of those for whom no response has been made, are also provided lor by persons not present; but as some might not be, and all should be, be pro* posed that an Executive Committee of three be appotn’ed to thoroughly canvass the county, by themselves aud snb-agents to be aopoiuted by them, and ascertain the number and names ot every one who was not provided for, und, bv con* tributtons to be raised by them, to have the pro vision made. liiStdts these companies there were quite a number of volunteers from the county tu several other companies. Let all Irom the county be seen after—no one omitted—in whatever company he may be. Let an agent, or as many as may be necessarv, be appointed by the Executive Com- I mittee, to carry the articles when ready, and de liver them to the parties. Don’t trust them to I any public agents lor transportation. The only certain way tor speed and safely was lor some ■ one to accompany them. The goveruiuent would doubtless furnish transportation. It. ought to he done, and be supposed would be done. Hut it j not, let the ExrCtt'ive Committee see to it that the articles were delivered. This part of the proceedings having been gone through with, Mr. Stephens then made strong ap- t pea s to all, to contribute an money or in kind to ; supply those who might be found by the commit* J tee to be not provided for. Those who had sons, j btothers, or others for whom they had made pro v;ei >n, would not be expected to do ptore than j ;hev had done, unless their means were ample, "n which case they ought to contribute libera !y. ' The ladies would cheerfully uiake_ up the cloth. ; mg, it the clo'h were furnished. Nobly had they done the r part in this war. Tile battle field was not their place, but in their split re they had done that which was just as essential to the success ot ’ our cause, as ’he man who had won honor and | giory on the held. With the spindle, the loom, the needle, and m the h< spital. willingly, liber ally, generously, pitrtotically, had they done their duty. The men of our country had done well most gallantly— tor let it never be lorgotten, that j as well as the men have done in the cause of our j independence, toe w omen bare done betttr. To them the country is mainly indebted for the cloth- | :ng of the army woen it first went into the field, j Their voluntary contubunons of labor amounted to many mi.lf ns of dmlars, worth infinitely more than the money in doliars and cents, if the Gov, ! eminent had hod tt: for the money could not i have commanded the labor. An army of hun» ' dreds of thousands was improvutd , sprtugirg in o j existence fuily armed and equipped, as Minerva from the head o, J>ve. Such a spectacle the world ntver saw before. This was <h ne solely by the aid ot the women of the land. It could nut j have been done wr.boa: their aid. Thev did well j to oe at the meeting; tor they are as willing to do taetr part now, and in the future, as hey were in the teginning. In his appeal for contributions, he alluded to j those whose pursuits, positions, or opportunities j had enabled them to make money tu these times, j Opportunities to realize unusual profits upon la- . bor or capital in particular pursuits or trades, ; were incidents of all wars, and this one w T as no [ exception. These were evils ot war. They afford , great temptat otts to trail human nature. These f •emptatirns, by every one should be resisted as j the approaches oi the loul fiend. Dickens bad said the fumes of gold were more; deadly to the moral sensibilities than the tumes ot ; charcoal to the physical. It was true none should i think of mak-.ng money or growing rich out ot | our common necessities; but every one should . feel and realize the fact that our common all is embarked in Ibe common cause; that everything 1 is at stake and every one should do bis duty and j bis whole duty, whether at home or in the field, I Those at horn-, in whatever position, have as ; important and as essential—though not so hard [ and dangerous —duties to perform as those in the j field. A.l should co-operate harmoniously and patriotically to the great end, and while they (the j people ot that community) had none among them j known as speculators or extortioners, yet there were some w hose pursuits enabled them or afford- j ed them opportunities to realize larger profits on j their capital and labor than in times of peace. To such he made a special appeal to contribute 1 liberally and geoertus y, as he believed they | would." Let no one, whether Oody corporate or I not, think of making profits out ot articles needed bv the men in the field. The idea was abhorrent. "On the general subject of our present conflict, involving as it