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by JAMES GARDNER
■ MESSAO-E
'f OF
I PRESIDENT DAVIS.;
■ j., ~ sna> ami B**v> of of IK
I I C'j * StaU* :
■ ' -had*:* of yooriaot aJ ourament the pre«
■ f. 0 “ ui ;h8 easm;- lor furtoer Postiiiiiea dad
so csnaciDg *a aspoct as to exc.te .a
2. ,w.reben«o'» ot jur aOtl.ty to meet
■ • is w sroid serious
■ ’ r.-se preparatioos were completed
V ~’\y, »•••-. -our depart .re ; ' -m the seat ot Uot-
V *r‘±{t ’lo . the a?o,:ee >C -ae United hta-.es
Ta mil ineous adraace >c our frontiers, on
R ilU i e »it i. .v-rs, and 'ttUi Atlantic coast, in
f kuS s.* • - -.t as t■.) evince lasir hope of over-
M -V&&ZC: by mr* »eigat of nurn-
Ji ' s ‘ V / tJii
J a . u v.-ur loes, lias vanished. In Vir*
Cj ■‘“'l ■ attempt iz invasion by armies j
w- as*: c : access ▼as confidently predicted, i
• J °* ° M ‘ M decisive ropulse. Our noble de* j
' V * UP 1/r :ii<?c.n: emulate .eldership ot’their ]
ijU ; ’ v re Ja'aiu. *iLvede.-cksaurg, indicted i
' p,* M j et ijr Cl jt*ra* Bainei.de the like
--ru ; v ,V./w a? ..*d been previously* auf»
v.' v receive iatrading armies com*
1 -i.rui** MoL>o»el!, McClellan, end
| a ;*u W*r \ • ostiuaw bni *3 hare beens ought
, ’ * Vil * .ii -s, marked oy fright, ui car*
u o»*. ’ iiw* eaMD|’i hopes ot leu :
- e i'gaia been baffled, white at j
nsourg r formidable expedition h.*s |
•i re •■:!<* *d'» i inconsiderable loss on <Ar j
-uJ = e<E mjge t'* the assailing forces. — .
“ V i ’ .*>f the *necny has been unable !
' ' ’ Of\ »ij(t th ??r reeling abetter of !
■ ~ . ’)»-• ciiy ot GaWeston has just oeen j
- er u v. . ■ oree*, which auct-edea not only J
t ,io garriaoj 4 cut of one ot the j
■ :. ■ «, . > carried br j
- iron* river d»eaaiorß.
■ * *'**■ ’jof.f;- tg. uw haW«r-er vwhere been much
•- a ii.«J itnpr i »d iff. r-ling assurance
e«L w :cesa, tba stsmt
j . . i: s. la aptte of toe magnitude
I
amj cause tor
,
• • K ghtj
; .. • w "• . b
iriib ale, lui elj n uu»
,i j. •• >; *aese Coat cue ate States have
• a n'‘* r :-r:- ie leabcna taughi by history
he ■ . • man, than they ii+ve utl -r a**
;| i -.i'-mrie ot the :mp-*»iitbiutyi oi «»uo»
B *..uioos*r»> i .n. k * no superiority of nuaibets or
...aOif re* r * • can o-ercom-i U.e rehistunce
■ , by >.*m • .or :a combat, such couotar.cy
j jder safferin;, ad aueb cheerful endurance of
I , vatioo as oar been coaepicuoasly displayed
■ . ;ui» pe 'p’e nMe defence of their rights and
>crlie-- The an. cipatioaj with which we ea
■ .e.cd into t:-*. :• n:-lt have now ripened imo a
Ic ovic.io i void, s not oaly shared w.th us by
common opinion of neutral nations, out is
* c.ei*:y forcing uelf upon our enemies them*
4. v.-e. It »*•: bet ’iiarLtbe history of the present
by fe-ionte , •rflrveYa.uc.* .a the path wehave
R
otu.ai r a • Ms !*es>.i'-e< r>r delcace. -tad by
■ ;.e on: i j-dexb utiojot ‘.he siaii uafalisr^ug^
M . ;rag? in r«:• •*&[',■ rs ml aQfc cotfßuct in their
■ .;.*ders as b die logtiished the pis:, we bare
I rery 'o expect that this will be the clow
| ag year or the war. The war, which in its in*
■ v. »;»unn, vr.'.-* w .54 ?d forf ircing us back into the
[ ..’.iioa, fa-’icg tailed to accomplish ihat purpose,
■ ,*-sed mi■■*• » second »t»ge iu watch it was &;«
.-mpied Uj canon v and rule these S ates as de*
I provinces. Defeated in this secojd de«»
I • «f n » oureoMEtee hare evideatiy entered upon
I which can bare ao other purpose than
■ tvv*Dga aid thirst tor blood aud plunder of pri
..{* properiy. Hut however implacab * may
b a . they ml uaye neither the spirit uor the
:rcee requ> *d for a fourth year of u struggle
. jet - , oy an) hope c f supcess, kept uiive
I «• idy jr the- of mercenary an i wicfc
..-i , as*: >oe, .*nd demaodiag so exhaustive au
I uu. u.oud uud money as has hitherto
I j imposed on thein p*eoj.ie. The advent of
.'i.-j a . Ce ha .ed with joy. Our desire tor it
I ,*s bea c oncealed Our efforts to avoid
I .. *a. lor.ea ou os as ;t was, by the lust of cou
I iu«stau<i the iusane passions of our foes, are
I iiuaa 10 inmktnd* But earnest as has beeu oiir
■ .-.M ft r peace ana great as have beru our sacri*
y.cs and auficgs during the war, the de erini*
j .*tion ot this people baa with each succeeding
nuotli become more unalterably fixed, to endure
I >av suil- j ;* Ok’S -nd continue say saenboes, hiort
rrer proiooged. until their ngQt to self tfovern-
I .;.ssi aai the soversigaty and indepeodeuce o«
.voSiii s£a:i Cave beeu tnumpbanly vindicax |
I™ -.I «Qd drmly established
.*' tb s : .unec’.oo, the occasion seems pot un- 1
uO - to* ' ne reference to the relations be* !
