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®lje it)cchiti Conotitationrtlist BY JAMES GARDNER ' MESSAGE OF Hi* Excellency Joseph E. Brown, T. he General Assembly , convened in the Capi ta yg his Proc‘amatton y March 25. 1863. Exactmvt Department, I Uiiledgcvule, March 25tu, 1863 \ To the Hecate an J House of Representatives : J nave tell it my duty to convene you at an earlier day than that fixed tor your meeting when yoo adjourned. la tne midst of a revolution of such vast mag nitude aa that in wmefi we a r e engaged, the con stant change in the circumstances by which we a-e surrounded, must frequently influence our ac tions. an l develop sufficient reasons to* - a change of our opinions, or our policy. la December last we passed an act pruhib.ting tbe cultivation of more than three acres of cotton to the baud this year, which virtually legalize* and invites its pro duction to that ex ent. I am now fully satisfied, if the quantity of land mentioned in that act is p anted in Georgia and each of the other cotton Btales, tbe restiit will be our subjugation by huun ger and tbe u*.ter rui i of the Confederacy. Hence I bar.* felt it my duiy, before the crop is planted, to call you together, and recommend the passage i.f an act that will make it highly penal lor any one to cultivate exceeding one fourth of an acre to the hand. The enemy has overrun, and now holds a a-ge part cf the most productive iundsin tie C ntederacy. As car limits are circuaiscnbed and contracted, many of the loyil people of tbe sections in the possession of the enemy retire to tbe interior, and tbe nuoioer •»! persona to be sup ported from the products of the lands in our pos session is great'y increased, while thaarenof pro** <3 active lauds from which the support must come is aim >st daily diminished. M*t of the white laborers of the country are now in ihe array, and new levies are constantly bjing made from those who remain. As these enter the military service our fields are left uncultivated, while the women and cbiidien are stilt in cur midst, and must be supported, ihe result is, that the country and Ui* army are mainly dependent upon slave labor for a support. At the present prices of all the n see sear i *8 of life, it is impossible for the women and children to support themselves In my opin ion it will take every acre of land, and every day s productive labor which we can command this year to make our n cessary support; and he who employs any portion of Lis lauds and labor in the production of cotton, tobacco, or any other prod-ic.a -bat will not sustain life, to that extent enduDgk-rs the success of our cause. The present prices of cotton-make the temptation to p.ant it ve: v S’rong, an*d the planter will quiet his con* acitnce by tbe reflection that the Legislature has t»;.!i<>ns:d him to plant three acres to the hand, and will plant bis best land, place all his manure upon it, and make it the obj ?ct of his special care nud attention. There is now cotton enough in the Confederacy to clothe our people for several years, and there is no reason why we should plant more is actually necessary to keep seed. it may be said that tbe planter can make more mooer out of cotton than grain and vegetable#. Tc is is very questionable. But if we admit that i? t»n make d>ab e as much, tuis is no reason why h~ should he permitted to do it, it, by so dc’ng, he hazards the very existence ot the States. Woat will his money,or his cotton, or bis slaves, or his lands be worth to hico if we a-e subjugated, and the civil and religious liberties ot himself and fci9 v>oßi«rity are deal*oyed ? As tbe war is now prosecuted by tbe Lincoln Government for the avowed purpose ot abolishing slavery, no class of our people La* so much at slake as our slaveholders, who are generally our chief planters They are dependent upon our white laborers in the field ot battle for the pro-* tec*.: on of their property; and in turn, this army *»? wh’te laborers and their families are depend* ent upon the slave owners for a support, while tbus engaged. Tbe obligation is mutual and re* c procal, and neither party has the right to die reg *rd it. The conduct of our planters last year was most i r.tr.otic and praiseworthy, and has saved our cause for tbe present, but the temptations held out to the avaricious are much greater this year, ow . L g to the fcigh prices of cotton in the market; uefi l consider legislation absolutely necessary xo restrain those who would hazard ull for gain. Ai i: is cow time to,com me nee planting, I invoke year attention to thia question, m any opinion, second in importance to no other that is lixely to emne under your consideration. At the present ; me money will not buy bread, in k large sec*. ; on o! our own State, at a reasonable price. This ij caused partly by the severe drought of last summer, our # is probably owing, in a great cegree to tne fact that the lands in that section 9* me State are cu’*ivated almost entirely