does our individual as well as na* < tional existence, be said all wars were calamities j the greatest that can befall a people, exceot j ; perhaps direct visitations from Providence, such j as famines, plagues and pestilence. The greater ■ t the war, the greater the calamity. This war is a I great calamity to us. We all leel it. It is the 1 t grea’est war, and waged on the largest scare of | I any since the birth of Christ. The history of the , I world—not excepting the crusades—furnishing [ i n-j paralie! to it tn tne present era. ’ A UGU STA, GA., WEDNESDAY MORNING N0V.26, 1862. The responsibility and guilt of it m"st be fear- i tul so-mewbere. As great calamities as wars are, 1 they are, however, sometimes necessary. Often i forced by the Highest dictates of patriotUm—.ike < ; “offunses” we are told ot—they sometimes needs ! come. Tfey are, however, never right or justiti* able on both sides. They may oe wrong on both t I sides, but can never be right on both. Unjust I : wars, by ihe unanimous cousent of civilized men, i are held as they 9hculd be in condemnation and reprobation. People, therefore, as well as their tuiers to whom such high trusts are contided, should lock well to it, and see that they are right before appealing to tbis last and most tern tic arbitrament of arms. Some thoughts on this subject, Mr. Stephens < Slid, might not be out of place, even there* These , he dwelt upon at some length, showing the jus* : tice ot our cause and the wanton aggression of i tne enemy. He traced the hist* rv ot the contro versv between the Southern and Northern Stales, j the principles and nature of our government, the Independence and Sovereignty ot the States a d j the r’ght of eaco to control us own destinies and j act tor itself in the last resort, as each State j might think best for itself. It was wholly irnrna j tenal, he said, in considering the question of , right and justice, now to look any further than ; the solemn act of the States of the South, after mature deliberation, each acting for itself in its sovereign capacity. Each State had the right thus to act, and wheu each for itself bad thus 1 acted, no power on earth had the right justly to gainsay it. The old Union was formed by the States, each acting for itself in its sovereign character aud capacity with the object and purpose of advanc- I ing their interests lespectively thereby. Each i State wus the sole judge in the lastiesort, whether the future interest, safety and welUbeing ot her people, required her to those sovereigu powers, the exercise of which bad been delegated to other hands under the old compact of ’’uion. These principles have ever been held not only I true, but sacred, with the friends of constitutional j liberty in ail the States s.uce the old Union was * formed. They rest upon that fundamental prin : ciple set forth in the Declaration ot Independence, I that all governments their just powers I from the consent of tne governed.” The Statts South, therefore, had done nothing but what was * their right—their inalicuab'e right to do, the same j as their ancestors did in common with tqe North, ! when they severed their connection with the ! British (government. Tnis war was waged by the North in denial of this right and tor tne purpose o: conquest and j subjugation. It was, therefore, aggressive, wan i tou aud unjust. Such must be tne judgment of 1 mankind, let its resulis be what they may. The I responsibility, thr re fore, f r all its sacrifices of I treasure and blood, heretofore, or hereafter to be 1 made in its pio?ecution, reot** not upon us. Mr. S. si d that toon dfter the tirst battle ot Manassas, duty called him to our camps near that poinf. lie weut over the ground on which that conflict had taken place. The evidences ot the late terrible s rife were still fresh and visible ail around. The wide spread desolation, the new made graves, and the putrid animal remains not yet removed by the vultures, fully attested what a scene of blood it hud been. VVuile surveying the hills and defiles over which the various coN umos of men and the enemy passed and were en gaged on that memorable day, amongst many other things that crowded themselves upon his mind, were two dying expressions reported to have been uttered in tne midst of the bittle. One was by a soldier on the side of the enemy, who, I fallen and weltering in his blood, exclaimed, “My ' God ! whut is all this for?” The othsr was by | the lamented Bartow, who said, have I killed me, but never give if two ! exclamations were made Tit distance apar\ '. .pjjf tiear frjnw* W oat aii this for?’ Mr,- raid Lv could but think the question w»s pertinent to both sides, aud most pertinent irom him who uttered : ir, addressed to all his mvaiing 'comrades and those who sent them. Well might he ther*, in l the agonies oi death, m the din und dust of sti ie, i in the clangor of arms and the thunder of artii* : lery, usk, ‘ What is all this for ?” Why this array jot'armies? Why this fierce meeting in mortal j combat V What is all this carnage and slaughter for? The same question is still es pert ncin to I those who are waging this war against us as it 1 was then. Why the prolongation of this c mfl.ct? Why this immense sacrifice of file 10 camp and | the numerous battles that have been f.mght aiuce? Whv this lamentation and mourning goi g u:> j from almost every Louse and lamily from Maine ! to the 4io Grande, and from the Atlantic aud Ga t to the Lakes, for friends and dear ones who have fallen by d.aease ana violence in this un parallelled struggle ? The question, if replied to j oy the North, can have but one true answer.— j What is al. this for on their part, but to overturn j the principle upon which their own government, !as well as ours, is based—to reverse the doctrine j ! that governments derive their “just powers irom t the consent ot the governed ?” What is it lor } j but to overturn the principles aud practice of their j own governm ut from the beginning ? To t gov- J I eminent was founded aud bxsed upon the pohti- j I Cal axiom tha' all S ates and people have the in* j i alienable right to change their firms of govern- : ment at will. I This principle was acted on m the recognition by the United States • f the South Auierican He* | publics, it w.is the principle acted on in the re«* | cognition of Mexico. It was acted on in t-je j struggle of Greece, to overthrow the Ott >rpan ! rule. On that question the greatest Constitutional expounder of me North, Mr. \\ eoster, gained his tii st laureis as an Amencan statesman. This . principle was acted on in the recognition of the j Government oi Louis Phulippe, on ihe overthrow ' of Charles X of Fiance, and again in the recog nition of the Lamartine Government on me over ! throw of Loots Phdlippe in 1846. At that time, 1 every man at th* North in Congress, save one, • Mr. Stephens believed, voted for tb* principle. The same principle was again acted upon wnb f out dissent in 1852, in the recognition oi ihe Gov- I ernmect of Louis Napoleon. The same principle was acted upon in the recognition of Texas when j she seceded or withdrew ircm th% Government ! of Mexico. Manv at the North opposed the admission of j Texas as a State in our then Union. But there ' was little, if any, opposition to her recognition as ! an independent outs de R-public. Strange to 1 say, many of those who were iteu fiercest in | their opposition to Tex;s coming into the Union, are now ihe tierces* in their denial of toe unquts | tinned right acknowledged to her before. Well j may anv and tvery one. North or South, exclaim, j i what is all this for? What have we done to ihe ; North? When have we ever wronged ihem ' We j : quit them, it is true, as our ancestors and the r i ! ancestors quit the British Government. We [ quit as they quit, upon a question constitu* j tional right. That question they determined for ! themselves, aod we have but done the same.— ; What therefore, is all this for? Why this war : on thtir part agaiust the uniform principles ancl , practices of tbeir own governmeo;? There is hut one plausible pretext for it; that is to ex ter* I inmate our Southern institutions. It is to put the | African on an equality with the wbire man. It is j to conquer and subjugate independent und Rover** j eign Slates, who deny their au hority rightfully | to rule over them, it is a war, in short, on their ; part, against r’ght, against reason, against jus- J nee, against nature, and ft r nothing but power, j conquest, and robbery. If asked on our siu«, what is a’l this for? The reply from ev*ry breast is, that it is for home, for firesides, for our altars, for our birthrights, for properly, for honor, for life—in a word, for everything "for which freemen should live, and for which all deserving to be freemen should be will* ing, if need be, to die. Such, doubtless, were < the feelings which prompted the other exs s clamaticn on that bloody field io which refer- < ence has been made. “ Boys,” taid the dying i Bartow, “ they hav€ killed me, but never give it < up.” The same sentiments animated the breast 1 of gallant son of the South who poured i forth his life-blood in achieving that first sig- ] nal ana glorious victory to our arms. Those I who survived them did not give it up, until they ] succeeded in driving back the invader, the Bggres- < aor, the deapoiler and robber. Both exclamations \ may well be treasured as mementoes. Iu what* ever trials and sacrifices this war may bring upon I us. when the thought of “what is all this for,” | comes to the mind, recollect that it is. on our part, > for every thing most dear and sacred ; and what* i ever reverses may await us, in a struggle for such objects, let the w atchword of the last suivivors i be, “NEVER GIVE IT UP!” Let the world I kuow, and history record the fact, if such should be our unhappy late, that though our country tnav be invaded, our laud lud waste, our cities Backed, our property destroyed, the people of the South could die in defense of their fights, but they could never be conquered. On the present condition and prospect of cur affairs, .Mr. Stephens said he had nothing new to say, and notbmg that was not known to all. From the past we had nothing to be discouraged for the tuture. We had met with some reverses, but of eighteen monihs fighting, we had lost no great ! battle. We had gained many brilliant victories, i The aggregate of advantage of the tight on land j thus far had been decidedly on our side. This was uo small cimsidorat on for hope aud encour** agemeut, looking at the odds against ui. At the beginning the euemy had all ibe Army, a 1 the Navy, all the revenue, all the credit, as well as the prestige of ibe uaine of the old government, on their side. We were few in number corns pared with them ; without a regimout or a ship, without a dollar, and wit.iout credit except such as the righteousness of our cause inspired in the breasts ot our own peo* •pie secured. Thus we eutered the coutest, and thus we have maintained it. At first, 75,000 men were thought sufficient to conquer us. Tuis fail* mg. bJO.OOo were called to the field. These, too, tailing, #OO,OOO more have been added, With a view to crush us out with numbers. Judging from indications, the enemy seem determined to put forth all their power. This is the present prospect. We should ue prepared to m et it to the best of our ability. No one should despair or even despond from this array ot new forces to be I brought agaiust u*. We may not oe able to match mem ia numbers. We are not able to do i it, and should not at empt it. It is not necessary j to do u, to secure ultima e success, it we av.nl j ourselves of our advantages properly and w ?ely. ( Numbers is one advantage the enemy has, and hid | Irom the beginning. We have ad vantages on our ! side which we should avail ourselves of. Frttifer-* j ick of Prussia fought all the gieat neighboring powers of Europe tor seven years add wis sue* j cessful m the eud. The greatest number he j could bring into tie fie.d was 200,000 against j dOo.OOU. With this disparity of three to one, they j thought they could crush him, but they did not. ! It is iru°, his country was overrun, and his Capi tol, Berlin, was twice taken and sac<ed during ! the war. He however did not give it up. Rich* mond nas not yet been taken, though toree pow* ertul onward movements have been made against it. If Kichmoud should yel fall, and twice fall, we should be no w.j.sj off than Piu%ia was in a like calamity; nor should we be less disposed than the great Frederick tp give it up for a like cause. The War of our first independence lasted seven v%trs. Duriog that struggle,Mfreral of the States were overrun, occupied and Hfcid for long periods by the enemy. The rasn of that “Day that tried men's sou’s'* Mt tv* inclination, »u iuat ' to v'kifb it up. ' l* oaiade:phtfiei,f (fifpii.al, " > tik •'*. but bey did uot “give it up,” or think Os j giving up the canse. They fought on, us we can I f.r the same principles and rights, until final sue- . cess. Nor have our sufferings or sacrifices, as | great as they are. been anything like as severe as theirs were. It they suffered aud bore with ' patience ami fortitude all they did to acquire aud establish principles so dear to them aud to us, ( well may we. with equal patience and fortitude, j bear all now upon us, aud all that may hereafter | await Ui», to maiutiin them. Tne ability of a people to support and wage ! war depends partly upon their resources, and ! partly upon the skill and economy with which j i thev are wielded. We have resources—elements ! |of power to wage war successfully', unknown to ] ■ Frederick or the men of *7*>. All necessaries of j ! life, food and clothiug. with ihe materials und 1 ! munitions of war, can with skill and forecast, be i i made and supplied within ourselves. This good* ' lv land of ours is unequalled, or at least uusur* 1 ; Iptissed bv any other pait of tee habitable globe i in the character aud variety of its natural products, j < suiied to man’s needs and wants in every emer* ! gt-nev. Its