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CONSTITUTIONALIST
THE PRESIDENT AND THE
• freedmen.
The New York Timet is becoming milder
and milder in its negropbilism. Since Mr.
Raymond’s deration to Congress, if indeed
roch can be called elevation, this journal, of
which be is the ruling spirit, has modified its
tone amazingly. Raymond has many genteel
instincts and hence has become nauseated
with the Black Republican fanaticism some •
what earlier than his coadjutors. This dis
goat and qualmishness will come to nearly all
of them, at last: and every speech that savors
of Sommer or Stevens will make just so many
converts to conservatism. It is not often
that dog eats dog, bat we expect to see this
canine miracle before onr brow has a <loz»n
wrinkles more. Here is something from t e
Times really judicious, and, for its complexion,
tolerably fair and square. If we pick a flaw
in anything it wonld be in the assertion that
Fred Douglass is the representative man of
the Negro race ! How a mulatto or quad
roon-mongrels that cannot perpetuate their
blood beyond the fourth generation, unless
grafted back on the black stock and who owe
their intellectual fibre to a white streak—how
hybrids -can typify a race which they
have bastardized is incomprehensible and ab
surd. This, however, does not invalidate the
force of the article nor impair its excellent
counsel:
The reported conversation of the Presi
dent with a number of Degro gentlemen,
which is given in another eolumn, does not
present anything which throws new liarht upon
the Executive policy. Mr . Frederick Douglass
naturally entertains an exalted view of the past
services and the future destinies of his raee.—
He holds, indeed, as we gather from a recent
speech which he delivered in Brooklyn, that
bat for the colored troops the issue of the late
war would have been the triumph of the rebel
eause. No one will think of blan iug the rep
resentative mao of the colored race for cherish
ing ibis view of the indispensable service ren
dered by the negro troops in the great war.—
Although the majority of our loyal citizens
may believe that the authority of the govern
ment might have been asserted by the stout
arms and brave hearts of the race whose fore
fathers established a republican government
on this continent, Mr. Frederick Douglass, it
must be admitted, has found enough to justify
whatever he may choose to arrogate for bis
kindred in the declarations of a variety of
journals owned sod controlled by people of a
different complexion from himself. <fne of
these jouruat*, which is understood to have a
great Influence in religious circles, declares
that, “except for the tWo hundred thousand
muskets which the negro added to the army
of the Union, the Federal Congress might not
have been able to sit to day.’’ And it |dds :
“ Shall the Republic be ungrateful to its pre
servers TANARUS" The spokesman of the freed ne
gross who reads such extravagant eulogy as
this cannot well be blamed if he not only ac
cept* the proffered homage on behalf of his
raee, but even goe* the length of treating with
illsconceived contempt the labors, the endu
rance, and even the courage of such armies as
won the grand decisive battle of Gettysburg,
before a single negro soldier was seen east of
the Alleghenies. That battle was the turning
point of the war. The blow then struck Lee
never recovered from. Such is the Irreversi
ble judgment of military men both North and
South. And it is disputed now only by those
(outside of the negro communion) who are de
termined that the war between the North and
the South shall be perpetual, and who are
using, to that end, the poor deluded race that
baa just escaped from bondage.
For both the negro and his selfish patrons,
the President has words of warning and coun
sel which Ought to be heeded. With nothing
but kindness in his heart for the emancipated
rnoe—and promising to fulfil bis pledge to be
their 11 Moses”—the President tells them how
vain and delusive, and how terribiy perilous
must bo any attempt to secure their immediate
enfrancbisemeut against the uuiver-al opinion
of those who rnußt continue to be their employ
errf. He shows them that even in the District
of Columbia the proposition to confer on them
an unqualified suffrage right, awakens against
them the sentiment of the entire white popu
lation. lie points to the certainty of the aatne
hostility to universal suffrage in the States
where the black race is most numerous; and
be warns them of the dang r of the antago
nisms that must follow any legislation which
should array the one race against the other
where slavery has long existed. It is not at
all to be expected that such judicious and fath
erly advice would be accepted in rood spirit by
a class who not only bold themselves to be the
saviours of the nation, but who find a powerful
faction both in and out of Congress clamorously
asserting these preposterous claims on their
behalf. Mr, Frederick Douglass would be more
humble and unobtrusive than any apostle of his
people that has yet appeared on the public
stage, if he failed to profit by all that is conce
ded by the araalgamationists on behalf of the
bravery and pre-eminent patriotism of his kin
dred. And he would have far leas astuteness
than usually belongs to his class if he did not.
