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jX-GOriBKOB HERSCHEL JOKNSOKB
We patented, a few weeks ago, a very full
eynopsia of Ex-Governor Herschel V.
Zoeech before the Legislature of Georgia, far.
Xhed by our able and attentive Milledgeville
correspondent. But in order to do justice to the
distinguished speaker, we will publish a verba*
tim report of his speech, revised and corrected,
jmd therefore, an authoritative exposition of our
new Senator's views and opinions on the current
subjects of the day. It is but justice to Senator
Johnson that he should be -placed fairly before
the people, and that misrepresentation should
thus be prevented. He has accepted the high
trust confided to him, we are assured, with an eye
single to usefulness to the country. He has no
ambitious schemes to accomplish ; but, on the
contrary, sacrifices his private interests for the
public good. He goes to Richmond, therefore,
in a spirit of candor, truth, and patriotism, to
act upon all measures that may come before him
as bis judgment and heart shall indicate to be
best for the country. He goes there to sustain the
President m all the measures which he can approve
as wise and best; refusing, of course, to sustain
whatever he believes to be unconstitutional and
impolitic. In short, what he believes right, be wil;
sustain; what wrong, He will oppose. This is the
only honest, honorable, and manly course to pur
sue; and Governor Johnson will pursue no other.
If, however, measures to which he may be opposed
should pass Congress, he will not return home
and seek to stir up strife and make war upon the
Government; but will endeavor to make the best
of what he may disapprove, after haring done his
duty in endeavoring to prevent it.
Tms much we feel justified in saying for Sena*
tor Johnson, in order that any misrepresentations
or misunderstandings of his position may be cor
rected. In brief, he will act in all public affairs
as becomes a patriot and a Senator of the Con
federate States.
We publish a portion of his speech this morn
ing, and will give the conclusion in our next
issue. It will be published entire in our weekly
issue of Wednesday next.
TROUBLE IN THE WIGWAM.
The Confederates under Gen. Lee have brought
trouble and.tribuiatton into the Black Republican
Wigwam. Vexation of spirit has entered the
abode of the “happy family” .which ruled, in
Washington City, the destinies of the mighty
Yankee Nation. In the hour of their self com
placency .and joyous hopefulness, the characters
appear upon their walls, and, Belshazzar*like,
they tremble at the knees. The New York World
exclaims : “Heaven help us, for there seems to
be no help in man!’’ Burnside declares that to
attacx the enemy’s front might entail disaster
upon his arms; and hence, withdraws his forces
beyond the Rippahannock, with the consoling
assurance that this brilliant change of base was
made without the loss of property or men.
Seward and his son resign; the Republican
Senators ask all the Cabinet to do likewise; and
the probability is, that tney will consent. Burn
aide and Halleck will go the way of all defeated
Abolition Generals, and a new waiter campaign
•will have to be marked out and prepared before
another effort-can be made to “crush the rebel
lion."
Oh, cruel General Lee! how could you treat
tnem so? Have you no compassion upon the un*
happy Lincolnites ? It seems not. You permit
ted them to cross the Rappahannock river, even
io fall into the centre of a semi-circle, and then
you poured into their ranks a series of murder
ous volleys, causing them a loss of 15,000 men,
nod forcing them to change their base of opera*
tions. Nor is this all that Gen. Lee has done.
He has caused Lincoln’s Secretary of State to re
sign ; be has caused the Abolition journals to
bewail the loss of hope; and he has caused, per*
haps, even the removal of Halleck and of Burn
side.
All this tribulation—all this trouble in the
wigwam—is the result of the great battle and
glorious victory of Fredericksburg. Starting out
from the banks of the Potomac with a high
sounding preface, they have concluded their fifth
edition of “On to Richmond!” with a most dis*
astrons finis. Every day adds to the importance
-of that victory. General Lee, with a becoming
modesty, did not claim as great an achievement
as he was entitled to. But the Northern people
tell the story, and put the victory in its true
light. They do this by recounting the troubles
to wmch we have alluded. They show, unmis»
takably, that a staggering blow to the Yankees
has been struck; and, in the language of the
New York World, they are “ reeling back from
their third campaign upon Richmond, with
. 15,000 of the Grand Army sacrificed at one sweep,
and the rest escaping only by a hair’s breadth."
This blow has forced from them the admission
that their “ cause is perishing; hope after hope
has vanished ; and now, the only prospect" lor
the Doodles, “ is tbe very blackness of despair.”
While this is the case with our enemies, with
us—
‘ '‘There is faith in the st reams; there is hope in the hills;
z There is life in the old land yet.”