mineral resources are aiso lnexhausti- : i !b e. It is a land well worth fight ng for. Our i < ! means are sufficient ; they have only to be proper* j i ly and skiil ui y developed and applied- i I But besides the products necessary to sustain j J ourselves, to support our armies, aud carry on | Will' we have another element of tremendous | power, if properly’ used and applied—a resource | and power unknown iu European wars, aud un« known to our ancestors in the war of the ; r Revo« J 1 : lution. Mr. S. here Said be alluded to our great staple, cotton ; and he should n »t have said more ; j noun it at this time, iban barely io ask loose ! present 1j call to their minds what he had said to | ui.,st o' them last year upon that subject, when |be addressed them upon Cotton L »an, but for j some misconceptions that had got in-the public mind from a paragraphic report some remarks he ; m*de at a meeting lately in Sparta'. Home, from I that report, said Mr. S., have the idea that I urged upoD the planters there, to plant largely j of cotton next year. Allow mein this connection • to say, that nothing could be fariber from the •act. I urged upon ihe planters ibere, first and j above all, to grow grain and stock for home! consumption and to supply the army. What ; I st:d at Sparta upon the subject of cotton, j many of you have oLeu heard me say in private ! j conversation, and most or you, in the public . ' speech last year, to which I alluded. Cotton, ! [ have maintained, and do maintain, is j oae of he greatest e e iieots of power,! if not greatest at our command, if j it were but properly and efiic:ently used as it ! might be. Samson's strength was in his locks.; Our strength is in our locks—cot of hair or wo >l, 1 ost in our locks of cotton. I believed from the : 1 beginning that the enemy would inflict upon us | more serious injury by the blockade than by all j 1 other means cotubiaed. It was. in the judgment I i of all, a matter of the utmost, if not vital impor*. j i tance to have it raised, removed or broken up.— i How was it to be done? That was and |is the queition. It was thought by many ! that such was the demand for cotton in | : i England, that she would disregard the : blockade, as it Fa*, and has beee I ' alt along, not within the terms of the Paris agree- j I ment.that ts.hti* not beer t ataay time.entirely etfec- i 1 | tual, though elm t snough 0.10 us great injury. 1 did 1 ! not concur in this opinion, as most of you well j know. I thought it would have to be done by ,' | ourselves, and could be done through the agency j ! ! of cotton —not as a political, but as a commercia : 1 I anu financial power. I favor, as you know, of the Government’s taking all the cotton that j ; ! would be subscribed for eight per cent, bonds at ! a rate or price as high as tea cents a pound. Two millions of the last year’s crop might have been ! 1 counted upon as certain on ibis plan. This at ten j cents, with bags of the average commercial ! weight, would Lave cost the Government one , hundred millions of bonds. With this amount! VOL. 15— No 4S of cotton in hand and pledged, any number, short ot fifty of the bes-t iron clad steamer** could have been contracted for und built in Eu* rope—steamers at the cost of two millions each could be procured every way equal to the Moni tor. Thirty millions would have got fifteen ol these, which might have been enough for our purpose. Five might have been ready by the first of January last to open some one of our ports blockaded on our coa9t. Three of these could have been left to keep the port opeD, and iwo could have convoyed the co’ton across the water, if necessary. Thus, the debt could have been promptly paid with cotton at a much higher price than it cost, and a channel of trade kept open till others, and as many more as necessary, might hpve been built and paid for in the same way. At a cost of less than one monihs present expenditure on our army, our coast might have been cleared. - In this way cotton, as a great element of power at our command—such au element as no other people ever bad—might have been used, not only m breaking up the blockade by our own means, without looking to foreign intervention, but iu supplying the Treasury with specie to pay interest on their bonds and thus keep up the credit of the Government. The public credit is as « ssential as subsistence in war. Such, a: least, wus, and is my opinion. The Government, however, took a d fferent view of the subject. Mmy thought it ! unconstitutional. Home looked upon it as a pre ijeef to relieve the planters. Others .thought it j uotbing snort of a South sea speculation. I con ! sidered it then and now just as constitutional