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MR. CHANDLER’’S FLAK OF PAYING THE
PUBLIC DEBT.
The best talent ol the oountry is devoted to the
study of Confederate finanoes-present and future
—in order to devise, if possible, some safe, sound
system to relieve us of the difficulties now press
ing, to provide for the Government’s necessities
ber’eifter, to sustain the public credit, restrain
expenses within the narrowest practicable limits,
and assure the final payment of the gigantic debt
accnmulated during the war. The difficulties are
great; they are inseparable from a war of such
character and magnitude, but we hope not insur
mountable. It is impossible to determine what
that debt will ultimately become, tor that depends
mainly on the duration of tbe war, though greatly
influenced likew.se by the chances of funding
treasury notes, or by some means witbdiawing
them from circulation, for surely if those out*
standing can not be absolved, and adequate pro*
vision made also to absorb the new issues with
such rapidity as will prevent increasing redun
dancy of the circulation, the Government will be
compelled to pay such high prices for all it needs
as will swell the debt to frightful proportions.
Among the most plausible and pretentious schemes
proposed for liquidating finally tbe whole debt'
whatever it may be, is that ascribed recently to
Mr. Daniel Chandler, of Mobile—u. project which
we first heard of as coming from Texas about a
year ago. Thp proposition is, that the Confede*
rate Government become a monopolist of tbe whol e
cotton crop produced in these States, that it buy
the annual crop from the producer at ten, twelve
or fifteen cents per pound, and then force twenty,
twenty-five or thirty cents for it from the manu
facturers of Old and New England, and Conti
nental Europe. By this means, it is said, tbe debt,
estimating it at one billion, could be paid in a few
years, the planter realize fine and certain profits,
and tbe whole remainder of the population feel
no burden of taxation at ail. It looks remarkably
well on paper ; but there are many and grave
objections to ?t. In tbe first place, no such au
thority is given the Confederate Government, by
any grant of power in the Constitution, express or
implied. It is proposed to remedy this by an
amendment of tbe Constitution. Admitting that
such an amendment could be carried, it would be
a dangerous experiment, for it would change
the whole character, scope and design of the Con
federate Government—a mere agency of the States,
to wield their favors for public defence, and at
tend to their concerns with foreign nations—would
tend to consolidation of power in the Lands of the
Central agency and to the breaking dow n of the
rights of the States, and would probably prove
more corrupt and corrupting in its influence than
the old United States Bank.
The true theory of Republican Government is,
that the people shall not only govern themselves,
but they shall take care of themselves, and not
look to Government for aid. In our system the
central power is charged with the public defence,
the States provide guaranties for private rights,
and remedies for infractions of them, and beyond
these the people are left to ' themselves. They
must not be taught to look to Government for
aid, beyond these points ; they are not to have
bounties and special privileges, and not to have
Government furnish them a market for their pro
ducts, or else they will lose the r self reliance,
their personal independence, and those other
great qualities necessary for the welfare of a seif,
governing society. If Government furnishes the
cotton planter a good, safe, profitable market,
every other class will become clamorous for the
same benefit.
Apart from these objections, and the offices,
pattenage, pinching and stealing that the system
would give rise to. it is extremely doubtful wheth
er it could be made to work. We mean it is
doubtful whether the Government would be able
to extort any such price as twenty or twenty-five
cents for cotton, beyond a year or so, especially
when the world became aware that it was its
fixtd policy to monopolize the cotton product ot
this country, for tbe purpose of forcing its own
prices, and such as are much higher than ’.he
average of the past twenty years. For tbe twen
ty years ending with 1800 the producer here
has not realized ten cents per pound. But with
the prospect before him he would not be willing
to have the price put by Government at less than
ten, perhaps twelve cents. By putting it at ten
cents, however, which is a fair, good price, and
having that made certain to him, it would be a
great inducement to overproduction, and Gov
ernment would therefore be forced to restrict the
planting, which it would be almost impossible to
do with equality and justice. If the band were
restricted to so many acres, then each planter
would select the very best land he could get, and
manure and cultivate it in the best manner; and
thus one million of hands, cultivating only four
acres each—less than half a crop—of the best
cotton land, would produce full as much as now
grown. These difficulties are great, and almost
irremediable.