use every confession which throws discredit on
the loyal endurance of the white race, as so
anch leverage for his especial cause. We should
hardly doubt, at the same time, that he must
feel a fair share of oontempt for such of the
patrons of the negro race as affect to sneer at
their own kindred while magnifying its glory.
And It be defiantly tells the President that he
“appeals horn him to the people," the negro
leader finds an exemplar in the revolutionists
in Congress who threaten the Hxecutive with
impeachment unlees ha bends before their de
•m
Me one within the whole boundary of this
republic has the welfare of the emancipated
claas at the South more thoroughly at heart
than President Johnson. Mo one has worked
with more sedulous oare during these months
of restored peace, to see that those whom the
fortunes of war, and the constitutional enact
ments of the Federal and Slate Legislatures
bad freed from slavery, should be protected in
the possession of the immunities thus acquired.
Bvery step in the progress of reconstruction
was guarded by conditions which had their
origin essentially in the determination to make
freedom universal and impartial. Nothing
that could possibly bear upon the protection of
the freedmen from inju tiee at the bauds of
their former masters, was overlooked in the
instructions under which the unrepresented
States resumed their functions of loyai admin
istration. The policy of distributing the na
tional forces was framed with the same end.—
The organisation of the Freedman s Bureau
and its oontinuarca were all in keeping with
the Executive purpose to see the abolition of
alaverv made complete and final, aDd to see
die freedmen placed in possession of the rights
which justly belong to a aiate of freedom.
Kcr all this forethought, anxiety and labor, the
President has neither the gratitude nor the re
sped of those who desire to use the negro for
party ends. What, however, is bis, beyond
all cavil, is the confidence and sympathy of the
great body of tbe people. Os this neither the
ribald abuse of unscrupulous politicians nor ti e
anathemas of professional philanthropists can
deprive him. His course has Dot only been
clearly marked out from tbe hour when he sue
ceeded to tbe Presidency, but it has been fol
lowed with steady step and unflinching cour
age. Nor is it a course likely to be altered by
tbreatenlogs, come from what quarter or in
whatever interest they may.
Onr Washington Correspondence.
[From our Special Correspondent.]
Wash XQTOS, Feb. 10.
Tbe negro question is stilt being agitated in
Congress, and will continue to be, until the
freedmen are all dead, or the Abolitionists de
funct, or the couotry ruined, or some other
calamity happens to stay its fearful influences.
There are no thoughts of restoring the nation
to its once proud position of power and influ
ence—the only question being to render the
American, of African descent, (the "scent"
might well be emphasised by any who are un
happy enough to visit the galleries of Congress)
socially, politically and morally the equal-of tbe
white man. Our financial affairs are entirely
overlooked ; foreign complications are not talk
ed of; internal improvements are perfectly ig
nored ; tbe golden rule ia a dead letter, and
there is nothing, absolutely nothing, which has
yet been broached in Congress, excepting this
loathesome subject of making the negro In
every respect tbe equal of the white man.—
Sumner this week god rid of a two days’ elab*
orate disquisition, to prove how just would be
this consummation. He quoted more authori
ties than would be necessary to settle a princi
ple of international law, and used up ninety
minutes exactly, by the clock that stands over
the door of tbe Senate Chamber, in defining the
proper meaning of tbe word republican. The
multitude of unbleached Americans in the gal-
leries, who in vain attempted to follow him in
his moral disquisitions, proved their fitness for
the position he argued them entitled to, by
sleeping (the greater part of them) during the
delivery of his strongest points. They look
upon him as their Moses, and not upon the
President; but cannot, even if their lives de
pended on it, vouchsafe to tbe prophet that at
tention, when he is moralizing, that should
characterise citizens in embryo. Their case is
hopeless, and Radical Republicans begin to ad
mit that it would require at least five or six
years to fit the negroes in the South for eut
frage, the stepping stone to further advan
tages, and grant that his present condition is
somewhat below par value.