by w'bite labor, and in »st of that abor now being •I iie army,the lands *’e idle, and *he women and children arc destitute of bread. B. . for the large eu-p'us in ihe cotton region, scenes of suffering m J> ? en-ue.which would be appalling to oontem** p.a‘e. and which must demoralize, if not disband xL i* part of the army where tbe husbands and fathers of tbe sufferers stand as a bulwark be* tween us and the enemy. Let no: the people cf u e cotton sections of the State, w here there is la*, t - - to cultivate all the lands, ri** the chances ot p .milar, or worse distress another year, lest conse quences ensue which may coet them not onlv vneir cotton crops, fcot all that they have, and all that they expect to have in future. We can never be coaauered by the arms cf the enemy. We may be by hunger, if we neglect to husband all ihe re-ources for the supply of provisions, which u kind Fr idence has placed within our reach. — Attempt to conceal it as we may, the fact is un denial/.e, that tbe great question in this revolution .g n w a question of bread. The army mast be fed and meir families at Lome supported, or the ecu of hb-rty will soon get in darkness and blood, and t'-e v: ice cf freedom will be forever hashed’ the silence of despotism. THE LAW AGAIXST DISTILLBRIEg. Experience has shown that the law’ against the distil auoa of grain into ardent spirits needs amendment. From information received from C:fi'-rent parte of tbeSta’e, I am satisfied that a U'd ponton of the p- tato crop, most of tbe dried fr and a considerable quantity of tbe molasses .n the Sta**, have beer, are being distilled.— Under preience of distilling these articles, it is u’.so ?ai i that quantities of corn are being used ty disu’Lrs, who keep their door* closed and -efu-".- to a- tn:t visitors who might tes;ify against them. In other sections, it is said, they are run cicg he r stills, in open violation of the law, and no c*ne has the nerve to withstand and prosecute tsei 1 . To arrest these evils, I recommend that •.ae : »w be so changed as to m. ke it highly penal dor ag the war, tor any one, in addition to the f resect prohibition, to d.sti! potatoes, dried fruit, cr mo sses, without a license. And that every person who keeps his distillery locked, and re ‘ose? t‘> admit visitors,day or night,when admission \ is asEed.shall be Held pr\ma fme guilty of a viola, ton of tne law. And that eve r y pereou who runs L:-* d stiLery without a license, shall be presumed :o be guilty of d.stilling grain, or other article p: and the burden of proof shall rest upon him, to show to the contrary. The aw should also make the owner of the j distillery liab.e to the penalties, if bis‘•tills are run bv an insolvent person. And it should be iLLir the duty of the Sherff of the county to call • ;o b s *id ail the force necessary, and destroy any artillery is run in violation oi law, as he j would übato any other nuisance. AUGUSTA, GA., WEDNESDAY MORNING, April 1, ISC3 It has impossible fer the Inferior Courts of some of the counties, under my instructions, to find a person who will take the contract to make the quantity of spirituous liquors or alcohol ne*. ceosary for medicinal uses, at tbe prices fixed by I me siatue. And as it is a violation of the law lor i a person distilling under a license to sell for more i than tbe prices tiled by tbe statute, I recommend 1 such change as will au'.horiAJ th* lowest responsi -1 ble bidder to be licensed, at such price as may be agreed on between him and th* Court, for the supply necessary for the eoumy; the quantity re commended by tbe Court to be subject to tbe apt* proval of the Governor, befure be issues the li cense . transportation or provisions. So great is the scarcity of previsions, in the Cherokee country, that it is impossible to subsist me soldiers’ families and the poor much longer without the transportation of corn from South Western Georgia. Tbe rolling stock upon the S -uih-western, and the Macon and Western Rail roads, is not sufficient to carry forward tie corn and to do the work rtqu : rcd by the Confederate Government. Surrounded by these difficulties, I kave th< ugnt it best to direct the Superintendent of the State Road to put one of hin best trains upon ibe Roads to South Western Georgia for the transportation of corn to supply oread to those who must otherwise suffer. I shall be obliged to continue this policy till the emergency is passed, though I mav not be able to carry over tbe State R ad a.i Government freight offered as promptly as 1 could wish. 1 feei it to be n.y highest duty to go uae the property of the State, as to prevent if p.iSMible suffering on the part of ihe poor, or i tbe families oi aoiaiera fur wan; of b:e.»d. SALARIES 1 earnestly recommend the passaar* of an act 1 repealing Ibe act of 2»th November, 1861, entitled } “An Act to fix the salaries and compensation of ! reruin officers mentioned therein, ami for other | \ urpoaeß;” and that reasonable salaries