u ih» O.onlederacy aud the neutral powers 01 ;
**pe J n e the separation )l these States from 1
or ot tr.e S T a:es now members of the Cou* i
.*:raev were rec igoized by mime as mdepen* j
_ r. s>v -<r>t;es iu a treaty 0: peace conclude 1
. iDc year 17r-3. with one of tue two great aura*
vme powers d Western Europe, and has been, I
:. sr to ihat period, allies in war ot ibe other. In
-eyeai 1 IT’S they lormwl a Cuion with nine
:ser States under Articles of Confederation.—
•|s ' ■••atiitied wth that Doion three of them, Vir«
g death Carolina and Georgia, together with ,
ght 0: the .States now members of the United
I • ates, seceded from it m 178 V, and these eleven
I * .-ceding States formed a second Union, Although
' 7 the terrrHcftbe Articles of the Confederation j
i. rr.-a p*orisi< n was made that the first union «
doe perpetual. Their right to seced •, not- i
R '* ; standing this provision wis neither contest* !
I - y the from which they separuted. nor ,
i-ae rhe sobiecr of disr.ussiou with anr third
•v * When, at a late" re r t d, North tfuroima '
I’i *M tT sesoxd .;Bioc. aui when stui j
• :-r, ie ./her seven Status, now members of i
s C m'ederaay. beoum*- t >0 members of the j
• c-iar.i independent sovereignties, nor uau ;
a-u eutrred into the minds of men that eov. !
States cou'd be compelled, by force, o re- 1
-m members of a Contede»-at:(»n mto which they i
H • of their own ir«*ejr: , .|, if, at a suhse^
- ‘ period, the defense of their safely ana
r -houid, in their judgement, justify with- !
■ The experience of the past had evinced !
T : '*htv i.f any roonnciati'-a >i such inherent j
•vs, “Oil accordingly the provision for perpe*
confined m the Articles of Confederation of,
■ /5 was omitted m the Constitution of 178&. '
v Q, ttieretore, in IB#>l eleven of the States
I --Min thought proper, 'or reasons satisfactory to ,
. .-mselves!, to secede from the second union,'and
torm a tnird one under an amended Consutu*
a, they exercised a right which, being lube*
Jt, leßUired no justification to nations, !
I aud which international law did not permit them
I jUeauon. The us: ge* of atercourse between
4 '-wns, do, however, require that official com- *
- Miudtiun be made to friendly powers of ail or* I
I mic changes in the Constitution of States, and 1
.;ire was obvions propriety :u giving proapt ;
H suran.'e of our desire to coatinu*! amicabii rela*
t.jas w.:h all maukind. It was under the in- ■
■ f-iace of ;tese cousiderations that vour prede*
■ - =vjra, be Provisu*oaV O»v;-an»ot, took earl r
AUGUSTA, GA., WEDNESDAY MORNING, JAN.JtI, 1863.
measures for sendiog to Europe Commisssioner* !
charged with the duty of visiting the capitals of
the different powers, *nd staking arrangements
for :he opening of more foriail diplomatic in -er j
ooune,
; f*nor, however, to the arrival abroad of those
! Commissioners, tbe United States had com mem. - ‘
j ed aoetilities against toe Confederacy by dispatch 1
.Dg a secret expedition for the rein tor cement *
of kert Sumter, after an express promise to the j
contrary, »nd with a duplicity which has been |
fully unveiled in a former message. They had "
also addressed communications to the different 1
Cabinets of Europe, in which they assumed the
attitude of being sovereign over this Confederacy,
s ieging that these iudependant States were in
rebellion against the remaining States of the
Union, and threatening Europe with mam testa.* 1
tions of their displeasure if it should treat the Con- 1
federate States as having an rndependem exist* !