All that is necessary now to secure our inde
pendence is to prosecute the war with tenfold
vigor, to strike the enemy whenever we ctn
strike him, and to follow up our victories in
rapid succession. The light of truth is at last
bursting upon the benighted North; and we
must add to the brilliancy of the illumination, by
a vigorous prosecution of the war, and the puts
ting forth of all our energies in behalf of the
great cause in which engaged.
A Kino mads a Corporal.—At a Zouave banquet,
after the battle, several of the men spoke of the
gallant manner in which the King had behaved
at Palestro, and expressed, in their picturesque
language, interspersed with Arabic expressions,
their admiration of the Piedmontese sovereign.
Some proposed to send him an address of con
gratulation. “What is it you determine to do ?”
asked one of them. “What I” replied an old
sergeant, “is there any man, however high his
rank, who would not be proud to be called brave
by the Zouaves, who are, as the Emperor has
eaid, the first soldiers in the world!” “That is
true,” was the answer from all present. “Ah,”
exclaimed a bugleman, *“I have an idea; let us
nominate him to the rank of Corporal!” This
proposition was nn**’’imously approved of, and
the nomination was accordingly made with great
formality, the oldest sergeant standing up, and
with a loud voice solemnlv declaring, “in the
name of the third Zouaves, Victor Emanual, King
of Sardinia, is named to the rank of corporal in
the said fegiment.” And it was decided that a
document signedbv the wholeof the party present
should be sent to the King to acquaint him with
his promotion. This was done the next day, and
the King conceived the whole proceeding the
highest honor that could be conferred on him.
LATER FROM VIRGINIA.
Richmond, Va., Dec. 2M.—The rumors that the
onemy was crossing the Rappahannock, at Port
Moyal, are not confirmed.
Hampton’s Cavalry captured 170 prisoners, a
,4*y or two Biace, near Dumfries, Va.
SPEECH OF
HON. HERSCHEL V. JOHNSON,
DELIVERED IN MILLEDGEVILLE, GA., THURSDAY,
DECEMBER 4, 1862—REPORTED EXPRESSLY FOR
THS DAILY INTBLLIGENCER, BY A. E. MARSHALL.
At the hour of 7 P. M., Mr. Johnson entered
the Hall of tbe House of Representatives, accom
panied by Hon. A. E. Cochrune, of Glynn, and
Hou. Mr. Washington, of Bibb, and was greeted
with prolonged applause by the large audience,
who, notwithstanding the inclement night, bad
assembled. *
Mr. Washington, on announcing to the assem
blage the nami of the distinguished speaker,
said: In response to a call from a large uumoer
of his friends and fellow citizens at the Caoiiol
assembled, the Honorable Herschel V. Johnson,
Senator elect to the Congress of the Confederate
States of America, being now present, will ad
dress the people.
Mr. Johnson (Vice President Stephens occupy
ing the Chair,) rose and said :
Fellow-citizens; As has just been stated to you,
I appear here to-night, in response to an invita
tion signed by a large number of members of
tbe Senate and of the House of Representatives of
tbe State of Georgia, to address yen upon the
conditio® of our country.
The new relation which 1 occupy to the people
of Georgia, invests its citizens with the right to
Imy sentiments, and imposes upon me the duty
to express them.
I had supposed that my political antecedents,
since tbe rupture of the Charleston Convention,
in 1860, had consigned me to private lite. I was
sincerely content mat it should have been so. In
deed, at that time, I anticipated that such would
be tbe result; but I faced it firmly, because I was
honest in my conviction of duty and public pol
icy ; but the General Assembly of Georgia has
thought proper to assign me the position 01 Sen*
fator m the Congress of the Confederate States.
Whilst I question the wisdom of their choice 1
should be untrue to the feelings of my heart, if I
were to suppress my sense oi gratitude far this
distinguished evidence of public confidence. I
neither desired nor expected the Senatorial office;
but it would be uncandid to say that my election
is not a source of personal gratification; since
it makes me the recipient of a compliment of
which any man, under the circumstances, ought
to be proud. Therefore, in language as sincere
as it is simple, I thank the General Assembly for
the honor conferred upon me.
it is well known that I opposed the secession
of Georgia. Not that I doubted the right ot se
cession, lor 1 always, maintained it and I main
tain it still; [applause] but from reasons of
policy only. 1 desired the co operation of the
slave States in an honest and earnest effort to
maintain our rights in the Union if possible, and
defend them out of tbe Union if necessary.—
[Cheers.]
I believed that the preservation of the Union
was an object worthy of patriotic desire, and an
earnest effort by the united South for its accom
plishment. I bad hope of success—at all events
I thought the experiment ought to be made.