But admitting that by any means the produc
tion could be kept within proper bounds—not al
lowed to increase more than one million bales in
five or eight years—could Government even then
force twenty or twenty-Lve cents per pound from
manufacturers? We do not believe it. For twen.
ty years American cotton has brought in Liver
pool an average of twelve to sixteen cents—lndia
cotton about two cents less. The average export
of India, at such prices, has been less than half a
million bales. Under the great stimulus of pres
ent high prices it has reached scarcely a million.
But while these are the figures of Indian >xport,
it is well known that Indian capacity of production
is almost unlimited. American cotton is far pre
ferable to Indian, even at a higher price ; but the
fact that American is now nearly out of stock in
Europe, and will soon be wholly exhausted, and
■ that England can and does use India now almost
wholly, and is preparing to use it entirely, show
that American cotton is not absolutely indispen
sable to English manufacturers. Indian and al j
other cotton is high because the supply is small.
What keeps the supply of Indian cotton so small,
while her capacity of production is so immense?
Nothing but the uncertainty of the duration of
the American war. How can it be expected that
India should devote millions more of acres to
cotton, when the chances are that at any moment
our war may close and the markets be immedi
ately flooded with our more desirable cotton, and
that at a moderate and probably continually rece
ding price? But i e t u 8 establish our policy of
cotton monopoly by Government, make it known
that we have set our price permanently at twenty
cents—and allowing the planter ten cents, we
must sell at about fift eea in Liverpool to get cost
and charges—and India would immediately pre
pare to supply any demand of the English ; for
relieved of any danger of low prices by our com*
petition, she would be assured of her market
and could then proceed with certainty.
PEACEABLE SECESSION.
We believe the bill introduced into Congress
by Senator Johnson, providing an amendment of
the Constitution decluring the mode for the
pjaceable secession of any State from the Con
federacy, will, if adopted by Congress and lhe
States, prove one of the best guarantees for tbe
permanency ot the Coufederate Government, in*
stead of loosening its bonds, as some imagine.
The Confederate Government is an organization
to-day, in vindication of the right of a State,
which has voluntarily entered into a compact of
Union with other States, to withdraw therefrom
without molestation, when such State determines
for itself that the compact is violated to its in
jury, or has failed to answer the ends for which it
was made, or has proved detrimental to the great
in’erests and well being and good order of its
people. But this vindication has cost the country
a’ready—North and South—three thousand mil
lions of money, which is a total loss of wealth to
that amount, not to speak of the logs of life and
limb—inestimable to the individual—besides be
ing a frightful reduction of the great element of
all wealth. So costly an experiment we ought
certainly to provide against being undertaken
again.
The righkof peaceable secession is the founda
tion of our Government. Why, then, should pot
this right be clearly asserted and set forth in the
Constitution ? It was doubtless left out when the
Constitution was origually framed, mainly from
fear of the effect of such a provision upon Europe,
just as the anti*slave trade provision was kept in.
Our public men anticipated that we should en
deavor to get money from Europe to carry on the
war, and f ai ed that capitalists, both abroad and
at home, would be indisposed to lend money to a
Government, or invest in its bonds, when it had
made provision in its organic law for self-destruc
tion, as the casual observer might suppose. We
believe, upon mature reflection, however, it must
be seen that the proposed amendment would be
the strongest bond of union. The proposition is,
simply, that if any State feel aggrieved by any aet
of Congress, and by a convention of its people
declare such act unconstitutional, Congress, if in
session—and ii not, the President shall immedi
ately convene it—shall forthwith call a conven
tion of all the States to discuss the act complained
of, which, unless affirmed by two-thirds of the
States, each allowed only a single vote, shall be
null; and if affirmed, and no arrangement can be
made with complainant, by amendment or other
wise, then the State shall secede in peace, assum
ing its pro rata of the public debt and receiving
its pro rata of the public property, to be deter
mined by negotiation.