ence. It soon becamejtnowu tnar these y>reteo»
aions were not considered us aosurd abroad as
they were known to be at home, nor had Europe
yet iearned what reliance was to be placed on
tnn official statements of the Cabinet at Washing
ton. The delegation of power grauted by these ;
I States to ihe Federal Govern men t to represent
j them m foreign intercourse had lud Europe into ,
tbe grave error o' supposing tuat their separate
• sovereignty aod independence had been merged
j mto aecommoQ sovereignty, and had ceasedlo
have a distinct existence. Under the influence of j
inis error, which all appeals to reason and his tor.* !
real tact were vainly used to dispel, our Commis* 1
aioaers were met by the declaration ihat foreign
Governments could not assume to judge between :
the confficting reprasentatiana of toe two parties
as to the true nature ot their previous mutual re*
I tai'.ons* The Governments 1 Great Britain and
j France accordingly signified their determination
I to coniine taemseives to recognizing the self \
| evident fact ot t e exiaience of a war, and to
j n.im aiu.ug a atrie: neutrality during its pro*
g;*?s of the otbei t awera ot Europe pur
sued the same course ot policy, and it oecame i
i apparent that by some unceretaading, express or j
i Europe had decided M u-ave the inutalive iu j
1 all action touching the contest on this continent
jk» tae two p -wersjust named, who were rco og* I
j mz-a to have the largest ateiests involved, both |
0> .-o*ib«>u ot proximuy. and ot the extec* aid
n.iiUiaoy of Uieir comajeruial relations‘ with the j
*va -s jogaged iu war.
C* .s maoiteet that the course of action adopted
by Europe while based on an apparent ralu>al 10 )
uecercßis*e the question,or t-» aide with either par* !
ly, was in point of fact an actual dec«s»oa against j
oar rightß, and in favor of tue groundless preten*
oicas o£ :he United Saties, it was a reiu.sai tj
tre*f u. j as un independent Government. If we I
were independent States, the refusal to eater turn
with or the same international intercourse a-? »as J
maintained with our enemy, was unjust. an<i was j
injunc js its effe;ta, whatever tnuv utve b»eu j
the jiotiva that prompted it. Neither was it ini
accordance with the htgn moral obligations of
teat iuteraationu 1 code whose cniet sauc'-ion 1.- iu
the »ausc.eace of sovereigns and the public opin
ion of mankind, that those eminent powers should
decline the performance ot a duty peculiarly in
cumbent on them, Iroin anv apprehension or the
consequences to tnemselves. Oue immediate aud
necessary result oI the.r declining the resp*»ns;-
buuv ot u decision which must have beeu averse
to the extravagant pretensions of the Untied
.Star *g, was ti e prolongation ot hostilities to
wbi-b our enemies were thereby encouraged and
which kuve rerulied iu nothing but scenes of car*
uage anc devasiaiion on this Coniiueui. aud of
misery ana suffering on the other, such as hav«
scarcely a parallel in history, llad loose yuw-
MK9 aUoa»iU«i oar rigtu io be *t ea>ed MS
all '.hef maepeudeat nattoas, none can doubt
tba the rnorai effect of such action would have
bien to dispel the delusion uuder which tue Uui
ted States have persisted iu iheir etiorts U' accom*
plish our subjugation. To the continued hesua
(tun of the same powers in rendering this act of
simple justice inward this Confederacy is slid
due the continuance of .the calamities which man- !
i.nd suiters »roui the interruption of its peaceful |
pursuits, bovh ia the old and new world.
There are other matters in which less than jus (
lice has been rendered to this people by neu.ral
Europe, and undue advantage comer red uu the
aggressors in h wicked war. At the inception of
hostilities the ot the Confederacy
were almost exclusively agriculturists; those ot
the United States, to a great exteut mechanics
aud merchants. We had nc commercial marine,
while their merchant vessels covered the ocean.
We were without a navy, while they had power*
tut ffeets. The advantage which they possessed
1 r inflicting irjurv on our coasts and huroors
was thus counterbalanced in somj measure by the
exposure of 1 heir commerce to attack by private
aimed vessels. It was known to Europe toat
within a tew years past the United Stales Lad
peremptorily reiused to accede to proposals for
abolishing privateering, on the ground, as alleged
by tuern, that nations owning powerful fleets
would thereby obtain undue advantage over those
1 possessing intenor naval forces, k’et no sooner
was war flagrant between tbe Coufederacv aud
I the Ua’.Vid States, than the maritime powers of
| Europe issued orders prohibiting either party
*. m b'iug’.ug priZjs iuu> their pol ls. This pro
;mo tion, directed with apparent impartiality
! agaiost both oelligerents, was in reamy effective
i ugahat the C<mtederute States alone, f-.r they
i iione could And a hostile commerce on the oceau.
' Merely nominal agaiust the Uuited states, the
j prohibition operated with intense severity on the
1 ijooicaeracy, by dtpriviug ii oi the only means
j jl ma*ataiu;ng, wun some approach to equality,
j its struggle on the ocean against the crushing au«
pj 'torny of naval force pooseessed by it-* eneim-s.