be allowed. , It now takes the whole salary ot a Judge of the Superior Court for twelve months to purchase ti:- j leen barre s of flour, or fifteen hundred pounds j ot bacon in the markets ot this Suite. The per ! diem pav of a Judge while on his circuit does !'not near’y defray his travelling expenses. Isthi: | riah • Can any intelligent Itg slator claim that ; it is compatible with either the justice or the dig ! uitv of a great Slate? Ihe Constitution of George, which we are 1 bound by solemn obligation to support, says; 1 “The Judges ►hill have salaiies aaejuato to their rervicts fixed by lav." Are the present salaries of the J jdg -a, orcthur officers of the State, ade quate to tneir services? The question, to my uuind, is 100 plain for argument. 1 trust it is only necessary again to bring it V) your attention to secure prompt action. THE NSW CODE. The Code o‘ thi* State having gone into opera tion on toe first day of January last, i* is a matter of great importance that the public officers be supplied with copies of it, that they and the peon pie may have an opportunity ot learning what the taw is. It is not in my power to supply copies to even a consider ible proportion of those who are entitled to them, on account of ihe neg'ect of Mr. John 11. Seals, the printer, to comply with his eomract. Since the contract was entered into by him, be has represented to the General Assembly bis inaoitily to comply with is obligation with* out additional compensation, and five thousand dollars of extra pay has been a!lt wed him. He has been paid tbe full amount agreed upon by the original contract for the whole job, and one-half of the extra amount appropriated. After this had b*'** done, ne still failed to comply with the con- U ..i, alleging that he could not get leather to matte the binding. To relieve bim from tbiß dif ficulty, at your session in November and Decern oer last, you authored the Governor to receive the books bound in an inferior style. Since this action on yoor part, he has not delivered a single . copy, and no assurance is given when the books; will be delivered. I have reasons to beueve that ; Hr. Seals has sold a considerable numbuer of co- j p, j to individuals or to the uad*\ I call your , attention to this subjtct, and recommend such ac* j tioj on your part as may be necessary to compel j performance ou his part, or to uke the printed , -h'-eta out of his hands and have them bound by | others at h;s exp anse. SMALL POX. The physicians’ bills sent to this Department by the Interior Courts of many of the counties, loi attention to persons afflicted with small pox, have in my opinion been so exorbitant that 1 have re fused to pay them. There are several instances of physicians who have made cut bills against tbe Htate for one or two months’ attention to sioaii pox cases, amount g tu larger sums tc n ‘hey would, I suppose, c*.- able to make by on • o. two years’ practice. 1 respect'uily ask that the Jaw be so amended as to establish some just rule bv which I am to be governed in the payment of thene claims Tbe act only makes provision for the payment by the Sta’e ot tus expenses incurred at Hospitals established by the Interior Courts of the I d’ff-rent counties Many ot the Courts have es tablished no hospitals, and have had tbe cases treated at tbe hoi* ot the afSicied, in diff-rent parts of the counti/. It is desirable that tbe will of tbe Legislature be more clear'* expressed in reference to cases ot this characi While 1 do not think tbat stronger reaßcms exist why tbe State should \ xy the physicians’ bills and other expenses incurred by attention to persons who have smell pox, and are treated at brine, when they are themselves able to pay, than u caseß of other con ta geo us diseases ot a malignant charac ter, it may oe proper that such payments be made by the State, when tbe persons affi cted are un able to pay, and might otherwise be neglected on account of their poverty. IMPBBS3MBNT OF XKGBORB. It will be remembered that Brig. GeD. Mercer made a requisition upon tbe State, wbiie you were last in session, for iwentv-five hundred negroes f for sixty days, to work on the fortifications around Savannah, and that .be Governor was authorize' by the act.on of tbe General Assembly to fill tbt requisition. A cail was afterwards made by au- < thorny of Gen. Be .uregard. for three hundred ne- j gri.es to worx on the obstructions of the Aita» j maha river, which requisition was alb • filled. M.*nv of the tregrues sen: to Savannah n -ve not I vet be n discharged, b-cuuse, in the opinion off ihe military authorities there, the emergency was ! buch ixt to make :t a tmlilurv cec-.