My humble counsels were over-ruied. Georgia,
as she bad the right to do, withdrew from the
Union and resumed her separate independence,
and, from that hour, I resolved that her fate
should be my fate; that her people were my peo*
pie, and that where they might be buriea there
would I be buried also. [Cheers, j The ship is
yet fast to its moorings; the passengers and cargo
on board are ready lor the voyage; the sky looks
stormy; the captain, hesitating to sail, submits
the question to the passengers, and by a Urge
majority they vote in the affirmative. Her cables
are loosed and her sheets are given to tne winds.
Anon, a storm springs up, the ocean is lashed
into fury, the vessel trembles and creaks from
stem to stem—she springs a leak, and the cry is
heard, ‘to the pumps I to the pumps!’
What wouldyeu think of that man Who would
turn a deaf ear to the call because he had voted
against the embarkation ? The indignant pas°
sengers would hurl him into the boiling deep to
struggle and perish in its billowed wrath. And
so say I. Georgia lay in port dissatisfied,
chagrined, enraged. The question was whether
she should loose her cables and trust her fate to
the wiuda and waves. I and many others, as true
patriots as ever trod her decks, said: No, don’t
be hasty the storm cloud is visible, let us pause
and see if it will be dispersed, or whether we
may not avert its threatened fury. But the ma
jority said cut loose, and give her to* the winds
and tbe waves: and now the storm is up, the
ocean is lashed into anger, the billows beat and
the thunders peal around her, and the cry is
heard from all quarters, “to the pumps, to the
pumps!” and I say woe betide that recreant son
who will turn a deaf ear to the thrilling sum*
mons. [Cheers.]
There is work" to do—bloody work—work for
brawn and brain—work for ah. Let every man
perform his part to bring our bark into calm
waters and a sunny port. It’s freighted with the
lives, the happiness and the liberties of eight
millions of freemen; the highest interests of hu*
man civilizatioa, and the last hope of republican
liberty. Let us have courage equal to the crisis;
fortitude commensurate with trial, and faith
strong as the bonds cf duty.
Our country, fellow citizens, is scourged by a
war that has no parallel, perhaps, in the annals
of history. It is unparalleled in the vast extent
of territory over which it spreads its pall of fire;
in its sacrifices of blood and treasure; the incals
culable interests involved; and in its influence
upon the condition es the world. Reaching
every branch of industry and capital, it effects
universal commerce. Affecting as it does the
precious principles of free government, thq fate
of republican liberty •is suspended upon the
issue.
For the present, my post of service will be in
the Confeuerate Senate. I feel humbled under a
sense of the grave responsibility. Who is equal
to it in this perilous hour of our country’s fate ?
“Fools rush in where angels fear to tread ;” and,
as for me, 1 would have rejoiced had the burden
been thrown upon some one more able to bear it.
I have spoken of the condition of our country,
under the figure of storms. We gaze with awe
upon the tempest ts it uproots the forest, shakes
the adamantine hills, and fills the vaults above
with the echo of its thunders. We are elevated
and inspired by the sublimity of the scene. But
I am almost overwhelmed with the magnitude,
and terror, and wrath, and carnage of this revo*
lution. It seems resistless as the tempest, and
may be destined to shake the nations like an
earthquake. Woat can I do—so feeble and short*
sighted, to stay its desolating march, or temper
the fury,* or guide the sweep of its- terrific wing ? *
But the post of duty has been assigned me, and in
the fear of God, and, I trust, with a proper appre
ciation of its responsibility, I will go and do the
best I can. [Cheers ]
Why tuch a war as this ? What have we done
to the North? When did we ever wrong her
people ? Why then are our gallant men slam m
battle, our soil invaded, our seaports beleagur
ed, our towns and homes threatened with fire and
desolation, our social and domestic institutions
imperilled, and the pepple of these Confederate
States sought to be subjugated ? it i# because
we assert and maintain the great American doc
trine that Government derives its just powers
from tbe consent of the governed, and that it is
the right of the people, when it becomes destruct
ive ot the ends for which it was ordained, to
throw it off and erect new safeguards for the
preservation of their liberties. The Federal Gov
ernment at Wasingtcn ignores these cardinal
principles of its own Constitution, substitutes
those of despotism. in their stead, and seeks to
force them upon us by tbe bayonet and sword.
We stand where our fathers stood m ’76—they,
where Great Britain stood, except that their ata
titude is more odious, because false to a common
and renowned ancestry and treacherous to the
Constitution which they profess to revere. But
eur fathers triumphed,"and, if true to ourselves,
under the blessing of Heaven, we may hope to
triumph also.