The value and efficiency of the weapon which was
thus wrested from our grasp by the combined acs
ti n ot neutral European powers, m favor of a
nation wmea professes openly i.s infeution of
ravaging their commerce by privateers in any fu*
;ure war, is strikingly illustrated by the terror
among the commcicial classes of the
j United h ates by a smgie cruiser of the Confed* •
• era?y. Oae rational stc*..mer, commanded hy 1
| offi -'is and manned by a crew who are debarred, ]
! by the closure ot neutral ports, from the oppor* l
j tunity or causing captured vessels to be cou
j Ceunid n their favor as prizj, has sufficed to I
: jr jo! j ihe rates oi marine insurance ia Northern
i p.ii**s acd consigned to forced inaction numbers i
0: Northeru vessels, inaidilicn to trie direotdam* !
j a 4O Uifl.cted by captures at sea. How ditficu’t, !
, then, to overestimate the » ff’ects that masi have
j been produced by tne hundreds of private armed
. -.'e- •*s G a* wouid Lave swept tbe seas ia pursuit 1
<»* the cuiumerce ot oar enemy, .t tue means'ol ;
d s ■ .'*.ng us their priz-s hah not been withheld
0y ’tie ;.ct oa of ueuitei Europe.
, li it it ia especially in relation to the so-called ;
1 blockade »t our coast that the policy of European
1 pu A- rs has oeen ro shaped as to cause the great
est injury to the Uonleueracv, add to confer s g- !
*al aavuutages on the Uaitea Btates- The im |
| pm ranee ji ih;s subject requires same develop*
Prior ;o the year lSoti, the principles regulating
this subject were to be gathered from tbe writings
1 ot eminent publicists, tue decisions of admiralty
; courts, latcruauoual treaties, and the u-ages ot
! nations. The uncertainty and doubt which prt*
1 vailed iu re er nee to the true rules of maritime
• law, iu iime 01 war, resulting from the discordant
- and often conflicting principles announced froth
1 suen varied aud independent sources, had be
-1 cotne a grievous evil to mankind. Whether a
: blockade was allowable against a port not invest*
| ed by land as well as bv sea; wbether-a blockade
was valtd by sea if the investing fleet was merely
I sufficient to render ingress to the blockaded port
“evidently dangerous,” or whether it was further
required for its legality tbft .t should be eutfis
cient ‘‘really to prevent adwess;’’ and numerous
other similar questions ha# remained doubtful
| and undecided.
Animated by the highly jaonorable desire to
, put an end “to difference ofi&pinion between neu*
traisand belligerents, which niav occasion serious
dithculties and even contli&», '(I quote the of-»
! ficial language.) the fire great powers of Europe,
together with Sardinia ao£ Turkey, adopted, in
the following “solemn declaration’’ of
Iprinciples:
1. Privateering is. and reaa;as abolished.
2. The neutral dag covers enemy’s goods, with
the except on of contraband of war.
j 3. Neutral goods, with theftxception of contra*
bapd of war. are not liable to iptnre under ene*
• my’s flag.
4. Blockades, :n order to fc -. binding, must be
I effective; that is to say, maciraiaed by a iorce
sufficient really ro prevent access to the coast of
tne enemy.
Not only did this solemn declaration announce ;
| *o the world the principles to which the signing ,
powers agreed conform ia future wars, but it !
j contained a danse :o which those power- gave !
: immediate effect, and which provided that the ■
i States, uot parties to the Congress of Paris, I
should be i37itea to accede to ue declaration, j
(Jcder this invitation every independent 8-tUe in i
, Europe yielded its absent; at lens;, no instance is '
knuwu to me of a refusal: ;*nd the United States, ;
l while declir ng to assent to the proposition
! which prohibited privateering, declared that the
three remaining priuciples were n entire accor*
dance with their own views of-international law. j
I No instance is known in ht3tory d the adoption
of rules of public ’aw under ctr.gmstances of
iike solemnity, with like unanimity, and pledging
the faith of na'ions with a sanotity so peculiar. 3
; When, therefore, the Confederacy waa formed,
and when neutral powers while ueferruyjfcchou
i on its demand for admissaion tot > tiJßh.lv of
nations, recognised it us a '.ti 'ietefFpowei,
Great Bnt i a and France mad „ ifW-m d propn*
I s&ls about the same nine that own j ights a.s
I neutrals should be tzuaraateedoßy our dcced ng,
| as beli.geren's, to the declaration of principled j
I made by the Co ogre 33 of Paris. The request w*e l
t addressed to our sense of justice, and therefore I
met immediate favorable response in the resolu*
j tions of the Provisional Cong: -.-* of the 18th of ■
; August, 1961. by which ail the prre -inles aunouQc- !
j ed oy the Congress of Paris were adopted as the !