Such an amendment of tue organic laws seems
not only just, but would, undoubtedly, prove sal
utary in its action. For under it, it would be al
most impossible that a State could be brought to
secession, unless it were more wilfully perverse
than it is rational to suppose any State will ever
become, or unless the other States were anxious
to be rid of her, or time should prove that tbe
system of confederation itself was deleterious, or
without benefit adequate to its cost. But, if after
all was done as proposed in the amendment, a
State should determine to secede, it would certain'
ly leve the Confederacy, as well as the State,
much more able to pay old debts than either would
be, if compelled to go to war to vindicate the
supremacy of the Confederacy on our side, and
the right of the State on the other. We main
tain, then, that the proposition is just and neces
sary; consonant with the theory of our Govern
ment, and not in conflict with itspermaueaey, pre
serve of the rights of trie peopfls, essential to
prevent war, and waste, and debt, so destructive
of the wealth-creating powers of any people, and
ought to be adopted.
.ngfrv.
. “A specimen of rope made from hickory wood
has been left at the Charleston Courier office.”
Excha/ge.
Verily, there never was a more truthful saying
than that “necessity is the mother of invention.”
Rope made from hickory wood! who would have
thought we should ever have had such an article
mace in the South? We will beat the Yankees
after a time, if we continue at this rate. This is
but one of many examples of our capacity to
make almost anything we need. We hope, how
ever, that this aforesaid rope is of no kin to
‘ wooden nutmegs” and “shoe-peg oats'”
But, m obser earnestness, why should wen.it
set about making rope and a hundred other ait »
cles of daily use and necessity, from the materials
heretofore 'lying idle all around us ? Why not
make rope of the various grasses our
country abounds, of lhe bark of trees, &c. Pos
sibly we might succeed, if some person would
give the thing a fair trial, in making a good sub
stantial article of bagging, for wrapping cotton,
of the bark of some swamp wood—the wahoo, for
instance. Corn shucks, too, and the straw of
grain might perhaps be turned to good account in
some manufacture. We heard, some time since,
of a lud in Wilkes county, had succeeded in
making strong bale rope of green pea vines, and
elastic wooden soles for shoes. We regret not
being able to ascertain his name ; for we should
take pleasure in making known the names of
ingenious persons, who are developing the res
sources of the country, and in saying a good word
in season for their handiwork, when deserving.
Let our people set their wits to work to con*
vert the abundance of material ready to our
hands into something useful, tasteful and appro
priate. Nature has blessed our land with al
most everything heart could desire, in the way of
raw material. Let busy fingers convert this ma
terial, and so help on in the good work. Never
fear that the cessation of war will interfere to put
an end to such business. We cannot tell when
tbe war will end. It may last a generation
through—the middle-aged may die out of it, and
the little boys and girls grow up to see it still
progressing. Il will never do us any barm to
produce from our own resources all that we can.
and that is desirable
From the Chicago Timet.
IS RECONSTRUCTION POSSIBLE ?
Jeff. Davis asserts in his message that the re
construction of the Union is impossible. The
Governors of the seceded States have asserted
the same thing. The several Legislatures of
those States sustain the Governors; the rebel
press scout the idea of reconstruction, and the
great mass of tbe Southern people are now bit
terly opposed to the old Government and Union.
Hye is a population of five and a half millions
of whites, as sagacious, enterprising and deter
mined as any on earth, controlling from three to
four millions of negroes, who with their labor
may justly be counted as effective in defensive
warfare as the whites, making an aggregate of
nine millions, inflexibly opposed to the Federal
Government, and asserting their independence.
The government has waged a war upon them for
two years with all its energies, and it is now as
far from success as at the commencement of the
struggle. Its exhaustion has not been as great
as theirs, because of its superiority of resources,
but it has been equal to theirs when comparing
the means of the parties at the outset. Wbat is
now to be done ?
[American Correspondence of the Liverpool Mercury.]
SOUTHERN VIEW OF AMERICAN AFFAIRS -
Nbw York, January 3, 1863.
We have had any quantity of peace “feelers”
put forth witbin a tew days, and almost wholly
from the Republican side of the contest. Two of
the leading journals of this pa _ ty—one published
here and another in Washington —have even gone
so far as to intimate, as if “by authority, that
the mediation of a really friendly 1 ower would
receive a respectful consideration at the hands of
the Administration, but it is clearly asserted that
neither England nor France would be that Power.