-siry to retain them. New and additional lort.fica irjcs have be*n projected, and n > one seems to know when j the? will oe completed. It ip now required, that tbe negroes remain ninety uays longer: rw, if they are discharged, that tueir places oe supplied immediately by a new levy. Tbe upper and western portions of tbe State < have not yet furn;Bhed their quota. II a new im*« pressmen* is made, as the law now stao J s, it from these sections. The warm s«.."OQ is c >Limencing, and the negroes from th - *e parts of tbe .State arc not accustomed to the climate of {Savannah. Much sickoe s and maDj deaths must therefore be expected among tr em Again* the crop is now being planted, and it is a matter of great ictportance that as little labor ae possible be taken from the agricakurai pursuits of the State. In this rate of the case, I respectfully ask that yhe General Assembly, by joint resolution, or ott- . f-rwise, give directions, at as eariy a day as pos- * sibie, as ‘o the best mode of furnishing the labor j to complete the fortifications. It will also be j proper that some just mode of ascertaining the j value and compensating tbe owners for the ne- j groee who have died in the service, and tbe still ; larger number who may die during the summer ! season, be prescribed by Jaw. MILITARY LAW. Section 1040 of the Code that all ejec tions for militia officers, of and aboV% the rank of OaptftiQ, shall be ordered by the Commander-in- Chief. . ] This will cause a great accumulation of labor in the Executive D -j artment, with *»nch unneces* nary delay and expense. I therefore recommend that the old rule be re-established, and that all vacancies below tbe grade of General, be filled by election ordered by the next highest in com* maud, except in the case of Lieutenants, whose electianK should be ordered by the Captain, as presenbed bv Act of 11th February, 1850. 1 also recommend the repeal ot sections 986, 937, 988, 989, 990, 992 and 993. of the Code, which provide for the payment ot a commutation lax in lieu of military service, as wholly inappli cable to tbe present condition of tbe country. Tbe Compiroller General, by my direction, has left the columns relating to this commutation tax cut of the Receivers’Digest, till you shall have considered the question. RIGHTS or TH* CHURCHB*. I recommend the repeal of section 1376 of the Code, which prohibits “any church, society, or other body, or any persoßS l# to grant license or other authority, to any slave or free person of coler, to preach or exhort, or otherwise officiate in church matters.’' I entertain no doubt that negroes a.e sometimes very useful among their owu people us preachers or exhorters. This iv u question of which tbe church of the living God, and not the Legislature of a State, is the proper judge. The loyal support which the churches of all religious denominations have given to the Confederate and State Government, and he aid which they have afforded the government, in tbe maintenance of our alateiy institutions, have do. moustraled that they understand this question, and may safely be trusted. The Legislature, un der pretence of po ice regulation or otherwise, therefore, has no right to infringe upon religious liberty, or usurp tbe oo»er which belongs to tbe chwtfches. Render to Css ar tbe thing that are Cmtar’rt, and to tbe Goa tbe things that are (tod’s, fs an injunction which the htate has no right to disregard. STATE END -KSKMINT 0 CONFEDERATE DEBT. I transmit herewith copies of resolutions passed by the Legislatures of the Slates of Alabama, South Caioiini, M s&issippi and Florida, propos ing, upon difL-rgut plans, tbe endorsement of the debt of tbe C<»u!**d iracy by the States. No one can doubt tbe patriotic motives which have prompted th s actiou of our sister States. But as th;.- f. a question of great magnitude, invoiv iug important principles, and as our action in the \ premise: must oe followed by consequences se | rions y affecting the credit of the State, present j and prospective, it is our duty to examine it for ourAelves, and not to be controlled by the decision and action of others. II tbe proposed endorsement will have tbe ef* feet ot arraying the capital of the country against the Confederacy, and in favor ot a reconstruction ot the old Union, however i&ud&ble tbe motive, the aci would oe most un ortunate. | Again, it ifie effect will be to level the credit of [ all the States to an equality, without regard to the I manner in which they have managed their finan* cial affairs, or the amount ot debt now owed by each, it Wuuld be gross injustice to those Htates which have conducted tbeir affurs so well as to , incur but little debt, and have maintained their credit at tbe highest point. Furthermore, if the endorsement of the Con i ederate debt, by the Slates, can only be produc tive of temporary appreciation of Confederate credit, without permanent benefit, and must be followed by serous to the credit of the \ jMHieH, the poiicy is unwise and snould not be adopted. Let oh consider whether these would not be ; the legitimate effects of the proposed endorse ment. , At present almost every capitalist in tbe enuo* t try is tbe creditor of the Confederate Govern., : meat,and is directly interested tn maintaining ite | existence, and