guide of cur conduct dyring ■ war, with the i
sole exception of that relative to privateering.— t
! As the right to make use of pri- was one in f
• which neutral nations had, as to t ! . e present war, ;
| no interest; as it was a right which the United
States h; d refused f • abandon ; n*l which they
remained at liberty to employs i: in-it us ; ss It
! was .i right of which wr w*ro a ady in actual
I enjoyment, and which'we couKl ; t be expected
j to ten uace, flagrant oello, agains* m adversary
possessing an overwhelming superiority of n.tval
t wees, it was reserved with endre mfidonce that
ueutrai nations cocld not fail to perceive that
just reason existed fur the reservai*on. No: was
this confidence misplaced, for tty official docui
meats published by the British Government,
usually called "11 ue Books,” contnin the expres
sion of ihe satisfaction of that Gayerouiem with
the conduct of the officials who c»uducted suc
cessfully the delicate bus.ness collided to their
c oarge.
These solemn declarations of principles* this
implied agreement between the Confederacy and
the iwj powers just named, nave been suffered
to remain inoperative against the menaces and
outrages on neutral rights, committed by the
United with incr«cuujl£ OrogresMug
arrogance during the whola- <4 ik* wht.
Neutral Europe remained passive when the
United States, with a uaval force insufficient to
ol ckade, etf.ctively, the coast of a ingle State,
proclaimed a paper blockade of thousands ot
miles of coast, extending Iron* the capes ot ihe
Chesapeake ro those of Florida, and encircling
the Guii ot Mexico from Key West to the moutu
ot ihe Kio Grande. Compared with this no n
i-stroud pretension ol the United States, the
' blockade known id history, under the names ot
1 the Berlin and MiLn decrees, and the British
orders tn Council, in the years 1806 and 13t>7
sink into insignificance ! Yet those blockades
were justified bv the powers that declared them,
on the sole ground that were retaliatory ;
ye*, those blockades have since been condemned
by the publicists of those very powers as viola*
lions ot international liw ; yet those blockades
evoked angry remonstrances from neutral powers,
amongst which the United States were the most
conspicuous; yet those blockades became the
# „hiei cause ot the war between Great Briiain and
the United States m 1812; yet those blockades
were one of the principal motives that led to the
declaration of the Congress of Pans in 1856 ; iu
the food hope of imposing an enduring check
on the vtry abuse of maritime power, which is
now renewed by the United Stales in 1861 and
1862, under circumstances and with features ot
aggravated wrong without precedent in history.
The records ot our >iate Department contain
the evidence of the repealed uud foimal remon
strances made by this Government to neutral
powers against the recognition of this blockade,
it Las been shown by evideuceuot capable ol con
trud.ciion, and which has been furnished in part
by the officials ot neutral nations, that the few
porta of this Confederacy, beiore which any naval
forces at all have ueeu stationed, have been iu*
ve.-ted so inefficiently that hundreds ot entries
ha7e been effected into them since the declaration
of the blockade; that our enemies have them
selves admitted the luefticieucy of their blockade
in the most forcible manner oy repeated Uum.
complaints of the sale, to ie, ol goods cM.ira
baud of war, a sale .whicu -odd uot possibly ef*
feet thetr interest.? if thtir
was sufficient ‘‘really to prevent access to our
coast;” that they have, gone farther, and have al
leged their inability tu render their paper block
ade effective as the excuse lor the odious barbar
ity of destroying the entrance to one of our har
f bora by sinking vessels loaded with stone m the
j chaonei; that, our commerce with loreig.i nations
! has been iate:c< pted, not by the effective invest.,
| meat A our ports, nor by me seizure -of ships in
• the attempt to «.ater them, but by the Capture o«
j tde high .v. -3 of neutral 7t.s-.eis by the c. uisers of
j our encores whenever supposed to be bound to
any point cu our extensive caa.-r, Without enquiry
; whether a single bloc fading vessel was io be
! found tt such point; that biuckading vessels have
| le;t the posts at which they were a-auoned for
, distant expeditions, have. been absent f r mahy
I days and have returned, without notice either td
j ihe Cirfa&attcn or renewal oi the blockade; in a
i void, tha: every prescription ot maritime taw,
I and every right ol U-uirii nations to trade wttu
I a belligerent under th • sanction of principles
I. .’vt.dore'laiver&aliy respected, have been-ys»
tetnaticai.y and persistently violated oy the Uni
ted S ates. Neutral Europe has received cur res
i uiouatrauces and has subtr.ated id a)tuo6t uus
Dtokeu sneoce to all the wrongs that tre United
t state.* ha7e chosen to iu6;ct on iis commerce.