Toe latter, it is urged, has already come out indi
rectly in favor of the South, while the former, it
is asserted, h <s done all she consi-teatly could do
to give the South, not only encouragement, but
the most formidable weapons of defence and de
struction. A mediation offered by either ot these
nations, therafore, it is said, would not be accept
ed, while the good offices of Russia, Switzerland,
or any other really neutral Power would be.
I know not how much truth there is in these
assertions of the Government journals, or wbat
the true object of them is, but this mucll I do
know, and that is, the promised acceptance ot
mediation is in direct contradiction to Mr. Sew
ard’s letter to tbe Federal representatives abroad; <
and if the statements of the journals in question
be correct, then tbe Administration, seeing its
helpless and pitiable condition as at present ex
hibited, has come to the conclusion that an offer
of mediation from a positively friendly nation
would not be so very offensive a measure after
till, and would call forth at least a respectful con
sideration.
There certainly never was, in the opin.on of
thousands, so dark an hour in the existence ol
the Administration as at present • but whether
Mr. Lincoln is ready and willing to exclaim
Help, Casaius, or I sink!
is quite another question. To him the barren
lesults of his twenty months of warfare may be
a matter of little consequence, for in his wonder
ful project of emancipation he may see the Alpha
and Omega of his ambition ; and, believing this,
all offers of aid in our present crisis might be re
jected. Two of his-journals, I know, speak to the
contrary ; but until the official position of the Ad
ministration upon the subject ot mediation and
interference now on record is reversed by Mr.
Lincoln or the Secretary of State himself. I feel
bound to believe that any proffered aid from
abroad would be declined.
But while the Republicans, apart fro n the Ad"
ministration, seem so desirous for an offer of men
diation, it is observable that the Democrats, as a
body, do not. Through their journals they frown
down in the most unmistakable manner any and
all efforts that may be put forth with a view to
obtain help from abroad, believing with Washing
ton that air “foreign entanglemenis” in our do
mestic affairs should be avoided. These men
dream that a reconstruction of the “Union as it
was” is possible, and the idea they entertain is
that a Convention of all the States will secure
the result. But such talk is the silliest nonsense
imaginable. The South neither asks nor would
it consent to any Convention or Union with the
North, and it is quite time this delusion about
the South “coming back” was dispelled. The
gulf between the two sections is far too broad;
the pyramid of slain is far too towering, and the
weeds of mourning darken too many homes, for
such a thing as reconciliation to become possible.
One —yes, two generations will pass away before
these dreadful recollections on the part of the
South are forgotten ; and even then the thought
of a re-union with the North, I dare say, will be
as repugnant as ever.
I have scarcely patience to write upon or even
think about the numerous projects for fieace—but
all looking to a restoration of the Union—that
are being agitated, for I know wherrof I assert
when I write that they are the idlest dreams that
fancy ever pictured. Why, the South would not
even open a correspondence upon tbe subject—
no, not even if every right she is entitled to un
der the Constitution was guaranteed by a decree
from Heaven itself. Wiiti the Northwest the
South would not object to form a union, but in the
same union with Massachusetts and Vermont she
will never again live. Said one of these Demo
cratic reconstructionisis to a Southerner the
other day, “Would not the South come back if
we ieft Massachusetts out, on the condition that
you left South Carolina out?” but the response
that came in the next breath was, “No, sir; we
would not yield an inch of that plucky old State
if you would agree to wipe out ail New England ”
This is a true representation of the feeling that per
vades the Southern heart; and how absurd is it,
therefore, to still clntg to this sandrope of com
promise and re-union.
It is most likely that the real object of the Re
publicans in acquiescing in a mediation is an
early dismemberment or rather parting of the two
sections. This must be so, for
motto, “No Union with Slaveholders,” proves it.
The mediation and consequent peace they are
aiming at, therefore, are to result in a Northern
and Southern Confederacy; but this the Demo
crats say they will not permit it they can help it.
The Utter accordingly advocates a National Con
vention; and if the South refuses to be repre*
seated therein, then she is to be whipped back in
the most approved “constitutional” method. The
Abolitionists failed, their opponents say, because
they cut adrift fiotn tbe Constitution, and now
the Democrats propose (if the South refuses a
I Convention,) to take up this discarded Constitu
tion and make it the battle cry as the war.