To insure success, we must have a clear con*
ception of tbe object to be attained. This under,
lies all the interests involved. It is primary and
paramount. Witboutit.it becomes an aimless
contest, and at every step we shall be bewildered
by increasing confusion, end fail in that concen*
tration of exergies which is indispensable to our
cause. What then is tbe object to be attained ?
Certainly not to prove that ours are more brave
and more skilltul in the use of weapons of war
than the Federal armies. Certainly not to con„
quer the North, by confiscating their property,
desolating their homes, destroying their people,
and uprooting their institutions. We would do
them no harm, if they would Jet ns alone; We
are willing to hold them, as we do the rest of
mankind, enemies in war; m pt ace, friends.
What, then, let me repeat, is the object we seek
to accomplish ? It is twofold ; first, to achieve
our independence, and finally to establish a good
government for ourselves and our posterity. The
one must be won chiefly by tbe sword ; the other
must be the offspring of wise and prudent states
manship on the part of officials, and stern virtue
on the part of the people. The one demands
a vigorous prosecution of the war; the other
unsleeping vigilance in guarding the rights and
sovereignty ot the States against the unauthormed
encroachments of power.
it is a fate! mistake to confound independence
with good government. Too many regard them
as syncnomous, while they are as distinct as light
is from darkness. Independence means merely
separate nationality—the recognized rig it to de
termine our own relations to and regulate our in
tercourse with other powers. Good government
implies the best political organism for the pro*
tection of popular rights anu tbe advancement of
its citizens in civilization and domestic happiness.
A political community may be independent; that
is, possess a recognized separate nationality, and
•still be the victims of despotism. Mexico is in*
dependent, but-its people are cursed with bad
government. The nations of continental Europe
are independent, but their people, without excep
tion, crouch beneath the iron heel of tyranny.
We may actfieve our independence, and in its
achievement we may lose popular liberty. Whilst
we are intent and unswervingly resolved upon
the achievement of the former, throughout all
the struggle, no matter how many phasesit may
present, the people and rulers must keep good
government in view as the end; if not, our rev
olution is more worthless than rags.
Fellow-citizens, pause tor a moment and con
sider the value of good government. It implies
the largest liberty of every individual citizen,
that is compatible with the general safety and
welfare. It implies a universal obedience to the
law that protects private property, private rights,
reputation, and life. It implies, necessarily, un«
der our system, a firm maintenance of the sov
ereignty of the States. [Applause.] Without
that, we shall drift into consolidation or some
form of despotism. We have abandoned the old
government of tne United States because tbe
sovereign rights of the respective States, and es*
pecially of tbe South, were not respected ; we
believed that our rights would not be safe in the
Union, and that we could not successfully resist
the encroachments of Federal power.
Then, keeping constantly in view the estab*
lishment of good government, as our ultimate
object, we must first achieve our independence.
This, I repeat, must be chiefly tbe work of tbe
swcrd—of our brave soldiers and their skillful
commanders. Looking to this element of sue*
cess, the past justifies cheering hopes for the
future. Considering cur inferiority in numbers
and equipments, the paucity of our means at the
beginning of the contest, and the fact that we are
thrown entirely upon our own resources, being
cut off from supplies through the ordinary chan*
nels of foreign commerce, it is wonderful that we
have not been overwhelmed. The old world stands
amazed at thesuccess of our arms. Since the war
began, we have fought more battles and won
more victories than crowded within the
same space of time. The balance of victories is
largely in our favor; the zeal of our people is
undiminished, and the courage of our soldiery as
indomitable as in the first hour of enthusiasm,
when they rallied in the tented field. Our ener
gies are being strengthened, dur resources multi
plied and developed, and our armaments of every
kind, augmented. We have no reason to give up
the contest. There is no retreat but in chains
and slavery—no submission but in dishonor and
degradatiqp* But we must be patient under
trials and privations, and, with willing hearts,
we must make tbe sacrifices which our condition
demands, for these constitute the price of liberty.
At her birth she was christened in tears and
blood. Thee* who expect the protection of her
divinitv must be i&sdy and willing to lay upon
her altar the costly offerings which she exacts
from her votaries.