VRKD. DOUGLASS,
who expatiated recently at the Cooper Insti
tute, at New York, on his usual topic, had bis
first, and probably last, Interview with the
President on Wednesday. Tbe report of that
conference has been widely promulgated, and
it Is unnecessary for me to touch upon what
transpired in the Executive presence, as it is
well known; but It may be of interest to know
that the speeches that were delivered on the
occasion were “ cocked and primed ’’ by Sen
ators and others high in official position, be
fore the snble orators even thought of a meet
ing. Ouly two of the delegation, Douglass,
whose name is well known, and Downing, who
doesn’t enjoy that felicity, addressed his Ex j
eelleney, and they left the White House very
much in the condition of a peacock who had
been guilty of lookiDg at its feet—plumage
down, and aspirations dampened ! The “ gen
eral impression ” among those who sent this
crowd of negroes to the Executive mansion
is, that in the argument which result'd the
delegation got rather the better of President,
whom they intended to conviuce. It could
not be expected that it should be ctherwise.—
The negroes have replied through their organ,
the Chronicle, and for the present have subsi
ded. Douglass, however, will refute (?) the
position of the Head of the Nation, next
week, in one of his characteristic lectures, and
when that takes place, it will be a matter of
Interest to see who among the denizens of this
deluded metropolis will be on hand to him rev
erence.
I'EHSONAI. EXPLANATIONS.
Mr. (formerly General) Roeseau, of Ken
tucky, who was elected to Congress as a Union
man, if not as a Republican, and Mr. Grinnell,
of lowa, who was formerly a minister of the
Gospel, and who is as violent abaser of the
South and her people as could well be imagin
ed, have of men a zest to Congressional pro
ceedings by indulging in a little bill of person
al nuaoor during the past week. It grew out
of the reverend member—who is certainly not
fair to look upon, being rather stumpy and of
the morose stamp of human nature—calling
the fighting man to account, during hia absence
from the House, for having expressed a deci
ded oontempt for the agenta of the Freedmeu’s
Bureau ; but who wisely (T) sheltered himself
behind hia privileges as member of the body
end hia duty to hia pious constituents when
the slander he uttered waa. thrown into his
teeth and the men he had slandered eyed him
with a belligerent glance. More of these little
episodes are needed—for the while the ‘‘poor
slave” is thrown in the shade and the legisla
tive atmosphere receives purification.
CAPTAIN SSMNIS.
The argument contained in the letter of this
distinguished man to the President of the Uni
ted Statee is regarded by several very learned
men, who have carefully weighed its merits, as
a most thorough, able and astute refutation
against the legality of bis arrest and incarce
ration. The President is anxious to have ths
trial cemm*cce immediately; bat the hitch
lies in the designation of the officers who are
to compose the court for his trial; tha', it is
understood, will be obviated at a very early
day, as the Executive is not willing that such
an excessive delay should retard the justice
due the prisoner—particularly as tbe able letter
he has published has been dnly considered at
tbe White House. Tbe counts in the indie
ment, or the charges and specifications which
will appear, cannot outweigh the great item in
his favor, of the personal seemity guaranteed
by the provisions of tbe Johnson Sherman con
tract, even if circumstances in no way con
nected with this treaty would legally be
brought np to aid the prosecution. The de
fense of Semmes, when it is presented, will
prove to be one of the most perfect that has
ever been instituted before a military tribunal.
Hector.
The Penitentiary.
Milledgevillb, Feb. 16, 1866.