But, I repeat, it is no use. The South will not
be represented in Convention, and if the Demos
cracy of the North see fit to take up the war
where the Abolitionists leave it, they will meet
only the same disasters_and the same.humiliating
failure as their predecessors.
All this might be avoided if the real position
of tbe South was understood; but it is not. A
few prominent men in the North do know exactly
what is the determination of the South, but for
some unaccountable reason (unless they imagine
the people at large are not ready for the shock)
they hold their peace. The editor of the -oldest
and most inflential Democratic journal in this
State told me a few days since that he felt con
vinced the South would never comeback, and yet
to read his paper one would suppose that recon
struction was quite an easy matter. The truth
was, he did not dare to express through his jour
nal the honest convictionsof his own soul, and
for tbe miserable reason that it would be danger
ous to do so.
Well, if the truth is to be thus suppressed, I do
not see but what we shall have to grope along in
darkness until anarchy overtakes us and the
whole North is engulfed in the horrors of a war,
compared with which that now being waged in
the South will be but as the note of preparation
To this complexion it must come to at last, and
tbe probabilities are that the year 1863 will be the
most appalling and bloodiest page that stains the
world’s hisiory.
The Pope’s Dull against the comet has been is
sued, and I suppose Mr. Lincoln now breathes
more freely- The wonderful man, by a dish ot
his wonderful pen, has set free (on paper) all the
slaves of the South, and henceforth this is to be
in all its length and breadth the laud of liberty!
But I apprehend that when Mr. Lincoln retires to
bis I‘lmois woods some two years hence, be will
find that “the sum of all villanies” still lives,
and that his paper edict was as great a failure as
was the conquest of Richmond.
Meanwhile, I would invite his own and the at
tention of all his deluded followers to a para
graph in a late number of the New Orleans Pic
ayune, wherein it is stated that inquests had been
held upon the bodiesof twenty-one contrabands
in one house alone in that city. These poor tie*
gros had been stolen or enticed away from the
comfortable homes of their masters, and left to
starve and rot by these philanthropic (?) advo
cates of liberty for the slave. Think you such
deeds of atrocity and cruel murder will never
come up for trial before tho court of high Heaven ?
Most assuredly they will. There will be a fearful
reckoning one day upon the head of the North
for all these monstrous and inhuman acts, and
then justice will receive its due.
The expedition against Charleston is under
stood to have sailed, but the details of the same
have been kept dark. Butler arrived in Wash
ington last evening, and there was a rumor yes
terday that he would take part in the expedition,
but at present this is mere conjecture. It seems
to be settled, however, that he is to have another
important position somewhere in the great trage
dy that is now in progress.
Gold is up 2 per cent, since last steamer —sell-
ing at 135. It will g» to 150, and perhaps higher.
Stet hng is firm at 147 X t 0 148 > nnd scarce - ' l ' he
advance is owing to the flood of paper that will
soon open up-n vs, and will drive our beautiful coin
out of existence. Meanwhile, articles of living
are rising with fearful strides, and thousands will
ere long be put to their wit’s end to make income
and expenses meet.
The announcement that the United States loan
of ’62 would be redeemed tn gold was premature ;
indeed it is now stated that tbe Government may
pass the redemption for the present, on the ground
that the bonds read “payable at the pleasure of
the United States any time after twsnty years,”
and not at tbe expiration of twenty years. To the
troops it is estimated there are over sixty millions
due, and to offset this the Secretary of the Treasu
ry magnanimously proposes to set apart for an
early payment half a million dollars I When the
remaining fifty-nine and a half millions are to be
paid is not stated.
The Federal accounts of the great battle[of
Murfreesboro’ are, as usual, of an unsatisfactory
character: but my own belief is that the Confed
erates have been victorious. How the latter could
pillage the baggage trains in tbe rear of the Fed
erals, and these same pillagers be the “defeated”
' and “routed” party, passes my comprehension.
Governor Seymour was inaugurated on Thursday
last. Look out for lively times. ;
t
LETTER FROM DR. LEE.
Knoxville, February 12, 1863.
East Tennessee presents a sad and instructive
example of the evils that flow naturally from di
viding a community against itself in a civil war.