Our armies must be furnished with clothing,
the sick cared for, and tbe families us those in the
field made comfortable by the bounty of those
Who remain at home. Here is a great work for
philanthropy and patriotism. It appeals io the
noblest feelings of our nature, and it is gratify
ing to witness tbe ‘promptness with which the
people everywhere are performing their duty.—
And it is equally gratifying to see the liberal
appropriations which this present General As
sembly propose to make to secure necessary com
fort and support for the families of soldiers in
the service of their country. There are some, it
is true, who are growing rich by traffic in tbe
necessaries of life. Necessity compels the pur
chaser to give all they ask, and they ask what
would make old Shylock blush. Let idem fatten
•upon their gains; it is the price which they pay
for the scorn stored up for them in the retribu
tions of their indignant country. Still it is true
and encouraging to the patriot’s heart, that tbe
great mass of the people, of all ages and both
sexes, are coming up to the work with an energy
and devotion that will illustrate the brightest
page of our history. Note how the patriotism of
our noble women shines out with bright and at*
tractive lustre. They weave, and knit,
and sew, while the tear of bereavement bedews
their cheeks. They mourn a husband, son, or
brother fallen in the strife, and yet, with tireless
hands, they tori on for the comfort of the surviv
ing brave. Let the work go on, till every sol*
dier in our army shall be clad and shod/ It is
as neceessary to access as armies and munitions
of war.
It is a solemn duty we owe to ourselves and
our cause, to hold up and strengthen the arm of
government, in all proper measures of resistance
to the common foe. We may criticise the mea
sures of Congress and of our military command
ers. It is right t.o do so. But it should be in a
spirit of candor and truth; in a spirit of generous
confidence towards them, and of tolerance and
forbearance among ourselves. They may err, but
there is. no reason to suppose that they wickedly
err. Our interest is their interest—cur doom is
their doom. Their honor and fame depend upon
success, and there is not a motive or considera*
tion that moves the bosom of man, that does not
plead trumpet-tongued for them to be honest,
patriotic, and faithful to the solemn trust com*
muted to their charge. I cannot say that I ap*
prove of all the a?ts of the Confederate Congress,
or of the leaders of our armies. But I do say,
that I am willing to forego, for the sake of our
cause, my objections to the former whilst I am
ready to confess, not being a military man, and
being far removed from tbe scenes of conflict,
that my animadversions upon tbe latter are en
titled to but little consideration. I will specify
the conscription laws, as my opinions respecting
them have been called in question. Ido honestly
and sincerely believe they are unconstitutional.
But I am willing to give due weight to the appa»
rent necessity for their enactment, and now that
they have gone into operation, I deem it wise to
acquiesce in their enforcement. At this critical
time of our country’s fate, who can calculate the
baneful disaster of a conflict between the State
and Confederate authorities?
The most difficult problem in the science of
Government —one which has not been solved—is
to provide a mode compatible with its structure,
its duration and vigor, by which tbe tendency to
centralism may be checked, and the rights of the
minority protected against the usurpations of tbe
majority. Without this, no government can be
perfect. The Constitution of the United States
contains nothing adequate to such an end and
ours being almost a literal transcript, the Confed
erate Government is consequently similarly imper
fect. The Southern States, for more than a quars
ter of a century, by argument, protest, warning,
’and threate-uing, sought to arrest tbe encroach*
ments of Federal power, and Abolition fanaticism.
But it was fruitless. In 1832, to resist the op
pression and injustice of the Tariff, South Caro*
iina adopted an ordinance of nullification. But it
was soon discovered that civil war and conse
quently tbe entire subversion of the government
would ensue. The Constitution contained no
mode ot peaceable redrew, no efficient check
against a headstrong majority. At last, tbe Con*
federate States have resolved on separation. This
bloody war is the fruit. Now, what are we to do,
if the Confederate Congress adopts uncoostitu*
tional measures ? Resist them ? How ? Shall
we nullify or secede ? The one inaugurates an
inter-revolution ; the other dissolves the Confed
erate States. Is this a proper time, then, ,to re
sist, by either mode, tbe Conscription laws—now
wuen we are engaged in a life and death struggle
for independence? No; but for the sake of our
cause I would acquiesce in their execution. This
1 would have tbe State to do; but, at the time, to
record her calm, deliberate, and firm protest
against their unconstitutionally, to the end, that
they may not have tbe force and- effect of prece<
dent.
Germain to this, I would warn my countrymen
against the fell demon oi party spirit. Let private
and individual opinions upon theoretic questions
be freely entertained, but eschew organized war
fare against any man—high .or low—w office or
out ot office for epinion’s sake. What we must
have is disinterested patriotism on tbe part of all
---union of all heads, hearts and bands against
the common enemy. If the exigencies and penis
of our condition be not sufficient to fuse us into
harmonious brotherhood, our cause is lost. We
are but playing a game of chance upon cur moth*
er’s coffin.
But whilst I speak thus, it is far from mv purs
pose to counsel indifference, on the part of the
people, to the measures of Congress and the con
duct of officials. They shoula be vigilant and
jealous of their rights and tbe sovereignty of tbe
States. They should study well the Constitu
tion ; they should hold public functionaries—
high and subordinate—to a rigid accountability.