Editors Cohstitutiokaust : This subject
has engrossed a large share of the attention of
the General Assembly, but remains undisposed
of up to this time.* It is certainly a very em
barrassing question and ODe which deserves,
as it is receiving, a cautions snd serious con
sideration. The difficulties which environ it
result from the changed condition of our peo
ple, and puzzles the brains of our mos‘ expe
rienced and sagacious statesmen. Tbe eman
cipation of the slave has greatly increased the
subjects of punative justice in our State. To
render that class amenable, for similar infrac
tions of onr penal laws, to the punishment
visited upon the white citizen wonld impose
burthens upon tbe State treasury too grievous
to bear. It is altogether impracticable to pro
vide such a system of punishment for the
freedman, and that branch of the proposition
has very few supporters—probably none at this
time. What system may be adopted for that
class of offenders remains to be seen. A di
vision of sentiment upon that subject exist*,
bat it is by no means irreconcilable.
It is, perhaps, generally kDown to your
readers, that nothing remains of the old insti
tution save the cells and the exterior wall. The
other bnildings were all destroyed, together
with tbe principal machinery. It wonld cost
the State many thousands of dollars to re
instate tbe old penitentiary, which in its most
complete construction and organization, was
inadequate to the purposes for which it was
designed. It should be a self-sustaining in
stitution. We cannot accede to the proposi
tion, that the moral, industrious and law
abiding portion of a community should be
taxed to support a “school for villains.”
Abundant evidence that it always has been a
drain upon the treasury is found in the fact,
that heavy appropriations have been made
yearly for its support. Without the aid of any
experience, it would appear impossible at a
glanoe, that two hundred convicts, with no
incentive to work, and employed upon an area
of not exceeding three seres of ground, could
render their labor remunerative. Upon so
small an arena, their labor cannot be so diver
sified as to realize from it an income equal to
the expenditures for material and sustenance.
With these facts staring us in the face, it
would seem idle, yea. preposterous to re
coostructthe penitentiary at its former site.
The question then recurs, what should be
done? It has been determined so far as this
General Assembly is concerned, that this sys
tem of punishment shall be continued. The
Senate, by a small majority, refused to pass a
bill to abolish it. The House of Representa
tives have, by a test vote, concurred in the ac
tion of the Senate. Hence the problem is re
solved into two propositions, viz: reconstruct
it upon the old site or remove it to another sec
tion of the State. We have thrown out some
hurried reflections upon the impracticability of
rebuilding it at the capital—and will now sub
mit but a few thoughts in reference to its re
moval
In the selection of a site, its accessibility by
railroad and its convenience to supplies of all
kinds should be prominent objects. Enlarge
its area, so as to construct it upon such a plan
that the Inmates may be classified according to
the moral turpitude of their crimes, and one
design of its institution, the reformation of the
criminal, may be attained. The labor of the
convict should also be so directed as to render
it remunerative. The shortest period of con
finement in the penitentiary is one year—the
average period about four years. But a very
few of them enter its walls with any know
ledge of the trade at which they may be em
ployed. Ir is the idle and prefligate who are
most generally the subjects of punishment.
The term of imprisonment of a large majority
expires at the time when their labor begins to
be profitable. The convict is, therefore, im
proved in his circumstances, wbeu he is let
loose upon society. It is in furtherance of the
design in the formation of the Institution to so
regulate hia labor as to make it at least sup
port him. Remove it, then, to Stone Mountain,
which is central and accessible, and employ
the convicts in hewing out blocks of granite.
It requires no skill to do this. Ths art of drill
ing a hois in a rock can be soon learned. The
demand for the product of bis labor is exhaust
less. It is needed in the construction of bridges,
depots and culverts upon the State railroad and
other railroads, and in every public building
erected in oar cities and towns. The site indi
cated is convenient to material of all kinds and
to every variety of food. The material is at
band out of which the walls and necessary
buildings may be constructed, and there is am
ple ground to be bad to enlarge the area to
ony extent desired. The expenditure required
to rebuild the penitentiary upon this site will
be comparatively small. The convicts may bs
employed profitably so soon as their term of
service begins and the material necessary tb
the purpose is at its door.