One county has nearly two full regiments in Lin
coln’s service, and not over thirty men in the ar
mies of the South. What is to be done with the
wives and helpless children of soldiers fighting
tbe battles of incendiaj-y Abolitionists? We can
not punish innocent families born and living in
Tennessee fur the errors or crimes of the heads o
these families; and yet, so far as loyalty to the
State and Confederacy is concerned, they are little
better than nests of traitors. They harbor the ene
my, facilitate bridge burning, and the systematic
murder and robbery of loyal citizens. All their
sympathies are on the side of their husbands and
fa'hers, and I see no other solution of tbe diffi
culty but in their leaving the land of their ua«
tivity, and seeking new homes whsre abolition
ism is popular. Such a result implies a radical
change of population in a score of the best graz
ing and grain growing counties of Tennessee.
The peace of the State seems to demand that lhe
supporters of Lincoln’s proclamation leave South
ern soil. 1 have always felt the force of the ar
guments of the Constiiutionnlist in favor of mak
lug the subjects of our new government a homo
genous people.
To attain this great object it is indispensable
that the press and all public men inculcate the
duty of the minority in every State to submit
cheerfully and in good faith to the rule of the
majority. Suppose a large part of those who voted
against secession in Georgia had enlisted in the
service of the Government at Washington? How
lamentable would now be the condition of our
people. Their superior political education has
sared them from the deplorable fate that awaits
large sections of Tennessee, Virginia, Kentucky
and Missouri. One shudders at the recital of the
deeds of private revenge, hate, anarchy and most
barbarous war, waged by neighbor against neigh
bor.
It has been my fortune to mingle, more or less,
with plain, well-meaning citizens who have been
the pupils of Brownlow, in the South, and of
Greeley, in the North, and it is easy to trace the
calamities of the country back to the impure
fountains of nocial and political quackery. The
blind has led the blind until both have fallen into
a pit. This pit is much deeper and wider than
many suppose. Demagogueism never before ap
peared so sinful and odious to me as it has dur
ing the few weeks I have spent in Tennessee. —
Ignorance I can excuse, but that miserable
assumption of superior wisdom, so charac
teristic of the Seward, Greeley, and Brownlow
school of politiciajis, is toe taking with the
masses, and too injurious to the public, to be
pardoned. Too well have the teachers of false
doctrines discharged their pestiferous mission
on this continent. All homogenity is destroyed;
and the swerd is laboring to little purpose to
prune antagonistic ideas into something line
symmetry of form and peaceful ends. D. Lee,
Greeley on the War.—The New York Times
takes Greeley to task for saying that, if on the
Ist of May the North is not successful in this war,
he is in favor of “the best attainable peace.” The
Times says :
We regret exceedingly that Mr. Greeley should
have come to any such conclusion as this—and
still more, that he should find it necessary to pro
claim it. We can conceive of nothing better cal
culated to stimulate the rebels to desperate resist
ance thaft such a declaration. With the prospect
of a protracted war, their energies might flag and
their courage fail'; but with the assurance that
three or four months more of successful endurance
would give them victory and independence, they
will fignt with all the strength that desperation
and hope can give the n. Mr. Greeley’s reiterat
ed proclamation of such a purpose doubles the
chances ot our defeat:
The Tribune tries now to back ®ut from the posi
tion, and says:
If the anti Republicans of the loyal States are
really intent on saving th® Union by putting down
the rebels, then we are with them for as long a fight
as may be necessary.
Messrs, leaders of the Democratic party! such
resolves as you have set before the Legislature of
New Jersey—such a course as you are pursuing
in the Legislatures of Indiana and Illinois—such
demonstrations as you are making in aid of deser
tion and demoralization in our national armies—
are hurrythg the country to ruin. Will you
pause in your career and unite in an earnerst,
resolute, united effort to save the republic ? It is
not yet too late, but who can say how soon it
may be?
THE SITUATION.
From the Chattanooga Rebel, Feb. 14.
General Bragg’s army—as we are informed
from reliable sources—is in a condition of order,
moral spirit, health, equipment and general dis
cipline, which augurs favorably for coming
events.