sustaining its credit. I speak not ! of individuals, but capital is generally selfish, and controlled more ny interest than patriotism, i Wneo we have ascertained what will be the lu- I terrst of capitalists we may generally have but little difficulty in determining what will be their i action. Suppose the whole debt of the Confederacy to have reached one Pillion of dollars, as it prob&biv win have dose by tbe time the States have all acted upon ibis proposition, 1 s not probable that capitalists, as a mutter of choice, would pr c « fer to credit our Government with a larger debt than thip hanging over it. Bat having already invente* i» enormous sum, if they feel that tbeir only hope of payment resis upon the sue cess and permanent establishment of the C - federacy, and it becomes accessory to inv*.. another billion to establish the Government and avoid the loss of tbe already invested, in terest will prompt them to stand by the Govern j ment, sustain its credit, and make further ad* vance if ♦ '• have means. But suppose at thin ; period, ale States indorse the whole debt, or ; each indt. :* its proportion of it, what eff t ; wiii this have upon the mind of tbe capital: ? i If prior to the act he looked only to the Confed j eiacy for payment, and having now obtained tbe j legal, as well as moral obligation of the mdivid j ual States to pay, he is satisfied that this se- I the debt, • a iDterest m tlus peraja ! nent success of the Confederacy ceases, and j ;be looks in future to the States f;* 1 payment It after this, the old Uiton should reconstructed, and tbe States of cur Confederac, should return, and become members of it, the capitalist is not left to look to a Confederacy no longer in existence, for payment, nor to rely on the roorai obligation of the States, to assume and pay the debt, bur be rests upon the solemn legal endorsement of the individual States, which would be as binding upon them, in one Confed eracy as in another. The capitalists having thu.i obtained'he solemn indorsement of the Slates, lor a sum as large as they could reasonably be expected to par, would c&ninthly des 1 re to pre vent an iDcreasui liability, on the part of tbeir | deotors, the States, which would weaken the r ■ abiiitv to pay, and might in lulure, cause the j people to throw off the w hole burden, on account lof i s accumu ateJ weight. Knowing, in other | words, that it if* possible to increase debt to an : amount so onerous as to drive a people to repu c:at a, th *y might’prefer to takt* their chanc *3 xA j ay men! i,t ( no billion of dollars of State debt, in the <».<i Confederacy, rather than of two billi ons in the new. Hence it would be their inter est to oppose the appropriation of tbe second billi -n ot dollars, to prosecute the war for the es tablishment of tbe Confederacy, and to advocate a reconstruction for tbe purpose of securing an i early peace, and of topping further expenditure, that they may save what is already owing to ! them. The rivers of blood which have been drawn from the veins of our fathers, brothers, husbands sons and other relatives by the band of our cruel enemies, form an impassable gulf between us and our wicked invaders H*w can we again shake hands w»*b them over tne slam bodies of our ( loved out.. and again embrace them in fraternal rela ions ? Were Georgians lodo this, tbe blood of their bre'hreD. who narp fallen martyrs to our glorious ca'ne, w >uJd cr« to them from the ground, and rebuke tbe dastardly deed. Sooner than reunite wnh those now seeking to ensiave os, and under toe name of Union with them, be* come, with our posterity, hewers of wood and drawers of water for ie* us submit, with , more than Roman firmness, to the devastation of our fields, and, if need he, the extermination of our race. Bu: Jet us do no act hastily, which, hown ever patriotic the motive, may tend to array a powerful class in our midst against the Confed erate! Government. While Georgia with the dig** nil' of a great Slate, should firmly maintain her reserved rights, and it need be, restrain the Cons federute Government within the iimits assigned it by the constitutional compact to which she is u party, she should stand by it, confined within its cons national limits, with an unyielding deter* mination to sustain it at every hazird, as well against the jujubes inflicted by the injudicious action of imprudent friends, as against the thrusts of domestic enemies, or the hetcu’ean assaults of foreign foes. The future happiness of her pos terity is firmly linked with the Confederacy. Thousands of her sons have nobly immolated their lives upon its altars, and the tens of thous ands who survive should see to it that no rude hand is uplifted against it, that no false policy undermines its foundations, and that no usurpers destroy the beautiful symmetry of its magnificent structure. We should not only sustain the Confederacy at all hazards, but we should also sustain the ad ministra ion. We may