us to give bonds for gunpowder or to buy other munitions ot war. It was not with a view to re heve the planters, though its incidental accom* modation to them would not hav • been objection able, but with the view ol welding eth-ctnallv the element of the greatest power we could com mand that I wished this course ado; ted This re source, then; this element of power, we s'ill have— though not to the same extent. There is enough, however, to effect wonderful results, if properly used as it can be. We may have lost a year or two, but we are far short of seven years war yet. With our ports open many ot the present evils and hardships of the war would be relieved. We would no longer have to give ti’ty dollars for a bushel of Liverpool salt, or ten dollars for the roughest sort of shoes. With ports open and this in hand, we should be much better able to make it a Pelopenesian struggle, if our enemy choose so tu make it. This view and one other j idea I presen‘ed to the people at Sparta, upon the subject ot cotton which I will repeat here. I Many to be met with, suppose that by abun | doniug the growth ot cotton and burning what jwe have, we can fore?* our recognition abroad- I This I told the people there, and tell you, is, in jmv judgemenf, a radical und fundamental er- I ror. England will never be controlled bv such a i policy. Our cotton should be treasured up. not sold—more than gold—for it is more powerful as ! a sinew of war, thuu gold is. Like gold, and j everything else of value, it should be destroyed, j if need be, to prevent its fulling into the hands i of the enemy, but with no view to a foreign pol icy ; nor should the production of cotton be I abandoned, with such a view. Yon could not I please Lord Palmerston better than to let him know that there would not be grown a pound of cotton in the Southern Confederacy fur twenty years. The power of cotton is well known to and felt by British Statesmen* They know it is King in its proper sphere, and hence they want the sceotre of this King for their own use. The great error ot those who suppose that King Cotion would compel the English Ministry to recognize our Government and raise the block ade, and who will look for the same reault fconi the total abandonment of fts cuitiGO, consists in mistaking the patuN, ol the JbUngMoni of Lais Po* : ITia power is commercial and financial— j not poLuuai. It b-1 been one of tbedeadioiz ob* ’ j jeCts of L »rd r*rrn»r!*■»»» bceo . I m office, to late tlmp-oducPoo of coDon iuj his own dominions —or those of his sovereign—3b not to be dependent upon us fur a supply. i This he cannot do to any extent, whbe his ip*x» i perienced productrs have to compete .faith ua. Cotton can be raised in their East India po>sis* j sions and those on the Western coast of Africa j a t 18 or 20 cen»s a pound; but it can not be raiv.d I there profitably to any extent ’n competition with !usatß or 10 cents, if assured, however, of in I competition from ibis quarter, they could, or it is believed woulo, after awhile, get to producing ; it as cheaply as we can. Improvements in agriculture are slower in th* ir progress than in any other department of life.— No one can safely or wisely say how cheaply cot* ton may or may not be grown in those countries, with a few years absolute control of the market, nor that the quality of the article may not be as i good- No one can tell what may be effected by improvements in agriculture and ihe inirodueiton ot new’ varieties suitable to climate aud soil.— More money can be made here by growing cotton cow at 8 cents a pound, than could be made at IS cents forty years ago. The quality is also gr< ativ superior to ihe old black seed. More persons can now pick 300 pounds -a day than could pick 10t» when I can first recollect; and one hand and horse or mule can cultivate twice as much land. It is a great mistake, I think, to suppose cotton cannot be grown us cheaply, and with as good a B‘aple fine a fibre—i j other countries, as it can iu this —not in all places where it is now grown, bu* in home. There is nothing w.thin the bounds of human knowledge on which reliance can be placed with such certainty as to results,- as upon »be laws of nature. It is on these laws governing the races ot men that our institutions are based. Hence, we feel so sure of our ultimate success. And ihere is nothing better ascertained in the Floral King* dom than, that on the same geological formation, within the same lines ot temperature, and cli matic conditions (either from Altitude or Latitude) j the same species and varieties of plants will grow, I each producing its like uoder similar culture to as i great perfection in one hemisphere as the