The delay of Rosencranz is attributed to vari
ous causes. That it is not his interest to come
out and fight, seems clear from his accustomed
foresight and sagacious prudonce. Undoubtedly
the rules of error are not to|be applied to him, for
if he has shown one thing more decidedly than
another, it is a wiley construction of his move
ments. Some men account the troubles in the
West as one evidenct* which restrains; others
the unsettled state of Kentucky; others, the want
of transportation and subsistence; others, the
lack of force; others the expectations of rein*
meats.
All, or any one of these speculations, may in
fluence the inactivity ot Rosencranz. The
roads are also to be considered as offering a con
siderable barrier. Upon one thing we feel assured
—and on that—we doubt not our authorities are
fully prepared—that he will advance sooner or
later, and byway of Shelbyville. The route upon
our extreme right, via Lebanon, Liberty, Alexan
dria, Smithville and McMiunville, is zig-zag and
unattainable, Tbe Yankees wer wade sick of
their mountain tour last summer, and will hardly
repeat it.
The withdrawal of troops from Readyville
-eems to have been only temporary ; and that
place was re-occupied, as we are informed, two
days thereafter. Morgan’s men are in that region,
and will harrass the line from Readyville to
Bradyville, as far as it extends. They have
already captured more than three hundred prison
ers, thirty wagons and a thousand horses, mules
ijnd beef cattle.
We have no fuither particulars from Fort Don*
elson and Dover.
Wit and Wisdom.—WAy are darned stockings
like dead men ? Because they are men-ded.
“ Come, sheer off,” as the ram said to the man
who was cutting off his wool.
Which is the left side es a plum pudding ?
That which is not eaten.
CONFEDERATE CONGRESS-
SENATE.
Thursday, Feb. 12,1863.
The Senate met at 12 o’clock, M. Mr. Hunter in
the Chair.
The following resolutions were offered and
adopted :
A resolution instructing ths Committee en Flag
and Seal, to inquire into the propriety of adopt
ing “a cavalier” aa the seal ol the Confederate
States of America, taking as a model the eques
trian statue of Washington, iu the Capital
Square, Richmond, as it appears from au Eastern
view.
A joint resolution as follows.
Whereas, The several C. 8., contiguous to the
Mississippi river have by order of their respec
tive Conventions recognized the right of all friend
ly people living upon the tributaries thereof in
its free navigation ; and, whereas, the Provisional
Government of the Coufederate States did by an
act approved the 25th of February, 1861, declare
“peaceful navigation of the Mississippi river, free
to the citizens of any of the States upon its bor
ders, or upon tbe borders of its tributaries;” and,
whereas, the ordinance of the said several States,
and the act of the Provisional Government touch
ing this important and serious question, are emi*
nentiy right and just, now, therefore, be it
Resolved by the Senate and House of Re pre*
sentatives, of the Confederate States of America,
That this Confederacy does now and at all times
maintain and support the right to the free nayis
nation of the Mississippi river as declared and
set forth in the said set of the Provisional Gov
ernment. „
A resolution requesting lhe Judiciary Commit
tee to inquire whether further legislation be nec
essary to give validity to bonds executed by
officers appointed during the recess of tbe Sen
ate, when said bonds were executed by officers
prior to the confirmation of their appointment;
and to report by bill or otherwise.
The following bills were referred: A bill to
repeal an act establishing places of rendezvous for
the examination of enrolled men; the House bill
prohibiting the punishment of soldiers by whips
ping.
Tue Judiciary Committee, to whom was re*
ferred resolutions instructing the committee to so
amend the present laws as to require the pnblicas
tion of the laws in the newspapers of such State,
reported a bill making it the duty of the Attorney
General to eelect horn the laws and resolutions of
present and future sessiens of Congress such as
are of public interest, and publish them weekly
for two weeks, in three public gazettes published
in each State, selecting such gazettes as shall, in
his judgment, mast generally dirtribute the laws
and resolutions through the entire limits of the
several States.
The Supreme Court bill was taken up, and on
motion postponed till Tuesday next.
The exemption bill was taken up and discussed
till the hour of adjournment.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
The House met at the usual hour, and was
opened with prayer by the Rev. Dr. Burrows, of
the First Baptist Church.
The Speaker laid before the House a communi*
ation from the Secretary of the Treasury, rela
tive to the disbursement of funds for ministers
and agents who reside abroad. Referred to the
Committee on Ways and Means, and ordered to
be printed.