differ from it on constiw tutional questions, or questions of policy. Such is the nature of the human mind, and such the variety of human intellect, that no two honest men were ever fully agreed in every sentiment i. lung as freedom of thought and freedom of speech exist, we should have the independence to express our dissect from what we consider the errors of our rulers, and they should have the magnanimity to tolerate the difference. But while we contend earnestly for what we consider sound principles, we should do no act which can seriously embarrass the administration in the prosecution of the war. In my judgment the proposed endorsement would, in the end, arruy a class of capitalists ugainst the Government which would amount to serious embarrassm* nt. Again, it cannot be denied, that some o? the Slates have manuged their financial aflairs better than others. Some have submitted to the neces sary burdens of taxation, and met their liabili~ ties as they were incurred, while others have added much of them to their deb ■§. Hence, the debis of some are u ich larger, ;n proportion to their resources, than the debt of others. The con- Sequence is, that the credit of the State that has the greates tesou-ees and Hie least debt is worth most m the market. But suppose ail the States indorse the immense debt of ihe Confederacy, what is the result? 1 As each State has its owu individual indebtedness and would tf,en have assumed a legal liability for the debt of the Con* lederacy, the credit of each State is at once plac* ed b low tl i credit of the Confederacy; and as eacn would then be liable for as much as it could reasonably be expected ever to pay, the credit • f the respective States would be placed, not on* • at »a low point, but very nearly upon a level with each other. This would be injustice to those States which have maintained their credit at the highest point. Take for instance our own State. It may be truly remarked, without disparage ment to other States, that the debt of Georgia is less in proportion to her resources than that of any other State in the Confederacy, or indeed, any other upon the continent. The conse quence is that her credit is worth a higher premium in the market than the credit of any other State in the Confederacy. Her people are therefore entitled to the benefit* of her economy, her wise management, and her far seeing statesmanship. If she and her other States now endorse the Confederate debt, her credit is at once placed upon a level with Confederate credit, if not below it, and very nearly or quite fipon a levd with that of all the other States.— The result is, that the people of the other Sta es reap the benefits of her better credit, to which the people of Georgia are alone emit led. This would be injustice to the people of Georgia, and to credi tor who have invested In her securities and are entitle o the beueiits of her superior credit in the rnniket. If it is said, her people should maks sacrifices for the common cause; I reply thutnj State has responded more promptly to every call made by Con ©derate authority for men, money or other assistance, and that she is ever ready to comply with every constitutional obligation. liav ng sb >wu. 1 trust, to your satisfac ion. that the proposed endorsement would place the inter est of the capitalists of the country, in the -cale againet hdZirding furtbe* appropriations for the establishment of the Confederacy ; that it would be produc ivc of injury to the credit of the indie vidual State*, and of injustice as between the States themselves; I now proceed to inquire, whether, if we waive these o eject loos, it couid bt productiveof the permanent benefits to Cenfede* rate credit claimed by its advocates. tSefor proceeding, however, it is proper that I remark, that the advocates of indorsement are Hot agreed among themselves, and that two pir- ”, are proposed. One pr 'position contains a gv. • eral indorsement of the whole debt of the Con federacy, by the several States ; each to be liable in proportion to its representative we ght in Con gre-e. The other, which may, 1 believe, properly be designated the South Carolina proposition, pros puses the indorsement ot SSQb,OOu,OOt' of the t nds hereafter to be ' sued by the Confederacy ; each Slate indorsfn -< proportion of the bonds, on the baMS|Of its . alive representative weight in Congress. The latter proposition is, to my mind, the less objectionable of the two; us it does not hold out the temptation above mention d to capi talists, to whom the present debt ;s owing, to favor the reconstruction of the old Union, to prevent an increase of debt to maintain the further existence of the Confederacy. The advantages claimed for both propositions are I believe, substantially the same. The chief of which is, that the proj ed indorsement would reassure the confidence e *ip;tal, ;n Confederate credit, and cause its invt*»ment in the bouds of the Confederacy, in amounts sufficient