They should be willing to make large surrenders
of opinion: but the argument of necessity has
its limits. It should never be tolerated in exo
cuse for measures subversive of republican
igovernuient. And here is a great work tor tbe
patriotic press of onr country. It is a tremen
dous lever of power— a curse, if venal—abless’ng,
if pare, patriotic and impartial and intelligent.
It ought to be the great seed sower of public
knowledge and virtue, for these are the bulwarks
of liberty. Let it sound the note of alarm, when
real danger threatens, but lend its energies to
rebuke faction when it seeks, unnecessarily, to
shake public confidence in the trusted agents
of the people.
dome entertain fears of a military despotism,
and think they see tendencies in that direction.
Our safeguard against that is in one harmonious
union and a generous confidence in the govern
ment, by the people and the army. I have no
idea that anv man in tne cabinet or the field feels
the first unholy aspiration for a crown. We may
possibly drift on to such a melancholy fate; for
revolution is always dangerous to liberty. But
if such a purpose should ever be conceived it
will not be until the people shall be torn by sacs
tion and party, and Congress, by imbecility or
corruption, shall forfeit public confidence. In
such a revolution as this—well understood by
the people to be for independence and good govs
ernment —anarchy must be in sight before des*
potism is to be feared. It was proposed to Wash
ington to assume a crown under the title of Pro*
tector. But it was not until after Congress bad
become utterly inefficient, lost the confidence of
tbe separate States, and wide-spread embarrass*
ment had well nigh destroyed the hopes and en
ergies of the country. The state of war itself is
almost a despotism. Military commanders must
be clothed with great powers, and soldiers train
ed to absolute and unquestioning obedience, en*
forced, if need be, by the most summary sane*
tions. Without this we should fose every battle,
and easily pass under tbe yoke. It looks like
tyranny, and it is well calculated to produce dis
satisfaction and alarm in the minds of a people
sensitive and jealous of their rights. Epauletted
upstarts may abuse their power, and even experi*
enced Generals may usurp, but Congress holds
the correcting rod. Call into the public couns
oils, ar d to all the high places of trust, your
ablest and purest men, who will adhere to the
Constitution, and bring with them a ripe and
comprehensive statesmanship. So far as good
government is concerned, our destiny is in our
own hands. Liberty is safe, while we are united
and virtuous: despotism will spring up only in
the confusion of anarchy, or the unrebuked cors
ruptions of power. We have an admirable Con*
stitution—not perfect, indeed, but perhaps as
nearly so as human wisdom can construct it. It
is certainly sufficient for good government if
honestly and faithfully administered.
It is a truth which we ought to know and ap
preciate as necessary to the development of all our
energies and resources, that we stand alone. If
we succeed, we must do so by our own might,un
der the favor of Heaven. We have not the heart*
felt sympathy, nor need we expect the aid of a
single nation of the earth. The indulgence ofde
lusive hopes on this score has done us injury. It
has encouraged some degree of apathy among the
people, and J presume it is the main reuse n why
our government, in the beginning, did not exert
its utmost power to create or procure a navy. It
was said France could not dispense with tobacco,
nor England with cotton, and from this was ar*
gued a speedy raising of the blockade, recognition,
and close of the war. I never entertained these
expectations. It is too gratifying to the jealous
thrones of Europe to see the Union ruptured and
the people cutting each ether’s throats. A success
tul republic is a standing rebuke to monarchy,
and a perpetual appeal to the oppressed to throw
off their chains. If France and England desire to
recognize us, they would hesitate to incur a war
with the United States. It requires them both to
hold Russia in abeyance, whose lustful eye is
eagerly fixed upon Constantinople.
Other reasons, additional, control the policy of
Great Britain. She does without our cotton be
cause she desires to cripple our monopoly of its
production, and, at the same time, encourage its
sufficient growth in some of her own dependen*
cies. She may not be able, but her ministry evi
dently think she can do so. Hence, though her
negro philanthropy is hollow-hearted, yet she
will rejoice at the overthrow of slavery here, bee
cause it will destroy this important branch of our
agriculture. .
Again, she will not provoke war with the United
States lest it might re-unite the North and South
for common defence. She does not know how
wide and deep is the gulf between the two sec*
tions she .wants to make wideband deeper, and
impassable. Hence, she pats both sections on
the shoulder, professes to sympathize with both,
and pretends to neutrality, while she drives an
unrestricted commerce with the North.