The Gabinei ot Great Britain, however, has not
conhaed itself to such iispiied acquiescence in
th'»e breaches of international law as results
from simple inaction, hut has, in a published
dispatch to the Secretary or .State for Foreign 1
Affairs, assumed to make i change in the princi
ple euuucia ed by the Congress of Paris, to
which the faith of the British Government was
considered to be pledged; a change too impor
tant uni too prejudicial tome interests of the
Confederacy to be overlooked, and agaiust which
l Lave direced solemn protest to be made, after
vain attempt to obtain satistactory explanations
from the British Government. In a published
dispatch from her Majesty’s Office, to her Minis,,
•
ter at Washington, under date of 11th February
1362, occurs the lollowin* passage:
“Her Majesty's Government, however, are of
opinion that assuming that the blockale wasd ilv
notified, and also that a number of ships are sta’*
tioned and remain at the entrance of a port si-ib*
; atrai really to prevent access to it, or “to create an
; evident danger of entering it or leaving it,” and :
j that these ships do not voluntarily permit in* i
i gress or egress, the fact thai various ships may !
have .successfully escaped through it (as in the 1
particular instance here referred to) will not of it* I
self prevent the blockade from being an effectual I
one by international law.”
The words which I have quoted are an addition
made by she British Government of its own au
, thonty to a principle, the exact terms of which
were settled with deliberation by the common i
! consent of civilized nations, and by implied con- I
ventien with this Government, as already ex !
; plained, and their effect is clearly to re open to !
j the prejudice of the Confederacy one of the very
! disputed questions on the taw of blockade, which
{ toe Congress of Fans professed to settle. Tne
| importance of this change is readily illustrated by ,
! taking one of oar ports as an example. There is !
, evident danger in entering the port of Wilmmg- j
j ton from the presence of a blockading force, and |
by this test the blockade is effective. “ Access is !
j not really prevented” by the blockading fleet to j
1 The same port, for steamers are continually arriv- I
i mg and departing, so that tried by this test "the
blockade ia ineffecpve and invalid. The justice
; of our complain: on this point is so maaifest as
J to leave little room for doubt that further refl^c*
I -ion will induce the Bru sh Government to give
us such assurances as will efface the painful ini'*
pres-'tone that would result from ns lansuac f
left unexplained. 6 6 ' '
Fruin the foregoing remarks you will perceive
tha; during nearly two years of struggle, in which
every euergy of our couutry has been evoked lor
maintaining its very existence, the neutral na
tions ot Europe hare pursued a policy which,
jOLainahy impartia., has been practically most
lavorable to our enemies and most detrimental
| The exercise of the neutral rights of Musing
carry into their porta to prises tak.-h by both
belligerents, was emtneacly hurtful to the On*
federacy. It was sternly asserted and main
tained.
The exercise of the neutral right of commerce
with a belligerent whose ports are not blockaded
by fleets sufficient really to prevent aoceM to
i them, would have been eminently hurtful to tbe
• United States. It was complacently abandoned.
The duty of neutral States to receive with cor
diality and recognize with respect any new con *
ledetat on That independent S.ates may think
proper to form was too clear to admit of denial but
u» postponement was eminently beneficial to the
Uniied States and detrimental to the Confeder
acy. It was postponed.
In this review of our relations with the neutral
natious of Europe, it has been my purpose to point
out distinctly that this Government has no com
plaint to make that those nations declared their
neutrality. It could neither expect nor desire
more. The complaint is that the neutrality has
been rather nominal than real, and that recog
nized neutral rights have been alternately as*
serttd and waived in such manner as to bear with
great severity on us, and to confer signal advan
tages «>n our enemy.
1 have hitherto refrained from calling to your
attention this condition of our relations with
foreign powers for various reasons. The chief
of tjese was the fear that a statement of our jnst
grouudsof complaint against a course of policy
so injurious to our interests might be conatrueo
inn? an apnea) fur aid. Unequal as we were ia
mere numbers and available reow*rt*>* «tt.
enemie?, we were conacious of powers of resist*
ance, in relation to which Europe was incredu*
loub, and our remonstrances were there/ore pe- f
cuuarlv I able to be misunderstood. Proudly
m?l*.reliant, the Confederacy knowing full well [
the character of the contest into which it was
forced, with fall trust in ihe superior qualities of !
its population, the superior valor of its soldiers,
the superior skill of us Generals, and above all
tu the justice of its cause, felt no need to appeal
for ihe maintenance of its rights to other earth*
ly aids, and it began and has continued this
struggle withthe calm confidence ever inspired in
those who with consciousness of right can in
voke the Divin • blessing on their cause. This
confidence has been assured that we have never
yielded to despondency under defeat, nor do we
feel undue elatiou at the present brighter pros
pect of successful issue to our contest. It is,
theref< re, because our just grounds,of complaint
can no longer be misinterpreted that I lay them
clearly before you. It seems to me now proper
to give you the information, and although uo
immediate results may be attained, it is well that
truth should be preserved and recorded It is well
that those who are to follow us should under#
siand the full nature and character of the tre*
mendous conflict m which the blood of our peo•
pie bus been poured out like water, and in which
they have resisted, unaided, the shock of hosts
which would hare sufficed to overthrow many of
the powers which, by their hesitation io accords
ing our rights as an independent nation, imply
doubt of our ability to maintain our national ex*
istence. It may be, too, that if in the future
times, unfriendly 'discussions, not now antici
pated, shall unfortunately arise between this
Confederacy and some Europeon power, the re
collection of our forbearance under the griev
ances which I have enumerated, may be evoked
with happy influence in preventing any serious
disturbance of peaceful relations.