to fund ail trea^ury notes issued m redundancy of healthy circulation; and thus reduce the circulation to an amount only necessary to meet the legitimate commercial demand n>i£iirrency. This looks well on paper ind might work well in practice, if there w re enough surplus capital in the Confederacy to convert hundred dollar bills into i iterest bearing bonds, ar.d lay them as investment, as fast as all the paper m lis in the country can make the paper, aud al! the engravers can print upon it the likeness ot circu.'hfng me dium, and an army of G -vomniea: qierks can sign these promises to p«ty. But oere lies the difficulty. Whatever may be the confidence of capitalists in these securities, ihe country, de vastated as it is by a destructive war. caouo; jield surplus Capital for permanent investment, as fast as hundred dollar bills, or thousand dollar bonds, can be manufactured. Prior to the commencement of the war, the snrplus capital of the South was nves’ed instate Bonde, Hank Stock, Railroad Stock, Bonds of Corporations, Ac. Since tbat time most of the surplus has been invested in Confederate bonds; and our people have not now, probably the half of five hundred millions of dollar* that they can spare, to invest in any-securities, however desira* ble. This measure might afford partial and tem porary relief, by inducing some capital not now employed, to seek investment in these bonds.~ But If the war goes on, and the government is under the necessity of issuing 'wo or three miU lions-of dollars a day,,of its notes, for the next one. two, or three years, it must be admitted, that we have not the capital to absorb them as fast as issued ; and ihe indorsement could only causa a temporary suspension of the depr-ciation which must follow our issues ; for the ultimate payment of which, no adequate provision is b«ring made. The advocates of this plan also contend, that ; the overnment could fund the debt at home, at a fceavy premium, in its favor, after the 'cdorsen en* VOL ,16 — No is basing the calculation upon the fact, that dtate credit is now worth a large premium, when com pared with Confederate. To show fallacy of this conclusion, it is only necessary to inquire, why the bonds of the indi vidual States command this premium. The debts of most of the States are now sm.ill, compared with their resource*,aud their ability to pay ; and capitalists naturally conclude, that in case of failure of the Confederacy, or ultimate repudiation by it, the State would pay the individual indeou ednesß, resting upon both, legal and moral obligation, with no further obligation than that their people submit to such taxation as may be imposed by Congress to raise the money to pay the debt Georg Vs seven per cent, bonds are said to be worth 4« per cent, premium, in currency, in the market. Why ? Because her resources are great, and her debt small. Increase her indebtedness to one hundred millions, aud her bonds will pease to command a premium. If we adopt either of the propoeed plans, her debt may soon exceed this sum. When the States have committed themselves to the policy, and have indorsed the present Confederate debt, or have indorsed $400,'>00,000, they must extend ; heir indorsements oh future exigencies may, io the opinion of the Government, require, until they hove indorsed all future issues to be made by the Government. The advocates of the plan will hove much stronger reasons for claiming the ex* tension, when the States are once committed to the policy, than they now have for claiming the lirst indorsement. It is like a whirlpool, from which, when the States .have once placed themselves within its power, there is no return. When the amount indorsed becomes, us i* soon must, an enormous sum, tne effect of the mdursem. nt will be, to bring down State credit, even below Confederate credit, and not to bring up Confederate credit to the present level of Slate credit j It is again said, that the proposed State indorse ment would enable the Government to negotiate ns bonds aoroud at a premium, aud that there is a sufficiency of fore go capital to absorb all our issues. The sufficiency of capital in that case is admitted; bui the inquiry is, would the indorse ment induce its investment m these bonds, at a premium, or at par, or even near to par! We are engaged m a gigantic war. Our porta are blockaded. The great powers of Europe re fuse eveD to recognixe us as a Government. Our expenditures are enormous, which cause our debt to accumulate rapidly, and we are not collecting tuxes sufficient to pay interest; much less to cre ate a sinking fund for the ultimate extinguish ment of the principal. In this state of things, foreign capitalists refuse to invest in Confederate securities, and the credit of the individual States is fur below par in foreig j markets flow then is it to be reasonably expected that the indorse* ment of the Confederate bouds by the Sta.es will give them a value in foreign markets, which is attached to neither the creditor the Confederacy nor of the individual States! While the war and the blockade last, and while we refuse to submit to taxation sufficient to retire a reasonable pro* portion of our paper issued, it is vain to expect that we can fund the debt abroad, without the moot ruinous sacrifice, no matter bow often the paper is indorsed by the partiesgnow morally bound for its payment. fpp?