Nor should it be overlooked that, while she con
sume i our cotton, she also receives heavy expor*
tations of breadstuff's from the grain growing
States of the Northwest. The annual export of
these to Great Britain amounts to maoy'mdlions.
Hence, if tbe blockade of our ports cut, off' her
supply of cotton, war with the United States
would, to the extent of these figures, curtail her
breadstuff’s. I throw out these suggestions to
show the futility of any hope from foreign aid,
and the absolute necessity of concentrating
all our elements of strength—physical, moral,
and mental—for the achievement of our inde
pendence.
Indeed, I fear, rather than hope for, tbe inter
vention of foreign-powers. If it should ever
come, it will be either when we cease to need it,
or when we may be so enfeebled and exhausted*
as to be compelled to accept it on terms—terms
humiliating to us, but aggrandizing to them. If
it come, it will be for their benefit, not onrs.
Who can say they will not demand the emanci*
pation of slavery ? Or if our feebleness, or the
feebleness of both sections, should warrant such
insolence, who can doubt that they would reduce
all to colonial dependencies, or place over us
some miserable spawn of royalty as King?
These are shadows that flit across the dark of
the future. I hope they are indeed but shadows
Still, it is wise to provide for the worst as if its
coming were certain.
Self-reliance and the blessing of God is our
only hope. Let us realize it and act accordingly.
I shall detain you with but a single other re
mark. It is this,there are certain great cardinal vir
tues indispensable to good government. This is em
phatically tree of a government, like ours, based
upon the popular sovereignty. They are industry
economy, temperance, truth,’ justice,fortitude pa-’
tience, reverence for tbe laws, recognition of’the
Supreme authority of the Divine Being.acd hum-
ble trust in his goodness and mercy. These shoud
be tanght and practised from the nursery, through
ail ages and conditions, up to tbe highest fane*
tionary of the Government. The history of our old
Government shows how far our people North and
South departed from them and we are now under
going the chastisement of war. We do not seek
or desire to subjugate tbe North ; they never can
subjugate us—Forbid it Heaven ! But we shall fill
be chastised We are chastised. Though thebal
ance of victory is largely m our favor, still wqare
chastised by bereave nent and sorrow by sacrifices
aud privations in every form, and we shall be
chastised still until we refan to the piactice ci
the virtues of our forefathers on which they laid
the superstructure of our Government. Without
these virtues, like the Republics of Greece end
Rome, we shall be engulphed in the vortex of
licentiousness and infidility.
The distinguished orator retired from the stand
amidst the long and continued applause of tbe
meeting, having spoke one hour and fifteen min
utes. After this, calls were made for Vice President
Stephens, who at last ascended the stand. Upon
his appearance he was greeted with cheer after
cheer, which grew into a perfect storm of applause.
When the excitemet subsided and order was res
tored, Mr. Stephens addressed a few words of
apology to the assemblage as follows 5
Mr. Stephens said: Fellow-citizens: I arise
simply to return my acknowledgements for thio
complimentary demonstration. Ido not rise to
make any speech. I feel that it would be out ci
place. It is perhaps proper for me to say that my
presence on this occasion was to listen to the
distinguished Senator who has just spoken.—
Anything I could say would only mar the effect
which has been produced upon our minds. There
is in that speech material tor reflection for us all.
I beg to return you my sincere thanks for the
compliments you have paid me. (Applause.)
An exchange of courtesies between the distin
guished speakers and the members of the General
Assembly and citizens present closed tbe pre*
ceedings.
FROM GOLDEBUEO’.
Goldsboro’, Dec. 18,1862. I
1 o’clock, P. M. [
Dear Progress ; The enemy cannot be found
to-day. During the night be pulled up stakes
and left for parts unknown. His track, however,
may be traced in the direction of Wilmington.
Dense columns of smoke are to be seen on the
’me of the railroad, and apparently much further
off than the burning of yesterday. The who.’e
line of railroad, from the bridge over Neuse ts
far as Faison’s, that being the point last heard
from, has been torn up and destroyed.
Only one small building is left standing at
Dudley Depot, and whenever a farm house falls
in his track, it shares the fate of the railroad.
Never did an army, professing civilization, com
mit such wanton destruction of property. They
have entered the richest portion of our State, be
fore them is the garden of Eden, with tbe ginne
ries of the farmer well stored, behind is a deso
late waste. It is impossible to foim any estimate
of the amount of property destroyed, but to give
some idea of their Goings, tbe whole heavens
have been blackened with smoke since early yes
terday morning, extending from Lenoir up to the
l.uecf the road, embracing one-eighth of the
circle of the horizon. Wilmington is most prob
ably the point now threatened, and we can on.’y
hope, that our army there will be ready for
them.