These reflections, hastily thrown together,
seem to our mind to indicate very clearly the
policy which should be adopted upon this im
portant subject We regret that want of time
did not enable us to put them in a more con
cise and connected form.
The Lincoln Memorial Ceremonies at
Washington
The ceremonies at Washington last Monday
in respect to the memory of tbe late President
Lincoln are reported as grand and imposing.
The two Honses of Congress met in joint ses
sion at 12 o’clock, to listen to the oration of
Hon. George Bancroft, (tbe historian,) in me
moriam of Abrahatp Lincoln, late President of
the United States. The ball of Representatives
was densely crowded, all having been admitted
with tickets of invitation. Among those who
occupied seats on the floor were the President
of the United States, the members of the Cabi
net, Justices of the Supreme Court, Diplomatic
Corps, Senators and Representatives of Con
gress, and in fact all persons of prominence and
eminence in this city had appropriate seats as-
signed to them.
Mr. Bancroft, in bis oration, spoke, among
other things, of God in history—of the growth
of the American Republic—of the territorial
extent of the Republic—slavery at home—sla
very in foreign relations—squatter sovereignty,
the early life of Abraham Lincoln—his educa
tion and progress—his election to tbe Presi
dential chair—his inauguration and assassina-
tion.
The following is the concluding portion of
Mr. Bancroft’s address: In his character, Mr.
Lincoln was a true American He is the first
native of tbe region west of the Allegha-ues to
attain the highest station, and how happy it is
that the man who was brought forward, was
tbe natural outgrowth and first fruits of that
region should have been of unblemished pnrity
in private life, a good son, a kind bnsband, a
most affectionate father, and a man so gentle
to all that Douglas, his rival, said of him:
Lincoln is the most honest man I ever knew.
The habits of his mind were those of medita
tion and inward thought, rather than action ;
be excelled in logical statement, more than in
executive ability; he reasoned clearly; his
reflective judgment was good, and his purposes
were fixed, bat like the hamlet of his only poet,
his will was tardy in action, and for this reason,
and not from humility or tenderness of feeling,
he sometimes deplored that 'he duty which
devolved on him had not fallen to the lot of
another. He never sought to electrify the pub
lic by taking an advantageous position, with
a banner of opinion, but rather studied to
move forward compactly, expoiag no detach
ment In front or rear. So that the course of bis
administration might have been explained, as
the calculating policy of the shrewd and watch
ful politician, had not there b en seen behind
it a fixedness of principle, which from the first
determined his purpose.
He was the true hero of the war, and there
fore the result ia that of anew era of republi
canism. Tbe disturbances of the country grew
out of nothing republican, but out of slavery,
which is a part of the system of hereditary
wrong, and the expulsion of this domestic
anomally opens to the renovated nation a career
of unthought of dignity and glory, henceforth
our country has a moral unity as the land of
free labor. The party lor slavery and the party
against slavery are no more and are merged in
the party of Union and freedom. States which
would have left us are not brought back ss
conquered States, for then we should hold
them only so long as that conquest could be
maintained. They come to their rightful place
under tbe Constitution as original States and
inseparable members of the States. We build
monuments to the dead but no monuments to
victory. We respect the examples of the Ro
mans, who never, even in conquered lands,
raised the emblem of triumph, and our generals
are not to be classed in tbe herd of vulgar
conquerors, but of the school of Timolon and
William, of Orange and Washington. They
have used the sword only to give peace to
their country, and restore her to her place in
the great assembly of the nations. Our meet
ing closes in hope now that a people begins to
live according to the laws of reason and Re
publicanism.
CnAnexs Against Ex-Pbe«dsnt Davis.—
Northern exchanges of last Saturday contain
the following :
“ The President on Friday transmitted to the
House of Representatives communications from
the Secretary of War and the Attorney Gener
al, in reply to a resolution requesting him, if
not incompatible with the public interest, to
furnish any report or reports made by the Judge
Advocate General, or any other officer of the
government, as to the grounds, facts or accu
sations upon which Jefferson Davis, Clement C
Clay, Jr., Stephen R. Mallory and David L.