other, ! *ad upon one continent as another. vVe have ooe , advantage in the production of cotion which they ' nave not iu the British Provinces. Tbis has no I reference to climate, sell or varieties. It is our system of labor. On our advamege tu this par* j ucular, and to this extent (which is no inconsid erable item) we may rely in looking at the pros* | pect of competition in the future, with these : countries, should thev, by a continuation of our ! blockade, or ouc necessary abandonment of the ; culture for a iii/fi*. hate the market of the world * to themselves. We should not, therefore, think of abandoning i ihe production of cotton, with any idea of thereby advancing our interests —politically—abroad. This * wou.d be hut playing into the hands of those | powtrs who are trying to break it down. VVe | nave had to curtail it, and shall hare to curtail it ! while the war lasts—especially while the blockade 1 continues. Duty and pati ioltsm us well us neces sity, require this. The first great object of all now, should be to sustain our cause; to feed, as well as clothe men in the field. To do this be sides raising sufficient provisions for home con.* sumption, will necessarily require larger graiu crops. To have un abundance tor home consump tion and for ihe army, should be the object o every one. This is dictated by the highest con* s>derations of home policy, und not from any view of advancing our interests abroad. Oa the con trary, alter snfficitiU provisions arc ruudi for home consumption und to supply the army, the more cotton that can be grown the better. How to regulate this is a difficult matter. When the duty rests upon all alike to grow grain aud raise sloes for food, some may be disposed to neglect ' ia. How to meet this difficulty is itself a difficult question. It might perhaps he done by each state’s passing a simihar law upon the subject, j limiting the production of each hand engaged in What ttafi- I , h ' S W ’ U v ld re 4 ulre concert of action. ” “ at th « limiution should oe, lam not prepared 'tatTr'icJ 1 k 476 ° Ut * Le c,!CeS3lir F eatimatee and Un the subject of foreign recognition, Mr. ruephens said he BBw no change in tOe prospect. Foreign Governments, he thought, were very much disposed to stand aloof from this contest He did not believe they really sympathised with either side—he meant the ruling c'a-ses The masses of the people, and the commercial’inter, esis generally, he thought did stmpathise w th us. Not so with thur ru.cts. Tbev Care but little tor the success of either the North or the South i Some of people were disposed to think that their ! sympathies were with the North, while the Norths ern papers were charging them with sympathy tor us. He thought tuey had no kind feelings for either, but rather rejoiced to see K -pub jeans catling each ethers throats. He thought the re mark reported to have lately been uttered by (Jurlysle in his quaint style, embodied in a nut, bfce.l the Diplomatic feelings of Europe towards the cause on both sides. Tne remaik wa- that ‘•lt was the foulest chtmnev that bad been on hie’ for a century, and the best way ts to let it burn i self out." ■They were against Republicanism. They are boßtila to the principle that man is capable of sdf government. Toey are doubtless in hopes that th’B principle will be extmqaished oa both sides ot tLe iiae before ths content <nds. Tbev were wise enough to see that the North (from the course commenced there; would soon run into anarchy or despotism, and they aie perhaps lock* mg for the same fate to befall us. This h. s usually bet-a the fate of Republic*; aud one of the high’* tst duties we have to perform to ourselves and posterity was to see that their expectations shall tail so far as we are concerned. We have a high mission ;o perform; aud Mr. Step:ieu3 trusted the people of tue .South would prove’tberoselves • qua I to toe task of its performance* We bare our in dependence to achieve aud our constitu'ionil libs ertv to main’ain. With us now re? s the hopes of the world. The North has already become a despotism. The people, there, while nomi nally free, aie in no better condition, practi cally, then serfs The only they have for the war is to make 'ree men of s’uves* and those of an inferior race. While ther efforts in this unnatural crusade thus far La* re sulted in nothing but making slaves of them selves. Presidential proclamations supersede and set aside both laws and constitutions. Liberty with them is but a name and a trickery Iu se parating from them, we quit tb.