The fighting yesterday continued until nearly
dark. Our forces were withdrawn at one time
to the north side of the country bridge, which is
about 500 yards above the railroad, but receiving
reinforcements, recrossed to the south side and
drove the enemy from his position.
I hear of several of our prominent citizensen
the other side of tbe river being taken prisoners,
but I forbear mentioning names, as I do not
know the facts.
Our hospitals are scattered over the country,
and 1 have not been able to gather tbe casualties
in the fight yesterday. Our loss, however, will
not exceed 250 killed and wounded. Two of the
wounded in the Seminary Hospital died last
night. Mr. Uarnard, formerly of Newbern, was
struck by a grape shot on the thigh, shattering
the bone so badly that an amputation was neces
sary. 1 learn this morning that he is dead.
suppose your correspondent will give details.
J.
THE situation;
from the Chattanooga Rebel. Dec.' Id
The Federal accounts, which reach us through
Northern fiies, upto the 13th, received by us,
give a gloomier account of tbe campaign in tbe
Mississippi Valley than we could expett. “The
position of our Mississippi army,” says the Louis
ville Journal of ihelOth, “is neither so promis
ing, nor so impregnable as we imagined when
the new programme was laid down; and we fear
another winter of masterly inactivity." On the
same head the Cincinnati Commercial “is as
sured that too much must not be expected of
Gen. Grant.” In tbe St. Louis Democrat, of the
10th, we find the following, which is even more
positive and specific:
An intelligent gentleman, direct from the front
of Gen. Grant’s army, gives us information that
the expedition against the rebels in the direction
of Grenada is likely tq prove barren of resuits.—
Gen. Grant toped that Pemberton would give
hum battle; and General Hovey’s flank movement
upon Grenada was designed to cut off the retreat
ot the rebels, and compel them to fight. It
seems, however, that epon Gen. Hovey’s arrival
at Grenada, “the bird had flown.” Pembertcn
and his whole army have retreated eas ward across
the country to the Mobile and Ohio Railroad, and
are probably attempting to form a junction with
Gen. Bragg. General Grant, for lack of trans
portation, cannot follow, and is brought to a
comparative s’and still. The work of reducing
Vicksburg having been consigned to other hands,
he has; it seems, been left the alternative of set
tling down in his present position, or of seeking
Pemberton, by the roundabout railroad route cf
Grand Junction and Corinth. A few days will
determine the future course of action. General
Grant is no idler, and tbe War Department wt.i
not let him decay for want of a job.
Concerning this “job,’’ if the Federate do net
give him one, the Confederates certainly will, and
so Gen. Grant is quite sure of “having something
to do.”
A dispatch to the Ph iladelphia Press, (For*
ney’s paper, dated Nashville, the 11 th, five days
after the battle of Hartsville, says :
Tbe rebels, under Gens. Joe Johnston, Bragg,
Cheatham, Forrest and Morgan, appeared m our
front in great force this morning. A battle is mo
mentarily expected near Hartsville. Reinforcer
ments are being hurried forward. Forrest holds
Clarksville with considerable force*
Our news from the line ot the Cumberland rep*'
resents the state of pending operations as at a
peculiarly emphatic »tatu qao, although the re
gion below Nashville is enlivened by daily skir
mishes which have given us several valuable ad
vantages and a number of prisoners.
General Forrest’s movements are judiciously
kept in close concealment. It seems to be the fixed
purpose of that officer Jo notify the enemy of his
whereabouts, before he allows his own friends
that pleasure. Gen. Bragg was however heard
to observe day before yesterday that he expected
a Christmas gift from him.
An Emeute Among the Yankees in Norfolk.—
We learn from a lady who left Norfolk a few
days ago. that a desperate fight occured between
the forces of the Provost Marshal and a large
number of soldiers in that town at the theatre,
on Monday night last. It appears that the per*
romance had concluded, when tbe usual voci
feration of cheers succeeded. As they began io
subside, some one proposed “Three cheers for
Jeff. Davis and his Cabinet!” when applause
again shook tbe buildings. This was followed
by a proposition from another quarter, of “Three
cheers for Lincoln and his Cabinet,” which was
received with faint applause and overwhelmirg
hissing and groans. The minority at once dis
patched information to the Provost Mashal, who
rapidly mustered a strong force and pitched into
the disaffected mob. A tierce melee ensued, re*
suiting finally in the capture of three or four hut*
dred of the disturbers, who were locked up in
Fort Norfolk.— Richmond. Enquirer, Dea. 19.
Cushing is spoken o! as President of Har
vard. No chair could be filled by a softer one-