It would not be proper to close my remarks on
the subject of our foreign relations without ad
verting to the tact that the correspondence be*
tween the Cabinets of France, Great Britain and !
Russia, recently published, indicates a gratifyicg 1
advance m tbe appreciation by those governments j
of the true interests of mankind, as involved in
the war on this continent. It is to the enlight* ]
ened ruler of the French nation that ihe public '
feeling ot Europe is indebted for the first official
exhibition of its sympathy for the sufferings en
dured bv this peopie with so much heroism, of its
horror at the awful carnage with wh.ch the l
progress of the war h«.s been marked, and of n 9
desire for a speedy peace, f iie clear and direct
intimation contained in the ! ±oguage of ihe
French note that our ability io maintain our
independence has been fui.v established, v.ms
not contr verted by tut* answer of either of ihe
(Jamnets to which it was addressed.
It. is ied.-ed difficult t > mceiv .• a j is:
fora louger dauy oil this suij*vt utter reading
the following statement of t. cts contained r» the
letter'•maimf;tig from the Minister of Ins Imperi
al Msjssty : “ There lias been established from
the very beginning ol this war an ••quiubnunri <»U
lorces between the belligerents, which has since
been almost continually main lamed, and, after
the spilling <dsu mu.di b o »d, they are to-day,
io this respect, in a situation which has uot sen
sibly changed. Nothing authorizes the prevision
that more decisive militaiy operations will short
ly o-enr. According to the last advices received
in Europe, the iwo armies were, on the Contrary,
iu a condition which ptrmitted neither to hope,
within a short delay, advantages s i fficiemly
m&rktd to turn the bilauce definitely, and to
accelerate the conclusion ot peace.” As this
1 gover&ment haa never processed tne intention of
conquering the United S ates, but has simuly
as erted its ability to defend itself against being
conquered by tbat power, we may safely conclude
i that me claims of this Confederacy to its just
■ place iu tbe family of uations cannot long be
i withheld, after so frank and formal an adoiissiin
l of its capacity to cope on equa l terms, with its
- aggressive foes, ana to maintain itself again*.
VOL., 16----N0 3,
arms **** to °* >ta ' n deciß * T ® results ny
i It is my painful duty again to inform you of
, the renewed examples of every concsiyaol
-1 r^, C e%?°. mmlUe ? w- T * he "“ed forces of tae
! “e d ‘ fferen ‘ Po“>ts withm the Con,
tede.acy, and which must stamp indelible tnfamr
not only on the perpetrators, but on their Batter !
ors, who having , be power to check
rages on humanity, numereusand well au“enf
cated as they have beenjhave not yet, in a simr*
instance of which I am aware, inflicted punish
meat on the wrong doers. Since my laSt cim>
muaication to you, one General McNei l murdered
S " en , ? r, “ nera of ™ in cold blood, and the d
-1 man 1 for his punishment has remained unsafe
fled, she Government ol the United S;at-a
j after promising examination and explanation a
| re.ation to tie charges made against Gene-s
1 Benjamin F. Butler, has, by ts subsequent s*
lence, alter repeated efforts on my part tb u-i ,
I some answer .on the subject, not only admitted
1 dm guilt but sanctioned it by acquiescence, »ad
I I have accordingly branded this criminal as a
j outlaw and direc'ed his execution in expiation of
- h.s crimes if he should fall into the hands ot any
| Oi our force*. Kecea ly 1 nave received a-Da.
reatiy authentic intelligence or another Gsheru
bv the name o! Milrov, who has -sued orders in
Wester* \ irginia for the payment of nioccy to
him by the iahibrants, accompanied bythemoa',
sa~age threats of shooting every recreant be
sides burning Lis house; and Ibre xtenicg aimi:*.-
atrocities against any of ourcit xena
fail to beir«v iheir country by giving him proxp.
uotice of the approach of any of our forces, aad
this subject has also been submitted ;> he js j- >.
'tor military authorities of the United Suits,
with out faint hope that they will evince au 7 dei
approbation ot the act. Humanity
the appal I iog atrocities watch are being <U..t
multiplied under the sanction of those who h-*ve
obtained teaapor.iiT possesion of power a the
United States, ana who are fast making nace
‘&:r name a bv word of reproach among cinLzed
men Not even the natural indignation inspired
by this c induct should make :s. however to ..2-.
juat, as to at bute to the whole triads o f pe:»
p e who are subjected to the despotism th «..•*
reigns with bridled license in the city of
Wash ington, a wi^ng" 1 ac quiesce’: :•» i- i* b j 0 a
duct of the war. There must necessarily ex a
among oar e .ecries, very many, perha’i.V* ma*
jority, whose humanity recoils from *1! p irtici*
pat ion tn such atrocities, but who cannot hi; held
wholly guiltless while permitting their ccu‘.;a <
aace wiinout an effort a: repress cn.