- Uni-n, but we rescued the Constitution. This was the Ark ot the Covenant of our fathers. It is cur high duty to keep i», and hold it. ana preserve it forever. Independence with us was, said Mr. S., a great object, but not greater than the maintenance and perpetuation of Constitu'iona! Liberty. The lat ter was even more important than the other. In dependence was res u ted to as the only means to secure and maintain for ourselves Constitutional Rights. Let both Independence and Constitu tional Liberty be kept constantly in view. Away with the idea of getting Independence first, and looking after Liberty afterwards. Our liberties once lost, will be lost forever. On this point M-. Stephens dwelt at length, an the one from which he had felt mo£t apprehen sions (rotn the beginning; but with virtue, intel ligence, patriotism, fortitude, and vigilance, on the part of the people, every one doing his duty, all would yet be well. In conclusion, he agiin appea'ed to all, in whatever position in iife, to do their whole duty; the aoldker. in the field would do his, let the planter. rh»; tradesman,- tb* tb* kcr, end all at homo da,them*. v*<L 4> -- otgtm *»’-A excerrt gaming our independence and j»<k‘uung our -liberties , and to eccuulphv. these j everr PiwVrr ot ibe * source of the nhqle country,The pbi it, [fullest extent and Htn*Qst capacity. FROM F&EjDERHjjcSfcTJSG. . rtfei <!'■• Hiohiiiondjfe .i , v, u /.er, A AK \«.• ' * terdaj at 4.0 n, we intert-^m- { , a : t i lars of the late advance Os 4tw* enemy u,, • place. About nine o’clock on Monday morning the advanced guard of the enemy appeared on tb* opposite bank of the Rappahannock, about a mile aoove the town, at the ford crossed bv the Abo - lition cavalry in their preceding j\i d. ‘Here thev were met by u salute from Captain Lewis’ but* tery of four gucs, and dnvtn from the sireaai. The enemy made a few random shots in reply to our battery, aud then ceased tiring until about three o’clock in the afternoon, when they re opened upon us with all tbeir guns. Capt. Lewis replied with spirit, and for three hour* there was kept up one of the most animated urti.'lei v duels ot the war. The enemy’s lo>s in the eng&gement has not been ascertained, but was reported at nineteen killed and fcounped. The loss on our side was two killed aud three wounded nmong the artillerist. A youth, the s n of Mr. Timber iase, the juior at Fredericksburg, who had gone out to see the sport, received a severe wound in one of h»s fiet. The enemy d d not renew the engagement yes terday morning,\as it was expected he would do, and Colonel Bail, at last accounts, still held the tow n, Captain Lewis* battery guarding the ford, it should here be mentioned that Colonel Ball has expressed his determination to hold the town to the last, cud not to abandon it, as did cur forces last spring, before the enemy evinces most un* mistaseablv his ability to take :t. The citizens «ire said to be in h gh spirits and full of resolu* tion, and more wiliirg to see the town shelled and burnt than abandoned. The enemy’s force has not been ascertained, but is variously estimated at from one to four brigades. Very few of the troops were visibl * from this side of the river yesterday, but their camp tires could be seel extending over a space justifying the be* lief that the foice was a very strong one Their videttes were posted on all the opposite hills up and do rn the river, and yesterday morning two of their cavalry ventured down and coolly iu» spected the piers ot the Chatham Bridge, and ihough frequenty fired at with rifle*, did not re** tire until their inspection had, apparently, been completed. The manufactured tobacco destroyed on Sun day night belonged to citizens of Fredericksburg and Richmond. It was of the kind usually put up for the Northern market, and thtre is little doubt that it has been carried there with tne hope that the town would again lapse into the Yt ukets' hands. Up to a late hour last night the telegianh was still in operation between Richfnon i and Freder icksburg, and it is reported upon what seems to us trustworthy authority, that a telegram wns re ceived in this city yesterday evening, stating that another artillery duel had been fought across the Rappahannock, with results similar to the tight of Monday, our troops maintaining their posi'ioo and holding the town. cSr a. correspondent of the Atlauta (Ga.) Bihner k Baptist notices the fact that Augiuta is the birth place of several religious Courts and Conventions; and states, in illustration, that the Southern Baptist Convention was organized here m 1345, the Presbyterian Chief Court, or General Assembly of the Confederate States was organized Lere in the spring of 1861, and the first General Council of the Protestant Episcopal Church in the Confederate States was organized here in Non vernber 1862.