Tbe following bills were referred; A bill en
titled “An act further to provide for the public
and local defence of the Confederate States.”
[The bill provides for lhe enrolling into compas
nies, battalions and regiments, all the employees
of the Government, in the various departments,
and compelling them to drill at least two hours
each day. The said troops so enrolled to be sub.
ject at any time to the call of the President, or
the Commanding General of the Department.] A
bill entitled “An act to provide for a uniform
currency ;” a bill to alter and amend an act for
the sequestration of the property aud effects of
alien enemies, and for indemnity of citizens of the
Confederate States and persons aiding the same
in the existing war with the United States, ap*
proved Feb. 15, 1862 ; a bill to provide payment
for all sums due soldiers from North Carolina, for
services rendered after they were received into
the State service, and before they were turned over
to the Confederate States ; an act entitled an act
to provide for the safe custody, publication and
distribution of the laws, and to provide for the
appointment of au additional clerk in the Depart
ment of Justice.
A bill to provide for exemptions from military
service as follows, was also referred :
“Sec 1. The Congress of the Confederate States
do enact, That all laws and parts of Jaws hereto*
fore passed by Congress, exempting any person,
or class of persons, between the ages of 18 and
45, from military service, ere hereby repealed,
and the Secretary of War shall be authorized upon
such terms and conditions as may be prescribed
by him with the approval of the President to ex
empt from military service or detail for specified
purposes, such persons or classes of persons as
shall by him be deemed necessary for the good
of the service or the general interests of the
country.
Provided, That the enrollment of persons be
tween tbe ages of forty and lorty-tive years shall
be suspended until they shall be called into the
military service by the President.
A bill was introduced to regulate th.f granting
of furloughs and discharges in hospitals.
The bill relating to the organization of the Navy
Department was made the special order of the
day for Thursday next.
The following resolutions were adopted :
A resolution that the Committee on Military
Affairs inquire into tbe expediency of prohibiting
the detail of officers of the line for service of the
staff.
That the President requested to inform this
House what real estate, if any, has been sold un
der tbe provisions of rhe act for the sequestration
of the property and effects of alien enemies for
the idemnity of citizens of the Confederate States,
and persons aiding the same during the existing
war with the United States, before August 30,
1861. And, also, the amount paid into the Treas
ury from proceeds arising from the sales under
the said act.
That the Committee on the Medical Depart
ment be requested to inquire into the propriety
of not receiving any more sick and wounded sol*
diers in the hospitals in Richmond, until those
now confined in those hospitals shall be dis
charged or furloughed, and until said hospitals
are thoroughly cleaned and fumigated, and to fix
a time, either by legislation or otherwise, when
the sick and wounded may be admitted anew into
the Richmond Hospitals.
That the Preaident be requested to inform this
House wbat system to pay the claims of deceased
soldiers is at present pursued by the Treasury
Department, and whether any additional legisla
tion is necessary to insure more speedy payment
of said claims.
That it be referred to the Committee on Hospis
tals to inquire into the expediency of giving to
matrons in hospitals commutation for board fuel
and lights, in lieu of the same.
The Impressment bill was taken up and dis
cussed till adjournment.
IS?” Our exchanges yesterday brought us but
little of interest from the army of Tennessee.
Rosecranz’s army remains inactive. The Win
chester Bulletin’s correspondent informs us of the
state of affairs in the neighborhood of Harpeth
Shoals, proving that we have driven back six.
teen transports within the past few days, thus
cutting off Rosecranx's supplies by that route.
What must be the condition of the enemy at this
particular juncture? They certainly must be re
duced to half rations, and they cannot stand that
lang without becoming demoralized. Surely, if
this is the true state of affairs, (and we have every
reason to believe it is,) the enemy will be com
pelled to evacuate Murfreesboro', if not Nashville,
unless their slow advance is in hopes of obtain,
ing bread, by fighting for it.
Wharton has also cut off another forage train,
and their horses must be suffering forthat food
that is required to enable them to be of any ser
vice, either in the cavalry or artillery corps, or in
drawing their wagon trains.—A’noaieiZZ. _R f g ,
HIS?” The Yankee army is to have twenty more
Major Generals and fifty more Brigadier Generals.