Ynlee, or either of them, are held in confine
ment.
“The Attorney General says to the Presi
dent : * Sundry reports of the facts which go
to show that Jefferson Davis and other rebels
have been guilty of high crimes have been
made to you, as the chief executive officer of
the government Most of the evidence on
which they are based was obtained ex parte,
without notice to the accused ; and while they
were in custody in military prisons, their pub
lication might wrong the government, or the
accused, or both. While I see that much
wroDg may flow from the publication, I cannot
see that any good would come from it. In my
opinion public aDd private justice alike demand
that they should not be made public.’
“ The Secretary of War gays to the President:
‘ These reports were made for your own infor
mation, and contain abstracts of evidanoe and
m parte proof in possession of the Bureau of
Military Justioe. Pending any action in respect
to the parties accused, the publication of the
report is, is my opinion, issompatible with the
public interest.’
“ The President concurs in these opinions.”
Thi Pbiss Convention.— The Press Conven
tion, at Montgomery, which met on the 14tb,
appears to be favored with a general attend
ance. Mr. W. G. Clark and Mr. 0. A. Haile, of
Mobile, Mr. T. DeWolfe, of Colnmus, Mr. J. H.
Steele, of Atlanta, Mr. Thrasher, Press Re
porter, Mr. S. G. Ried, Mr. J. F. Whitfield, of
Montgomery, and Mr. Seating, of Memphis,
and others were present at a preliminary meet
ing. It was expected that the regular meeting
next day would be attended by many others
expected to arrive on the evening of the 14th
and morning of the 15th. We trust that the
efforts of our friends in organizing and perfect
ing arrangements for the procuring of news
will be successful. The Southern press are
competent to support a good institution of this
kind.
LIST OF ACTS SIGNED BY THEGQt '
ERNOR.
1. An Act to consolidate the offices of See
retary of State and Surveyor General, a n <I [T
provide salaries for the Comptroller General
State Treasurer, and Secretary of State
State Librarian: w * o<l
2. An Act v to make free persons of coj 0 .
competent witnesses in the courts of this Stall
in certain cases therein mentioned, and to s ,i
thorize the making aod declaring the foroe of
affidavits by them in certain cases.
3. An Act to change the place of boidin*
the Superior and Inferior Courts, and Courta
of Ordinary of Bartow county until a
house is built. *
4. An Act to authorize an advance of
ment to be made to tbe public printer of toe
present session of the Legislature.
6. An Act to amend the several acts of foroe
in relation to the city of West Point, in Tro BD
county, and to grant Mayor and Aldermen
additional powers, and to define the same.
6. An Act to encourage the Richmond Fire
Company, No 7, and for other purposes.
7. An Act to extend the corporate limits of
the town of Forsyth, in Monroe county, Geor
gia, and to increase the powers of commission
ers thereof as to taxes, and the enforcement
of fines and penalties.
8. An Act to appoint certain persons herein
named trustees of the Knoxville Camp Ground,
in Crawford county, and to vest certain powl
era in them.
9. An Act to change the place of holding
the Justices’ Court in the 97th district Geor
gia militia, Washington county.
10. An Act to suspend the operation of sec
tion 1528 of the Code of Georgia.
11. An Act to alter and amend the 10th par
agraph of the 2d Article, part 1, title 16, chap,
ter sos the Code. /
12. An Act to change the line between
Worth and Irwin counties, so as to include
No; 30, second district of Irwin, in Worth
connty.
13. An Act to repeal an Act assented to on
the 21st day of December, 1857, requiring the
Court of Ordinary of Tatnall county to be
held on the 2d Monday in October, instead of
Ist Monday, as provided for by law.
14 An Act to authorize and reqnire the
Treasurer of this State to make certain advances,
and for other purposes.
15. An Act to establish the seal to be nsad
in the office of Secretary of State.