The public jdnrnats of the North have bee 4
received, contr. ninga t>roclarnu*on date i <•>&. the
Ist day of this present month, S'gned 0? ;ho
President iw ibe United States, in which h% *-j
ders and declare ail slaves within ten of *.he
States of the Chnlederacy tn be free, except soch
as are found wtihin certain districts now occupied
in part by ther armed forces of the enemy
We may well leave it to the instinct of that
common humanity which a beuiticaat Creator baa
implanted in the breasts of our lei low men of aIL
countries, to pans judgment on a measure by
which several millions of human beings of an
iuiersor raoe, peaceful a» d contented laborer* .a
their sphere, are doomed to extermination while
at the same time they are encouraged to a gen>
eral assassination of their musters by the insidi*
ous recommendation "to abstain from violence
unless in necessary self-defence.” Our own de*
testation of those who attempted :he most exec able
measure recorded in the history of guilty man s
is tempered by profound contempt for the unpo*
1 tent r<ge which it discloses. So far as regards
' the ac’.ioa p£.lb\s «*a such crimiu&la
| as*may •* *• •:outing; myself to
v r.»Thrmfti£ t, oihat I ShaTT; witless ii\ jcur wiad -»oa
I you deem other course more expedient,
. deliver to the several Suue authorities all com
f missioned officers ot the United States that may
| hereafter be captured by our forces tn any of the
j States embraced in the proclamation, that the?
j may be dealt with in accordance with the laws
j of those S'ales providing for the punishment of
criminals engaged in exciting servile insarreca
turn. The enlisted soldiers I shall continue to
treat as unwilling instruments in the commission
of the crimes, and shall direct their discharge
anti return to their homes on the proper and usual,
parole.
In its political aFpect, this measare
great significance, and to it in this light I invite
your attention. It affords to our whole peo'le
the complete and crowning proof of the troe
nature of the designs ot the party which ele**
vated to power the present occupant of the Pres*
idenual chair at. Washington, and which sought
to conceal its purposes by every variety of arts
ful device, and by the perfidious use of the meat
solemn and repeated pledges on every possible
occasion. I {extract, in this connection, as a
single example, the following declaration made
by President Lincoln, under the solemnity of his
ooth as Chief Magistrate of the United States,
on the 4th of March, 1861 ;
" An apprehension seems to exist among the
people ol the Southern States that by the access
siou of a Republican Administration their prop*
erty an 4 their peace and personal security are to
be endangered. There has never oeen any rea
sonable uuuse for such apprehensions. Indeed
the ni"Bt ample evidence to the contrary has all
the wh le existed, and has been opened to their
inspection. It is found iu nearly all the published
speeches of him who n w addresses you.
I da but quote from one of those speeches
when I declare that I have no purpose,
directly or indirectly, to interfere with the insti
tution ot slavery in thffiStatea where it exists. I
believ* I have no lawful right to do so; and T
have no inclination to do so. Those who nomi»
nattd and elected me, didjto with if 11 I knowledge
I that I had made this aud many similar declara
tiona, and had never recanted them. And, more
than this, they placed in the platform for my
acceptance, and on a law to themselves and to
me, the clear and emphatic resolution which l
now read.
"‘Resoive'd, That the mu.Qtenance inviolate ot
the rights ot the States, and especially the ngh*.
of each State to order and control i*s own do*
; mesne institutions according to its own judg
| men; exclusively, is essentia! 10 that balance of
1 powers on which the perfection and endurance of
! nur p -liiical f .brie depmds; and wdeuouac.) the
■I .w ess iuvahioa by armed force of the soil any
; Stale or Territory, no ma ter under what pretext,
aa among the gravest crimes.'
j >or was this declaration ot the want of power
or imposition to interfere with our social system
confined to a state of peace. Both before am
a'iir the actual*commencement ot hostilities, the
President of the United States repeated in forma
| official communications to the Cabinet of Great
* Hr.tain and France, that he was utterly without
coasiiiutional power to do the act which he has
1 jiiftt committed, and that ;a no possible event
whether the secession of these States resulted in
| th} establishment of a separate Confederacy or in
the restoration of the Union, was there any aa.
ihori.y by virtue of which he couid either restore
j a disaffected State to the U uiou by force of arms 01*
! make any change n uny of its institutions. I re*
j'er especially tor verification to this assertion, to
tte dispatches addressed by the Secretary of State
j of the United States, under direction ot the Pres* -
! cent, to the Ministers of the United States at Lon
c □ and Pans, under date ol lotb and 22d April.
1861.
The people of the Confederacy then canD* fa.:
to receive tms proclamation as the fullest vindi*
:ation of their own sagacity in foreseeing the
uses to whictUhe dominant party in *ihe United
States intended, from the to apply
their power, nor can they cease to remember .
(CO.ITINUID OS PATiX.