* But it may be said, if the States are now morally bound for the payment of the debt, and their peoa pie are legally bound to submit to the necessary tax for tb&t purpose, when imposed by the Qons federate Government, why not indorse the bonds and let the States take upon themselves the di rect legal obligations to pay. To aiy mind, tnere are very obvious reasons why it should nut be done. While the constitutional obligation rests upon the people of the States, to submit to the taxation imposed by Congress, to pay the debts of the Confederacy, the Constitution imposes upon Con gress, which is the power that creates the liabili ty, the sole responsibility of devising the means and assessing the taxes necessary to discharge the obligation. This is as it should be. The power in the Government that creates the debt should have resting upon it the sole respona.bil* ity of providing the means for its payment, ar d of imposing the taxes tor that purpose which may be ueecssary. The people then know ho vto ho!d their agents to a proper accountability. Suppose, however, the Slates indorse the debt, and pledge their individual faith as States, for its payment at maturity; and Congress, afraid of us popularity, does not wish to take the respous* ibilitv to assess the tax to meet it. What follow-? The States, to maintain their individual credit, must themselves ussess and collect the tax, and make the payment. Congressmen, fiuding that they could m this way avoid an unpleasant re sponsibility aud retain their places with leas dif ficulty, would, after having c ntracted the debt, when pay day came, turn over the responsibility to the Legislatures of the States. Thus we should have one Government to spend the money, and another chargeable with the responsibility of raising it. Congress would then occupy Very much the position of the rich man’s prodigal sou at college, who, having no responsibility about footing the bill at the end of the year, feels very little concerned about the to which it accu mutates. Again, sad experience has shown us that the tendency es our Government is to consolidation and that the central Government is ever read? to usurp as much uodelegated power as the States will consent to loose. As the central Govern ment grows stronger, the States grow weaker and their just rights are disregarded. Now i can imagine no one act of the States that w\il tend so much to strengthen the central Govern ment, at the expense to them of the loss of their just powers, as the adoption of the policy now proposed, which binds them individually to pro viae for the payment of all the debts which Con gr ss may choose to contract, but may not b willing to impose the taxes to pav. The consum mation of the policy is the complete consolidation «»! the Government, making the States the mere burden bearers of th-* central superior. I may be met herewith the remark often made that it is no time now to delt-nd the rights as States, or to maintain principles. State Rights and Constitutional principles are tbe same in times of war as in times ol peace; aud should be maintained at all times, and under all eircems stances. Power once usurped, with acquiescence H never relaxed but at tbe print of tie bayonet and we should not forget that rights surrendered ■ n war are never regained >D peace. We should therefore, do no act tending t« destrov the State,’ in one grand consolidation. and lay', he found*, tion of a central despotism upon their mins Having given some of the reasons whick.sat. ■stymy mind that the hopes enteitained 3vThe advocates of Slate indorsement, that tbeadoo on of their policy would retire the excess ot P the currency and reduce it to a healthy condition are entirely delusive. I may be asked if there no remedy forev.l My opinion is. that so as the war is earned on in its present magnitude requiring the amount of daily expenditure now made, and the demand lor a!l the necessaries of life exceeds the supply as far as .1 now does there is no complete remedy lor the present evils m high prises and redundant paper currency There is one remedy, and only one. which can mi*£av he evil, inspire confidence in the s'ab.o! m»ni°rf ,ke d , ebt - “" d mdu Cf the invest, meet rs surplus capital of the people of othe (.overumeuts, as well as our own in Con-edera-e bonds That remedy , 3 taxation bV wh?feTh, BUffiCle ?a '° Pay »-• 'Merest upon the whole deb-, in gold or its equivalent and to im wn e i s h n ,h D “ U /L,“ 1 " ! !. nS fund, sufficient to gmsh the debt within some reasonable time fcc-SOU-DED os 3xa Pads. |