16. An An act to change the time when the
Justices of the Inferior Court mast draw ju
ries for the Superior Courts.
17. An Act to amend the charter of the city
of Rome by authorizing tbe Mayor and City
Council to raise the fee for retail license, and
to prohibit tbe erection of wooden bnildings.
18. An Act to authorise and empower t’ e
Judges of the Superior Courts of this State to
hold special term for the trial of criminils,
and for oth c r purposes.
1». An Act for the relief of securities on re
cognizances in certain cases.
20. An Act to confer certain powers on the
commissioners of Louisville.
21. An Act to permit certain persons to
build stock gaps on the Western & Atlantic
raiload.
22. An Act to amend an Act assented to
March 9, 1865, entitled an Act to extend the
civil jurisdition of the city courts of Augusta,
to abolish the tax or court fee, and to make
the fees of the officers of that court the same
as in the Superior Courts of this State.
23. An Act to make all suits, writs and pro
cesses which were returnable to the Houston
Superior Courts as of October term 1865, re
turnable to the February term of said Snperier
Court to be held in tbe year 1866.
24. An Act to repeal an Act entitled an Act
to alter and amend an Act to incorporate the
city of Americas, and to alter and amend an
Act to incorporate the town of Americas, in
the county of Sumpter, anl for other purposes,
assented to December 17th, 1861.
25. An Act to prevent the spread of small
pox in this State.
26. An Act to enable the Superior Court of
the several counties ia this State to raise a fund
to pay off’the indebtedness of their several
counties in this State and for other purposes.
27. An Act to legalize the issue of bills and
bonds by the Mayor and Council of the city o?
Atlanta.
RESOLUTIONS.
1. Resolution relative to adjournment.
2. In reference to continuance of cases
against the banks of this State.
3. Authorizing the Treasurer to make certain
advances.
4. In reference to selling the debris' of the
Georgia Military Institute
5. Requesting there vocation of the order of
the Secretary of War relative to branded stock
in this State.
6 To instruct the Superior Courts to report
destitute widows, orphans and disabled sol
diers.
7. In relation to the improvement of the pub
lic grounds and build ngs.
8. In reference to the President of the United
States.
9. Relative to a revision of the Code of
Georgia by Hon. David Irwin,of this State.
10. Authorizing his Excellency the Gover
nor to borrow, upon the faith and credit of the
State, the sum of one hundred thousand dol
lars.
11. Requesting of the President of the United
States, if not a withdrawal of the troops, a sur
render of private property, and the restoration
of the writ of “habeas corpus.”
12. To appoint a committee of three from the
House and two from the Senate, to take into
consideration that portion of the Governor's
message which relates to the State’s interest
in the card factory.
13. Authorizing the appointment of a join: j
committee to inquire ento the present conditio* J
of the Executive Mansion. • ;
14. Requesting the Governor to intercede '
with the President for the restoration of pro
perty on Wilmington, Whitmarsb, Skidaway
Sapelo and ali other islands to its lawful owner.
Jtc.
15. Requesting the Governor to tall upo> ,
the several banks of this State to make a return
of their condition, eonformable to law now er- J
tiling, within ten day*.
16. To authorize the Governor to proeecut?
the claim of this State for cotton lately leiaed
by the Federal army.
17. In relation to the card faotory recently
in operation in the penitentiary of this State
IS In reference to a final settlement of * Ei
State’s interest in the cotton card factory.
Ths South Carolina Railhoad.— We W
from the Charleston Courier that the Board *
Directors of the South Carolina Railroad Co®'
pany held a meeting on Wednesday even!a£>
immediately after the adjournment of the Cat'
vent ion of Stockholders, and unanimously
elected W. J. Magratb, Esq , president of '•*
company for the ensuing year.
Our cetemporary adds: The policy pursued V ■
the board, we are happy to see, has recei r? - 9
the entire approbation and endorsement of t‘ w
stockholders and the retention of the a*®’ 9
direction is a compliment to the managers i
the company, well earned and deserved. ■